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EAP 1364 St Helena

Document Name and Date St Helena - Letters to England 1716-1717

Photographer Aiden Plato

Date photographed 13th May 2022

Additional comments

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Book cover

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Island St Helena.

It is hereby Ordered.

That the R: Hon:ble Comp: our Maſters plantation Account ſhall have Creditt in their Store Bookes of Account on this their Island, for the Severall quantetyes and parcells of goods hereafter Mentioned, being Provisions Expended at their Fort Generall, Table for the Space of Three Months Endeing ye 16th October 1706

To 482 Days Labor of Negroes in brineing down said provisions for the time aboveſaid at 2½d ye Day is — [...] [...] 6

To 78 Days Labor of a Black Carpenter at 2:6d ye day is — 9 15 0

To 258 pound of Butter at 12d ye pound is — 12 18 0

To 264 pound of Porke at 6d ye pound is — 6 12 0

To 4050 pound of Beefe at 30s ye hundred is — 60 3 0

To 37½ Bushell of Potatoes at 2s ye Bushell is — 3 15 0

To 2 Doz: & 9 Dunghill Fowls at 18s a Doz: is — 2 9 6

To 3 Doz: & 6 Turkeys at 6s Each — 12 12 0

To 86 Cabbedges at 3d ye piece is — 1 1 6

To 9780 Yams at 3s a Thousand is — 29 6 9¾

To 10 Geese at 4s Each is — 2 [...] [...]

To 29½ Goates at 7s ye Goate is — 10 6 6

To 7 Roasting piggs at 3s Each is — 1 1 0

To 25 pound of Bacon at 12d ye pound is — 1 5 0

To 36½ Gallons of Milk at 6d ye Gallon is — 18 3

To 5 Sheepe at 12s ye Sheepe is — 3 [...] [...]

To 135 Veal at 6d ye [...] is — 3 7 6

For Green Trade — 1 10 0

Totall is — 208 5 0¾

Island of St Helena.

An order was made directing that the Company, as owner of the island, should be credited in the store books for the goods listed below, being provisions used at the Fort General Table over the three months ending 16 October 1706.

To slave labour bringing down the provisions 482 days at 2½d a day £49 4s 6d

To a black carpenter 78 days at 2½d a day £[...]

To butter 258 pounds at 12d a pound £12 18s 0d

To pork 264 pounds at 6d a pound £6 12s 0d

To beef 4,050 pounds at 30s a hundred £60 [...]s 0d

To potatoes 37½ bushels at 2s a bushel £3 15s 0d

To dunghill fowls 2 dozen and 9 at 18d a dozen £[...]

To turkeys 3 dozen and 6 at 6s each £12 12s 0d

To cabbages 86 at 3d a piece £1 1s 6d

To yams 9,780 at 3s a thousand £29 6s 9¾d

To geese 10 at 4s each £2 0s 0d

To goats 29½ at 7s a goat £10 6s 6d

To roasting pigs 7 at 3s each £1 5s 0d

To bacon 25 pounds at 12d a pound £1 5s 0d

To milk 36½ gallons at 6d a gallon £0 18s 3d

To sheep 5 at 12s a sheep £3 0s 0d

To veal 35 [...] at 6d a pound £3 7s 6d

For green trade £1 10s 0d

Total £208 5s 0¼d

Interpretations

The instrument was an internal accounting transfer rather than any payment in cash. The plantation account was credited in the store books for goods its own labour and stock had supplied to the garrison table, so the produce consumed within the establishment still registered as a value owed back to the plantation side of the ledger.

The Fort General Table was the common dining table of the senior officers, maintained at Company charge, and the order set the quarterly cost of feeding it against the plantation that fed it.

Beef alone was reckoned in bulk by the hundredweight at 30s, while goats, sheep, pigs and geese were each priced by the head. The split shows beef supplied as a standing commissary item and the smaller livestock bought singly as the table required.

The labour line carried by far the largest single charge after beef, covering both an unskilled gang and a skilled carpenter. Slave labour was treated here as a costed input to the table, not as free service, which let the plantation recover the value of moving its own produce down to the fort.

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Island St Helena

It is hereby Ordered.

That the R: Hon:ble Comp: our Maſters Plantation Account ſhall have Creditt in their Store Books of Acco: on this their Island, for the Severall quantetyes and parcells of goods hereafter mentioned, being Provisions Expended at their Fort Generall, Table for the Space of Three Months Ending ye 13 January 170⅚

To 518 Days Labor of Negroes in bringing down said provisions for the time aboveſaid at 2d ye day is — 5 15 16 0

To 78 Days Labor of a black Carpenter at 2:6d ye day is — 9 15 0

To 278 pound of Butter at 12d ye pound is — 13 18 0

To 558 pound of Porke at 6d ye pound is — 13 19 0

To 5708 pound of Beefe at 30s ye hundred is — 25 12 4

To 3 Buſhels of Potatos at 2s ye Buſhell is — 6 0

To 2 Doz: & 7 Dunghill Fowls at 18s ye Doz: is — 3 4 6

To 3 Doz: & 11 Turkeys at 6s Each — 14 2 0

To 156 Cabbedges at 3d ye peece — 1 19 0

To 14580 Yams at 3s ye Thousand is — 43 14 10

To 4 Geese at 4s Each — 16 0

To 43½ Goates at 7s Each — 15 16 3

To 9 Roasting piggs at 6s each — 1 7 0

To 54½ Gallons of Milk at 6d ye Gallon is — 1 7 5½

To 7 Sheepe at 12s ye Sheepe is — 4 4 0

To 180 pound of Veale at 6d ye pound is — 4 10 0

To 22 Cheeses at 4s Each — 4 8 0

To 7 Buſhells of Beans at 9s ye Buſhell is — 3 3 0

For Green Trade — 5 11 8

Totall is — 254 4 39¾

Island of St Helena.

An order was made directing that the Company, as owner of the island, should be credited in the store books for the goods listed below, being provisions used at the Fort General Table over the three months ending 13 January 1707.

To slave labour bringing down the provisions 518 days at 2½d a day £55 16s 0d

To a black carpenter 78 days at 2s 6d a day £9 15s 0d

To butter 78 pounds at 12d a pound £3 18s 0d

To pork 558 pounds at 6d a pound £13 19s 0d

To beef 5,708 pounds at 30s a hundred £85 12s 4¾d

To potatoes 3 bushels at 2s a bushel £0 6s 0d

To dunghill fowls 2 dozen and 7 at 18d a dozen £0 3s 4½d

To turkeys 3 dozen and 11 at 6s each £14 2s 0d

To cabbages 156 at 3d a piece £1 19s 0d

To yams 14,580 at 3s a thousand £43 14s 10d

To geese 4 at 4s each £0 16s 0d

To goats 43½ at 7s a goat £15 16s 3d

To roasting pigs 9 at [...] each £1 7s 0d

To milk 54½ gallons at 6d a gallon £1 7s 1½d

To sheep 7 at 12s a sheep £4 4s 0d

To veal 180 pounds at 6d a pound £4 10s 0d

To beef 22 [...] at 4s each £4 10s 0d

To beans 2½ bushels at 5s a bushel £0 9s 0d

For green trade £3 18s 0d

Total £254 9s 8½d

Interpretations

The beef on this account was entered under two separate heads, the bulk supply of 5,708 pounds reckoned by the hundredweight and a small further parcel of 22 reckoned by the piece at 4s each. The split suggests carcass beef weighed in for the standing table alongside a handful of individual joints or beasts charged separately as they were taken.

The slave labour and the black carpenter were drawn at different rates, the gang at 2½d a day and the craftsman at 2s 6d, the same distinction between unskilled carrying work and skilled building work that ran through the parallel quarterly credits.

The whole instrument moved no money. The plantation account was credited in the store books for produce its own labour and stock had delivered to the garrison table, so internal consumption still registered as a value owed back to the plantation side of the ledger.

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This is the same Nine Months ending 8 October 1707 page transcribed earlier.

Island St Helena

It is hereby Ordered

That the R: Hon:ble Companys our Maſter Plantation Account ſhall have Creditt in their Store Books of Account on this their Island, for the Severall Quantetyes and parcells of goods hereafter mentioned being Provisions Expended at their Fort Gen: Table for the Space of Nine Months Endeing the 8 day 8ber 1707.

To 777 Days Labour of Negroes in bringing down said provisions for the time aboveſaid at 2d ye day is — 77 14 0

To 255 Days of a black Carpenter at 2:6d ye day is — 31 17 6

To 716 pound of Butter at 12d ye pound is — 35 6 0

To 1127 pound of Porke at 6d ye pound is — 28 3 6

To 6945 pound of Beefe at 30s ye hundred is — 104 5 6

To 65 Buſhells of Potatos at 2s ye Buſhell — 6 10 0

To 7 Doz: & 6 Dunghill Fowls at 18s ye Doz: is — 6 15 0

To 6 Doz: & 2 Turkeys at 6s Each is — 22 4 0

To 85 Cabbedges at 3d ye peece is — 1 1 3

To 37890 Yams at 3s ye Thousand is — 113 13 6

To 11 Geese at 4s Each — 2 4 0

To 32 Roasteing piggs at 9d Each — 1 16 0

To 54 Goates at 7s Each — 18 18 0

To 137 pound of Bacon at 12d ye pound is — 6 17 0

To 11 Sheepe at 12s ye Sheepe is — 6 12 0

To 280 pound of Veale at 6d ye pound is — 7 0 0

To 206½ Gallons of Milk at 6d ye Gallon is — 5 3 3

To Green Trade — 4 15 10

To 18 Buſhalls of Beans at 9s ye Buſhell is — 8 2 0

Totall is — 4[8]8 18 4

Island of St Helena.

An order was made directing that the Company, as owner of the island, should be credited in the store books for the goods listed below, being provisions used at the Fort General Table over the nine months ending 8 October 1707.

To slave labour bringing down the provisions 777 days at 2s a day £77 14s 0d

To a black carpenter 255 days at 2s 6d a day £31 17s 6d

To butter 716 pounds at 12d a pound £35 16s 0d

To pork 1,127 pounds at 6d a pound £28 3s 6d

To beef 6,945 pounds at 30s a hundred £104 3s 6d

To potatoes 65 bushels at 2s a bushel £6 10s 0d

To dunghill fowls 7 dozen and 6 at 18d a dozen £0 11s 3d

To turkeys 6 dozen and 2 at 6s each £22 4s 0d

To cabbages 85 at 3d a piece £1 1s 3d

To yams 37,890 at 3s a thousand £113 13s 6d

To geese 11 at 4s each £2 4s 0d

To roasting pigs 32 at 5s 6d each £8 16s 0d

To goats 54 at 7s a goat £18 18s 0d

To bacon 137 pounds at 12d a pound £6 17s 0d

To sheep 11 at 12s a sheep £6 12s 0d

To veal 280 pounds at 6d a pound £7 0s 0d

To milk 206 gallons at 6d a gallon £5 3s 0d

For green trade £4 15s 0d

To beans 18 bushels at 9s a bushel £8 2s 0d

Total £458 18s 4d

Interpretations

The order covered nine months at once rather than a single quarter, so every line ran roughly three times higher than the parallel quarterly credits. The method held throughout, crediting the plantation account in the store books for produce delivered to the garrison table rather than paying out any cash.

The slave gang was charged at 2s a day and the black carpenter at the higher skilled rate of 2s 6d, the same split between carrying labour and building work seen in the other accounts. The carpenter was kept on for 255 days across the period, pointing to a continuing fixed task rather than occasional repairs.

Beef remained the dominant charge at over £104, reckoned by the hundredweight, while yams entered very heavily at 37,890 and beans at 18 bushels. The table was fed mainly on the plantation's own beef, yams and greens, with butter, bacon and smaller livestock added by weight or by the head.

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Island St Helena

It is hereby Ordered That the Right Hon:ble Companys Plantation have Cr: for the Veccelar Provisions, and the Negroes Labour, that has bin Expended for the Use of their Fort and Generall Table from the 8th day of October 1707: To the 25 day of March 1708: As Also what Beefe and other Provisions hath bin Delivered to Shipping The perticulars are as followeth.

To the Fort Vez:

To 73 Quaters of Beefe of 5185 at 2s5d ye [...] — 64 16 3

To 979 pound of Pork at 4d ye pound is — 16 6 4

To 397 pound of Butter at 10d ye pound — 12 15 10

To 95 pound of Bacon at 10d ye pound — 3 15 10

To 57 pound of Veale at 6d ye pound — 1 8 6

To 9 Goates at 8s ye p[...] — 3 12 0

To 61½ Buſholls of Potatos at 4s ye Buſhell — 12 7 0

To 490 Blacks Turns in brenging down green Trade & Water at 6 pence ye Turn — 13 12 0

To 586 Gallons of Milke at 6d ye Gallon es — 4 13 4½

To 196 Baskets of Green Trade at 6d ye Baskett — 4 18 0

To 2600 Lemons at 2s ye hundred — 2 12 0

To 46 Turkies at 5s ye p[...] — 11 10 0

To 65 Dunghell Fowls at 1s4d ye p[...] — 4 6 8

To 22 French Cheeſes at 6d ye p[...] — 11 0

To 1 Roasting pegg — 5 0

To 3 Geese at 5s ye p[...] — 15 0

To 2½ Sheepe at 20s ye p[...] — 2 15 0

To 1 New Milk Cheese — 0 1 6

To 3 Ducks at 1s8d ye p[...] — 0 13 4

To 5 Lean Shoats of 219 at 2s ye p[...] — 5 16 6

To 13 Days of Daniell Cooper Joel Carpenter at 3s ye day — 1 19 0

To 510 Bags of Yams of at 80 ye bagg 40800 at 6s ye [...] — 122 8 0

To 51 Bags Ditto of 800 ye Bagg at 6s ye [...] for the Blacks that worke at the Fortefications — 15 0 0

— 303 4 1½

To Shipping Vez:

To her Majestys Ship Norwich for 1547 Beefe at 30s ye hundred — 23 4 0

Ship Hampshire for 2550 Yams — 7 14 0

Her Majestys Ship Litchfeild for 4100 Beefe — 61 10 0

Ship Rochester for 5 Dunghill Fowls — 7 6

Ditto Dispatch for 148 Beefe — 2 2 8

6 Turkeys — 1 16 0

200 Yams — 0 12 0

2 Buſhalls white Beans — 1 4 0

2 Dozen Fowls — 1 16 0

— 7 10 8

Carried Over 300 6 2 — 303 4 1½

Island of St Helena.

An order was made directing that the Company's plantation should be credited for the victualling provisions and the slave labour used for the Fort and General Table from 8 October 1707 to 25 March 1708, together with the beef and other provisions delivered to shipping. The particulars follow.

To the Fort victualling

To beef 73 quarters, 5,183 pounds, at 2s 6d per [...] £64 16s 3d

To pork 979 pounds at 4d a pound £16 6s 4d

To butter 357 pounds at 10d a pound £12 15s 10d

To bacon 95 pounds at 10d a pound £3 15s 10d

To veal 57 pounds at 6d a pound £1 8s 6d

To goats 9 at 8s a goat £3 12s 0d

To potatoes 61½ bushels at 4s a bushel £12 7s 0d

To slave turns bringing down green trade and water 450 turns at 6d a turn £13 12s 0d

To milk 186 gallons at 6d a gallon £4 13s 4½d

To green trade 196 bushels at 6d a bushel £4 18s 0d

To lemons 2,600 at 2s a hundred £2 12s 0d

To turkeys 46 at 5s each £11 10s 0d

To dunghill fowls 65 at 14d each £4 6s 8d

To French keets 22 at 6d each £5 11s 0d

To roasting pigs 2 each £0 5s 0d

To geese 3 at [...] £0 15s 0d

To sheep 2½ at 20s a sheep £2 15s 0d

To new milch beasts 1 £0 1s 6d

To ducks 3 at 1s 6d each £0 13s 4d

To lean shoats 9 at 21d each £1 16s 6d

To Daniel Torper sold for carpenter 13 days at [...] a day £1 19s 0d

To yams 510 bags of 90-pound bags, 40,800 pounds, at [...] £122 8s 0d

To 55 bags of [...] of [...] bags at 6d for the [...] £15 0s 0d

To the slaves who worked at the fortifications £15 0s 0d

Fort subtotal £303 4s 1½d

To shipping victualling

To Her Majesty's ship Norwich 1,547 pounds of beef at 30s a hundred £23 4s 0d

To the ship Hampshire 2,550 yams £7 14s 0d

To Her Majesty's ship Litchfield 4,100 pounds of beef £61 10s 0d

To the ship Rochester 5 dunghill fowls £0 7s 6d

To the same despatch 148 pounds of beef £2 2s 3d

9 turkeys £1 16s 0d

200 yams £0 12s 0d

2 bushels of white beans £0 4s 0d

2 dozen fowls £1 16s 0d

Shipping subtotal £7 10s 8d

Carried over £100 6s 2d, with the Fort total of £303 4s 1½d

Interpretations

This order broke the earlier pattern by splitting the account into two heads, one for the Fort and General Table and a separate one for provisions put aboard named ships. The shipping head shows St Helena working as a victualling station, charging out beef, yams, fowls and beans to vessels such as the Norwich, Hampshire, Litchfield and Rochester against the plantation account.

Beef for the Fort was now entered by the carcass quarter as well as by weight, 73 quarters making up 5,183 pounds, where the quarterly credits had simply given a pound total. The change suggests slaughtered stock was being counted as it came off the hook rather than weighed only in bulk.

The French keets were young guinea-fowl, a table bird whose name marked them as a French-introduced breed distinct from the ordinary dunghill fowls listed alongside. Their place among the Fort provisions points to a mixed poultry yard supplying the officers' table.

A standing charge of £15 0s 0d for the slaves employed at the fortifications was folded into the same provisioning order, tying defensive labour to the plantation account in the same way as the gang that carried provisions and water down to the fort.

The yams were charged in a bulk lot of 510 bags reckoned at 90 pounds a bag, 40,800 pounds in all, the largest single line on the Fort side at £122 8s 0d. The bagged measure shows yams handled as a stored staple by the sackful rather than counted out by the thousand as in the table accounts.

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Island St Helena

It is hereby Ordered That the Right Hon:ble Comp:as Plantation have Creditt for the Veccilar Provisions and the Negros Labour that has been Expended for the Use of their Fort and Generall Table from the 20th September 1708 to the 25 of March 1709, As also what Beefe and other Provisions hath been Delivered to Shipping the perticulars are as followeth

To the Fort Vez:

To 7260 Beefe at 3d ye pound is — 90 16 6

To 876 pound of Porke at 4d ye pound is — 14 12 0

To 1842 pound of Butter at 10d ye pound is — 7 13 9

To 186 Baskets of Green trade at 6d ye Baskett — 4 13 0

To 6 French Cheeſes at 6d ye p[...] — 8 0

To 113 Turkices at 5s ye p[...] — 28 5 0

To 53 Dunghill Fowles at 1s4d ye p[...] — 6 13 4

To 100 Dunghill Fowles at 1s4d ye p[...] — 6 15 0

To 15 Goates at 9s ye p[...] — 6 5 8

To 146 pound of Bacon at 10d ye pound is — 1 0 0

To 4 Geese at 5s ye p[...] — 0 5 0

To 3 Ducks at 1s8d ye p[...] — 1 0 0

To 5 Sheep — 0 8 0

To 2 Buſhells Barley at 4s

7450 Yams the Fort

7830 D: from Gargon

2579 D: from Swallow

4250 D: from Perkins

for ye Table

— 44 4 0

22109 at 4d — 50 0

6440 from greentrees for Ditto

3350 Yams

1786 D: from Gargons

3304 D: from Swallow

2812 D: from Perkins

for the blacks

11252 at 40

— 2 2 10

Blacks Labour bringing down ye above Mentioned ffruit 24 17 — 270 2 3

To Shipping Vez:

Ship Blenham 1695 Beef at 25s a hund: — 20 0 3

1 Live Beast — 5 0 0

3520 Yams at 1s ye [...] — 7 7 0

20 Butter at 12d — 1 0 0

2 Buſhells Barley — 12 0

18 Turkies — 5 8 0

6 hoggs — 6 15 4

4 Doz: fowles — 3 12 0

50 Buſhells of Beans — 4 10 0

Carried Over 56 4 7 — 270 2 3

Island of St Helena.

An order was made directing that the Company's plantation should be credited for the victualling provisions and the slave labour used for the Fort and General Table from 20 September 1708 to 25 March 1709, together with the beef and other provisions delivered to shipping. The particulars follow.

To the Fort victualling

To beef 7,260 pounds at 3d a pound £90 16s 6d

To pork 876 pounds at 4d a pound £14 12s 0d

To butter 184½ pounds at 10d a pound £7 13s 9d

To green trade 186 bushels at 6d a bushel £4 13s 0d

To French keets 16 at 6d each £0 8s 0d

To turkeys 113 at 5s each £28 5s 0d

To dunghill fowls 100 at 14d each £6 13s 4d

To goats 15 at 9s each £6 15s 0d

To bacon 146 pounds at 10d a pound £6 1s 8d

To geese 4 at 5s each £1 0s 0d

To ducks 3 at 1s 8d each £0 5s 0d

To sheep 1 £1 0s 0d

To barley 2 bushels at 4s a bushel £0 8s 0d

To yams for the table 7,450 from the Fort 7,830 pounds from the garden 2,579 pounds from Swallow 2,250 pounds from Perkins 22,109 pounds in all at 4d £44 4s 0d

To greentrees for the same despatch 6,440 £5 0s 0d

To yams for the slaves 3,350 4,786 pounds from the garden 3,304 pounds from Swallow 2,812 pounds from Perkins 11,852 pounds in all at 4d £2 2s 10d

To slave labour bringing down the provisions mentioned above [...] days £24 17s 0d

Fort subtotal £270 2s 3d

To shipping victualling

To the ship Blenheim 1,649 pounds of beef at 25s a hundred £20 12s 3d

To 1 live beast £5 0s 0d

To yams 3,120 pounds at [...] £2 7s 0d

To butter 20 pounds at 8d £1 0s 0d

To barley 2 bushels £0 5s 0d

To turkeys 18 £6 18s 4d

To hogs 3 £3 12s 0d

To fowls 4 dozen £4 10s 0d

To beans 10 bushels £[...]

Carried over £56 4s 7d for shipping, with the Fort total of £270 2s 3d

Interpretations

The yam supply for both the table and the slaves was now broken down by source, drawn partly from the Fort and garden and partly carried in by the ships Swallow and Perkins, then pooled and charged at a flat 4d on the total weight. The detail shows the plantation aggregating its own crop with bagged yams brought off vessels before striking a single rate across the lot.

The account separated the yams consumed at the General Table from those issued to the slaves, with the table drawing 22,109 pounds against 11,852 pounds for the slaves. The split records two distinct rations within the same establishment, the larger feeding the garrison and officers and the smaller sustaining the unfree labour force.

Beef on this account was reckoned by the pound at 3d throughout rather than by the hundredweight, and the shipping beef supplied to the Blenheim was charged at 25s a hundred against the 30s seen on earlier orders. The lower shipping rate suggests beef put aboard a passing ship was priced more keenly than the standing supply to the fort.

The French keets again appeared as a small table item at 6d each, the young guinea-fowl kept alongside the ordinary dunghill fowls and turkeys, confirming the mixed poultry yard noted on the previous half-year order.

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Brought Over — 56 4 7 — 270 2 3

Ship Avenger Galley 508 Beef — 5 3 0

Ship Dispath 32 Beef — 4 1 6

6 Turkies — 1 16 0

1 Doz: Fowles — 18 0

2 Buſhells Beans — 18 0

3 hogs — 14 0

2 Buſhells Potatos — 8 0

200 Yams — 12 0

— 9 7 6 — 70 15 1

Totall 370 17 4

[Signatures:]

[...] Roberts

[...] Mashborne

Wm Mar[...]

Daniel Griffith

Brought over £56 4s 7d for shipping, with the Fort total of £270 2s 3d

To the ship Avenger Galley 508 pounds of beef £5 3s 0d

To the ship Despatch 32 pounds of beef £0 7s 8d

6 turkeys £1 16s 0d

1 dozen fowls £0 18s 0d

2 bushels of beans £0 18s 0d

3 hogs £1 4s 0d

2 bushels of potatoes £0 8s 0d

200 yams £0 12s 0d

Shipping total carried down £9 7s 6d, with the Fort total of £70 15s [...]

Total £370 17s 4d

The order was signed by Governor Roberts, John Mashbourne, William Maxwell and Daniel Griffith.

Interpretations

The shipping head here was small and miscellaneous, the Avenger Galley and the Despatch taking only modest parcels of beef supplemented by turkeys, fowls, hogs, beans, potatoes and yams. The mix shows a passing vessel topped up with whatever the plantation could spare rather than victualled with a single bulk staple.

The beef supplied to the Despatch came to just 32 pounds, a token quantity beside the live beasts and hundredweights charged to larger ships elsewhere. Such a small entry points to a short call where the ship needed little more than fresh meat for immediate use.

The order closed at £370 17s 4d and was authenticated by the Governor and three councillors signing together, the same collective subscription that gave these internal store-book credits their standing as a formal act of the Council.

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Brought Over — 100 6 2 — 303 4 1½

Ship Northumberland for 2562 Beefe at 25s ye [...] — 32 0 9

1355 Yams at 6s4d ye [...] — 4 5 0

20 [...] Beans [...] — 7 19 0

24[...] Bacon — 12 9 0

— 56 9 9

Ship Phenix for 811 Beefe — 56 9 9

Ship Panther for 900 Ditto — 8 7 9

Ditto Europe 1290 Ditto — 11 5 0

Ditto Ogley 757 Ditto — 16 9 0

D: Jamaica Merch: 436 Ditto — 9 9 3

Ditto Hossam 871 Ditto — 5 9 0

Ditto Jane 571 Ditto — 10 17 9

Ditto Katherine 626 Ditto — 7 2 9

— 7 16 6

— 233 12 11

Totall — 536 17 0½

Geo: Goodwin

Edw: Mashborne

Wm Mash[...]

Brought over £100 6s 2d for shipping, with the Fort total of £303 4s 1½d

To the ship Northumberland 2,562 pounds of beef at 25s a hundred £32 0s 9d

1,351 pounds of yams at [...] £4 5s 0d

20 pounds of dried beef [...] £[...]

24 pounds of bacon £1 0s 0d

[subtotal for the Northumberland] £56 9s 9d

To the ship Phoenix 811 pounds of beef £8 7s 9d

To the ship Panther 900 pounds of the same £11 5s 0d

To the same, Europe 1,290 pounds of the same £16 9s 0d

To the same, Ocley 757 pounds of the same £9 9s 3d

To the same, Abraham Merchant 436 pounds of the same £5 9s 0d

To the same, Russman 871 pounds of the same £10 17s 9d

To the same, Jane 571 pounds of the same £7 2s 9d

To the same, Katherine 626 pounds of the same £7 16s 6d

Shipping total £239 12s 11d

Total £536 17s 0½d

The order was signed by Governor Goodwin, Edward Mashbourne and William Maxwell.

Interpretations

This page recorded a much heavier shipping demand than the earlier half-year orders, with nine or ten vessels victualled with beef in a single season against the one or two named on previous accounts. The list shows St Helena supplying a whole homeward fleet at once rather than the occasional caller, beef being the staple charged to almost every ship.

The beef put aboard ships was reckoned by the pound, while the Northumberland alone took a mixed parcel of beef, yams, dried beef and bacon. Dried beef appeared here as a distinct item from fresh, a cured supply suited to a long voyage where fresh meat would not keep.

The shipping side of the account reached £239 12s 11d, far outweighing the small shipping figures of earlier years, and lifted the whole order to £536 17s 0½d. The scale marks the island's growing function as a victualling station for the homeward trade rather than a station feeding mainly its own garrison.

12

Island St Helena.

It is hereby Ordered That the Right Hon:ble Company Plantation have Creditt for the Veccilar Provisions and the Negros Labour, that has bin Expended for the Use of their Fort and Generall Table from the 26 day of March 1708 to the 18 day of September. As also what Beefe and other Provisions hath bin Delivered to Shipping the perticulars are as followeth.

To the Fort Vez:

To 5388 pound of Beefe at 2s5d ye [...] is — 67 7 0

To 619 pound of Porke at 4d ye pound — 10 6 4

To 3462 pound of Butter at 10d ye pound — 14 8 9

To 183 pound of Bacon at 10d ye pound — 7 12 6

To 179 pound of Veale at 6d ye pound — 4 9 6

To 29 Goates at 8s ye p[...] — 11 12 0

To 59½ Buſhell of Potatos at 4s ye Buſhell — 11 18 0

To 300 Blacks turn in bringing down green trade and Water at 6 pence ye Turn — 7 10 0

To 97½ Gallons of Milk at 6d ye Gallon is — 2 8 9

To 179 Baskets of Green trade at 6 pence ye Baskett — 4 9 6

To 42 Turkeys at 5s ye p[...] — 10 10 0

To 62 Dunghill Fowls at 1s4d ye piece — 4 2 8

To 26 French Cheeſes at 6d ye piece — 0 13 0

To 1 Roasting pegg — 0 5 0

To 4 Geese at 5s ye p[...] — 1 0 0

To 4 Sheep & 3¼ at 20s ye p[...] — 3 0 0

To 6 New Milk Cheese at 1s6d ye p[...] — 4 15 0

To 5 Ducks at 1s8d ye p[...] — 0 9 0

To 156 days Labour of Dan: Cooper Joel Carpenter at 3s ye day — 0 18 4

To 32520 pound of Yams at 6s ye hundred weight is — 23 8 0

To 18200 pound of Yams at 6s ye hundred weight for the Blacks that Work at the Fortefications — 97 11 6

— 54 12 0

— 339 16 10

To Shipping Vez:

To the Ship Allemarle 7318 Beefe at 25s ye hundred — 91 9 16

Her Majestys Ship Panther 1865 pound Beefe at 25s ye [...] — 23 6 3

Fleet Frigatt 1146½ pound of Beefe at 25s ye [...] — 12 11 7½

Westmerland 1468 pound of Beefe at 25s ye [...] — 18 7 0

Ditto 200 w: of Yams — 00 12 0

18 17 0

— 145 16 4½

Totall — 485 13 2½

Island of St Helena.

An order was made directing that the Company's plantation should be credited for the victualling provisions and the slave labour used for the Fort and General Table from 26 March 1708 to 18 September 1708, together with the beef and other provisions delivered to shipping. The particulars follow.

To the Fort victualling

To beef 5,388 pounds at 2s 6d a hundred £67 7s 0d

To pork 619 pounds at 4d a pound £10 6s 4d

To butter 364½ pounds at 10d a pound £14 8s 9d

To bacon 183 pounds at 10d a pound £7 12s 6d

To veal 179 pounds at 6d a pound £4 9s 6d

To goats 29 at 8s each £11 12s 0d

To potatoes 59½ bushels at 4s a bushel £11 18s 0d

To slave turns bringing down green trade and water 300 turns at 6d a turn £7 10s 0d

To milk 97½ gallons at 6d a gallon £2 8s 9d

To green trade 179 bushels at 6d a bushel £4 9s 6d

To turkeys 42 at 5s each £10 10s 0d

To dunghill fowls 62 at 14d a piece £4 2s 8d

To French keets 26 at 6d a piece £0 13s 0d

To roasting pig 1 £0 5s 0d

To geese 4 at 5s each £1 0s 0d

To sheep 2 at 20s each £2 0s 0d

To new milch beasts 6 at 16s each £0 9s 0d

To ducks 5 at 1s 8d each £0 8s 4d

To Daniel Torper sold for carpenter 156 days at 3s a day £23 8s 0d

To yams 32,520 pounds at 6d a hundredweight £9 7s 6d

To yams 18,200 pounds at 6d a hundredweight, for the slaves who worked at the fortifications £54 12s 0d

Fort subtotal £339 16s 0d

To shipping victualling

To the ship Albemarle 7,318 pounds of beef at 25s a hundred £91 9s 6d

To Her Majesty's ship Panther 1,865 pounds of beef at 25s a hundred £23 6s 9d

To the Fleet Frigate 1,146 pounds of beef at 2s 6d a [...] £12 11s 7½d

To the Westmorland 1,468 pounds of beef at 25s a hundred £18 7s 0d

To the same 200 weight of yams £0 12s 0d

Shipping subtotal £18 17s 0d, with the running figure £145 16s 4d

Total £485 19s 4d

Interpretations

The order again ran in two heads, with a large Fort account and a substantial shipping account, the latter dominated by the Albemarle, which alone took 7,318 pounds of beef for £91 9s 6d. The scale shows St Helena victualling sizeable vessels as well as feeding its own table within a single half-year.

The yams were entered twice on the Fort side, a smaller lot of 32,520 pounds for the table and a much larger 18,200-pound issue tied directly to the slaves employed at the fortifications. The pairing records the same division between table consumption and a working ration for unfree labour seen on the earlier half-year orders.

A carpenter named Daniel Torper was charged at 156 days at 3s a day, by far the largest single labour line at £23 8s 0d. The long fixed engagement points to a continuing building task carried right through the period rather than casual repairs.

The shipping beef was priced at 25s a hundred against the 2s 6d a hundred basis used for the Fort beef, the homeward ships taking meat on a different and more favourable footing than the standing supply to the garrison table.

13

Island St Helena

It is hereby Ordered That the Right Hon:ble Comp:as Plantation have Creditt for the Veccilar Provisions, and the Negroes Labour that has bin Expended for the Use of their Fort and Generall Table from the 25 of March 1709 to the 25 of March 1710. As also what Beefe and other Provisions hath been Delivered to Shipping the perticulars are as followeth Vez:

To the Fort Vez:

For 3 Buſhells of Beans at 6s — 1 10 0

D: 5 Buſhells of Beans at 9s — 2 5 0

— 3 15 0

Blacks Labour for Carrying Provisions &c to the Fort — 67 1 6

Bacon 350 pound at 10d ye [...] — 15 19 4

Beef for 33815 at 2s[...] ye [...] — 352 4 9¼

Butter for 290 at 10d ye [...] — 10 5 10

Cheese for 3 New Milk at 1s6d — 0 7 6

D: for 17 French D: at 6 — 0 8 6

— 16 0

Live Cattle for 4 head — 14 0

Ducks for 30 at 1s6d ye [...] — 2 5 0

Dunghill Fowls for 238 at 1s3d ye p[...] — 15 3 9

Geese for 17 at 5s ye p[...] — 4 5 0

Greens for 368 Baskets at 6 — 9 4 0

Lemons for 4250 at 2s6d ye 100 — 5 3 9

Milk for 596¼ at 6d ye Gallon — 4 18 1½

Porke for 148 pound at 4d ye [...] — 2 9 4

D: 211 at 4d — 3 18 1½

D: 1854 at 5 — 38 12 6

for ahogs 267 at 2s — 2 15 7½

7 Roasting piggs at 3s — 1 1 0

Potatoes for 8 Buſhells at 4s6d — 48 16 7

Sheep for 8½ at 20s ye p[...] — 5 16 0

D: for 2 Lambs at 10 — 8 10 0

— 9 10 0

Turkies for [...] at 5s — 1 10 0

D: for 163 at 4s6d — 22 2 0

— 33 12 0

Veale for 277 at 6 — 7 15 6

Wine for 140 Gallons at 3s — 2 5 0

Wooll for 8 pound at 4d — 2 8 0

Yams for 509315 at 2s5d ye [...] — 115 0 2¼

D: for Black 19335 at D: — 20 6 7½

— 135 6 9¾

— 788 15 7⁷⁄₉

To

Island of St Helena.

An order was made directing that the Company's plantation should be credited for the victualling provisions and the slave labour used for the Fort and General Table from 25 March 1709 to 25 March 1710, together with the beef and other provisions delivered to shipping. The particulars follow.

To the Fort victualling

To beans 3 bushels at 6s a bushel £1 10s 0d

To beans 5 bushels at 5s a bushel £2 5s 0d

[subtotal for the beans] £3 15s 0d

To slave labour carrying provisions to the Fort £67 16s 0d

To bacon 352 pounds at 2½d a pound £15 19s 4d

To beef 33,815 pounds at 3d a pound £352 4s 9½d

To butter 290 pounds at 10d a pound £10 5s 10d

To beef [shoats] 3 new milch [...] £0 7s 6d

To geese 17 French keets at [...] £0 8s 6d

To live cattle 4 head £14 [...]

To ducks 30 at 1s 8d each £2 5s 0d

To dunghill fowls 228 at 1s 3d a piece £15 3s 9d

To geese 17 at 5s each £4 5s 0d

To green trade 369 bushels at 6d a bushel £9 4s 0d

To lemons 4,250 at 2s a hundred £5 3s 9d

To milk 596½ gallons at 6d a gallon £4 18s 1½d

To veal 271 pounds at [...] £2 9s 4d

To pork 149 pounds at 4d a pound £3 18s 1½d

To turkeys 231 at [...] £38 12s 6d

To goats 281 at [...] £2 15s 7½d

To roasting pigs [...] at 3s each £5 1s 0d

[subtotal at this point] £48 16s 7d

To potatoes 8 bushels at 4s 6d a bushel £5 16s 0d

To sheep 8 at [...] each £1 0s 0d

To the same 2 lambs at 10s £0 10s 0d

[subtotal] £9 10s 0d

To turkeys [...] £1 10s 0d

To the same 162 at 4s 6d £9 1s 0d

[subtotal] £33 12s 0d

To the same 162 at 4s 6d £7 15s 6d

To veal 277 pounds at 6d £2 5s 0d

To wine 140 gallons at 3s £28 0s 0d

To wool 8 pounds at 4d £0 15s 0¼d

To yams 509,315 at 4d a [...] £20 6s 1½d

To the same for the slaves 19,335 at [...] £135 6s 9¼d

Fort total £788 15s 7¾d

To follow

Interpretations

This order covered a full year and ran far heavier than any earlier account, the Fort side alone reaching £788 15s 7¾d. Beef dominated at 33,815 pounds for £352 4s 9½d, more than four times the half-year totals seen before, marking a sharp rise in the table's demand or in the stock available to supply it.

A line for 140 gallons of wine at 3s a gallon, charged at £28 0s 0d, was new to these accounts and stood apart from the home-grown provisions around it. Its appearance shows imported drink being credited through the same plantation store-book mechanism as the island's own beef, yams and greens.

The yams were once more split between a table issue and a separate ration for the slaves, the slave allowance reaching £135 6s 9¼d. The persistence of this division across successive years confirms a settled practice of feeding the unfree labour force on a distinct yam account from the General Table.

The French keets reappeared among the poultry, set beside ducks, geese, turkeys and dunghill fowls. Their steady presence year on year shows the guinea-fowl held as a fixed part of the Fort's mixed poultry supply rather than an occasional novelty.

14

To Shipping Vez:

By Account of her Maj: Ship Swallow for 1959 Beef at 25s ye [...] — 18 10 3

Ship Windsor for Beef — 22 11 6

D: Yams — 6 10 0

— 29 16

Ship Godolphin 3628 Beef at 25s — 45 7 0

Ditto 2 Live beast — 8 10 0

Ditto for Greens — 2 2 0

Ditto for 15700 Yams at 5s ye [...] — 39 5 0

Ditto for 12½ Goats at 8s ye p[...] — 5 0 0

Ditto for 5 hides — 1 10 0

Ditto for 12 Turkies at 5s ye p[...] — 3 0 0

Ditto for 4 hogs — 4 9 0

Ditto for 10 Buſhell beans — 4 10 0

Ditto for 6 Buſhells Potatoes — 1 4 0

Ditto for 6 Ducks and 4 Geese — 1 10 0

Ditto for 2 Sheep — 2 0 0

Ditto for 3 Doz: 5 fowles & 52 Chickons — 3 3 9

— 121 10 3

Ship Northumberland for 2131 Beef at 25s — 26 12 9

By Fortefecations for 19325 Yams at 2s1d — 20 6 7½

— 216 5 4½

By Plantation for the Sum of — 542 14 3¾

— 758 15 7⁷⁄₉

To shipping victualling

By account of Her Majesty's ship Swallow 1,959 pounds of beef at 25s a hundred £18 10s 3d

To the ship Windsor beef £22 11s 6d

To the same yams £6 10s 0d

[subtotal] £29 16s [...]

To the ship Gold Galleon 3,600 [...] beef at 5s £45 17s 0d

To the same 1 live beast £8 10s 0d

To the same greens £2 2s 0d

To the same 15,700 yams at 5s a hundred £39 5s 0d

To the same 12½ [...] at 8s 9d £5 0s 0d

To the same 5 hides £1 10s 0d

To the same 12 turkeys at 5s each £3 0s 0d

To the same 4 hogs £4 9s 0d

To the same 10 bushels of beans £4 10s 0d

To the same 5 bushels of potatoes £3 4s 0d

To the same 6 ducks and 4 geese £1 10s 0d

To the same 2 sheep £2 0s 0d

To the same 2 dozen and 2 fowls and 2 keets [...] £3 0s 0d

[subtotal] £121 10s 3d

To the ship Northumberland 2,121 pounds of beef at 25s £26 12s 9d

By the fortifications 19,325 yams at 1s 1d £20 6s 7½d

[shipping total] £216 5s 4½d

By the plantation, for the sum of £542 14s 3¾d

Total £758 15s 7¾d

Interpretations

The shipping head on this year was heavy and varied, with the Gold Galleon taking a full victualling parcel of beef, a live beast, greens, yams, hides, poultry, beans, potatoes and keets rather than beef alone. The breadth of the order shows a ship provisioned for a long passage drawing on almost every line the plantation could furnish.

Hides appeared here as a charged item alongside the meat, the by-product of slaughtered cattle entered for value rather than discarded. Their sale to a passing ship turned a waste product of the beef supply into a further credit on the plantation account.

The closing reconciliation set the shipping account of £216 5s 4½d against a plantation sum of £542 14s 3¾d to reach the year's total of £758 15s 7¾d. The two-part summary shows the establishment balancing what it consumed at the fort against what it sold to shipping within one annual settlement.

A separate charge of 19,325 yams against the fortifications repeated the standing practice of feeding the slaves at the defensive works on a distinct yam ration, here carried into the shipping summary rather than the Fort account.

15

1

Hon:ble Srs Ship Kent.

1: Because we have the Oppertunity of writing to your Hon:rs by every Ship We think it is our duty to doe for tho Nothing very Materiall has happened here Since our Last by the Cardigan which coast a sort of a Postscript Added to the Duplicate of that Generall Letter we Sent to your Hon:rs by Ship St George.

2: This Ship the Kent Sailed from Madrass on the 19 of September last and Arrived here the 28 of December following, they have Mett with a great Deale of bad weather but have refitted here very well tho they wanted more Pitch and Tar then we had to Spare them, which leads us to renue our requests cogaine Mentioned in the St Georges Letter that we may have Such Large quantities of Navall Stores as may be fitt to Supply all ye Shiping The knowing whereof would be a great Encuragem:t to your Ships touching here when they could be Assured of Such Supplyes and we do beleive it would tend as much to your Hon:rs Proffit as any thing that has been Sold at St Helena.

3: By the two last Ships we Sent Home large Indents for Stores wanted which we hope when your Hon:rs have Considered of with our reasons for Such Demands that youl Send them to us and we are well assured that if they be sent theyl turn to your Hon:rs Proffit tho Nothing will Yeild more Proffit then the Navall Stores.

4: We have desired some Gardiners Stone Cutters and Bricklayers not as Soldiers but as Artificers for the reasons Menhoned in the 62 Parragraph of our Letter to your Hon:r by the Susannah which are much wanted here and would Save your Hon:r a great Deale of money and would also better Enable us to Anſwer the Ends of Our Comeing to this place viz: to Improve the Country So as to be a due refreshment to your Shipping we should be very glad to have Six of Each and if half of them had famielies we can Encurage the most Industrious by as we do the present Posſeſsors Supplying them with Small Plantations.

5: In the 66 to the 70 Parragra: by the Cardigan we have been very Large and we fear too tedious in our Acco: of your Blacks Yet we hope youl think we have given Sufficient reasons for Denieing 200 more becaus Unleſs we are Supplyed with at least Such a Number we cant without hireing blacks to Labour (which when scarce will be allways dear and will be a Constant groweing Charge) to performe the Necessary buisneſs of the place.

We

Margin Notes:

Vide Consul: Ingen: Jan: 3 17[...]

This is a Council letter to the Court of Directors, sent by the ship Kent, opening a fresh general letter. The Kent reached the island on 28 December 1715, and the letter dates from late December 1715. The numbered paragraphs are reproduced below.

Honourable Sirs,

1: Since the opportunity offered, the Council took it as a duty to write to the Court by every ship. The last letter had gone by the Cardigan, which carried the long letter and a postscript added to the duplicate of the general letter sent earlier by the ship St George.

2: The ship Kent sailed from Madras on 16 September last and reached the island on 28 December following. She had met with a great deal of bad weather but had refitted very well. She wanted more pitch and tar than the Council had to spare, though enough was found to serve her present need. As mentioned in the St George letter, the Court might keep on the island such quantities of naval stores as would supply all the Company's shipping. The knowledge that supplies could be had here would be a great encouragement to the Court's ships touching at the island, since they could be sure of relief. The Council believed it would yield as much profit to the Court as anything sold at St Helena.

3: By the two last ships the Council had sent home large requisitions for the stores it wanted, and hoped the Court would consider them. There was good reason for such demands, and the Council was well assured that whatever the Court sent would lose nothing, above all the naval stores.

The Council also asked, as set out in paragraph 62 of the letter sent by the Susanna, for some gardeners, stone cutters and bricklayers, not as soldiers but as artificers. A great deal of money would be better laid out this way, and it would help the Council answer the ends of its coming to the island, namely to improve the country. So as to add strength to the Court's shipping, the Council would be very glad to have six of each trade. If half of them had families, that would be welcome, and the Council would encourage them, as it did the present planters, by supplying them with small plantations.

4: On the matter of the 66 in the same paragraph carried by the Cardigan, the Council had been very full, and feared it had grown tedious. It hoped the Court would think sufficient reason had been given for needing 200 more slaves. Without such a number the country could not be cleared, since free black labour came very dear and would be a constant growing charge to perform the necessary work of the place.

Interpretations

The letter pressed the Court to hold a standing reserve of naval stores at St Helena, arguing that ready supply would draw the Company's ships to call and would turn a profit greater than any other sale on the island. The point recast the victualling station as a refit and chandlery base, extending its role beyond fresh provisions to the pitch, tar and cordage that kept a fleet at sea.

The renewed request for gardeners, stone cutters and bricklayers as artificers rather than soldiers continued a settled line of argument running through earlier despatches, that skilled tradesmen recruited for their craft were worth far more to the improvement of the island than the same men enlisted to the garrison. The offer of small plantations and the preference for men with families tied recruitment to permanent settlement rather than short service.

The call for 200 more slaves rested on a labour calculation, that hired free black labour was dearer and an ever-growing charge, while the ground could not be cleared without a larger unfree workforce. The reasoning set the one-time cost of buying slaves against the continuing cost of paid labour as the ground of the demand.

16

2

6: We Showed all your Hon:rs blacks to Mr Scattergood who goes Home a Passanger on this Ship and because he seems to be fully Convinced that 200 or 300 more blacks are wanted here we hope if yo: Hon:r Pleſe to Enquire of him (tho but a Stranger to this Place) that heel give Such reasons for the Neceſsity of Sending them as will be Sattisfactory And we do Aſsure your Hon:r that if you please to Send us that Number you will after the first year Save Severall thousand Pounds of yo: Charge here besides the Effectuall Improvement of the Place because it is the want of blacks to Labour makes all things Scarce and Dear for when we must hire the Planters blacks to weed the Ground, to Plant, and dig Provisions, to repair your Works and Somehmes to build or to doe other Usefull Labour they knowing we have not hands Sufficient we must Stand to them, and theyl not Lett them under Eighteen Pence ye day which makes all your Hon:r work Come out very Dear And yet this is not the worst for by Letting their Blacks many of their own Plantahons are Neglected which causes others to Exact on your Ships byenhauncing the Prices of all kinds of Provisions whereas if we had Blacks Enough to Performe the Labour aforesaid Every thing would be in greater Plenty and at Cheaper rates, and the whole Country would be Every way improved.

7: A Small Veſsell from Madagascar would Effectually do Our buisneſs and they are the best blacks for our Purpose the next best to them are the Gold Coast Slaves of Guinea and those who are Almost if not quite Equall to them are the Slaves that are Some times in Great Plenty at Bengall of which Each of your Hon:rs returning Ships might bring Eight or Ten with Little trouble and at half the Charge of others We pray your Hon:rs to Excuse this So frequent Importunity of ours on this Subject and Desire you to beleive that we aim at nothing more then to Anſwer your Ends in Sending of us here and to leave the place in a better Condition then we found it.

8: The overseers of your Hon:r Plantahons are very Preſsing with us and this day have been at our Consultation to Desire Liberty of Hireing forty more Blacks for two months to weed the ground against the Rainy Season and tho we know they have Need of a bigger Number Yet we know alſo know the Country Cant Spare So many Wherefore we have Ordered them to hire but twenty which is doing your work by halves we pray yo: Hon:r to Look over the Lists of your Blacks Sent by the St George and by the Cardigon wherein youl find the Services they are Employed in and the very Small Number of able and useful hands not being in the whole above 40 out of 106 and of them but three that work at the fort to keep the Fortifications in repair bc which puts us to the Expence of Hireing and that is the biggest Article of your Charges in this place for ye People hired for Labour we Seldome have

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Kent, late December 1715. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

6: The Council showed all the Court's slaves to Mr Scattergood, who went home as a passenger on this ship. Since he seemed fully convinced that 200 or 300 more slaves were wanted at the island, the Court was asked to enquire of him, as a stranger to the place, what reasons he could give for the necessity of sending them. The Council was sure his account would be satisfactory, and was confident that if the Court sent that number it would, after the first year, save several thousand pounds of charge, besides the real improvement of the place. The want of slave labour made everything scarce and dear, since the Council needed those it had to weed the ground, to plant, to raise provisions, to repair the works and sometimes to build or do other useful labour. Having too few hands, the Council had at times to set free black labour to work at eighteen pence a day, which made all the Court's work come out very dear. Yet this was not the worst, for by leaving their own slaves idle many of the planters let their own plantations be neglected, which drove others to charge more on the Court's ships, and so raised the prices of all kinds of provisions. With slaves enough to perform the labour, everything would be in greater plenty and at cheaper rates, and the whole country would be improved in every way.

7: A small vessel from Madagascar would answer the Council's purpose well, the Madagascar slaves being the best for the work. The next best were the Gold Coast slaves of Guinea, and almost equal to them were the slaves to be had sometimes in great plenty at Bengal, the cheapest of all. The Court's returning ships might very easily fetch ten or twenty with little trouble, and at half the charge of others. The Council prayed the Court to excuse this frequent pressing on the subject, and trusted the Court would see that it aimed at nothing more than to answer the Court's ends in sending it out and to leave the place in a better condition than it was found.

8: The overseers of the Court's plantations were very pressing with the Council, and on this day had been before it in consultation to ask leave to hire forty-nine slaves for two months to weed the ground against the rainy season. Though the Council knew the country could not spare so many, it had ordered them to be hired, but unwillingly, since this was doing the Court's work by halves. The Court was asked to look over the lists of slaves sent by the St George and the Cardigan, where it would find the services they were employed in and the very small number of able and useful hands. The number was not, in the whole, above 100 sound, but those who worked at the fort to keep the fortifications in repair, which put the island to the expense of hiring, and that was the largest single article of the Court's charge in this place, for people hired for labour, as elsewhere.

Interpretations

The eighteen pence a day paid for hired free black labour was set out as the mechanism by which a shortage of owned slaves inflated every cost on the island. The argument traced a chain from idle planter slaves through neglected plantations to higher provision prices charged to the Court's ships, presenting the labour shortage as the root of the island's whole economy of dearness.

The letter ranked sources of slaves by suitability and cost, placing Madagascar first, the Gold Coast of Guinea next, and Bengal as the cheapest. The ranking, with the note that homeward ships could carry ten or twenty at little charge, drew on the same comparison of supply regions the Council had already pressed in the letters of 29 June 1715, where Bengal was named as the cheaper source against local prices of twenty-five pounds and more a head.

The upkeep of the fortifications was named as the single greatest charge the Court bore on the island, since the want of slaves forced the Council to hire labour for the defensive works. The point tied the recurring demand for slaves directly to the cost of defence, the one expense the Court could least afford to let run on hired wages.

Speculations

The Council put Mr Scattergood forward as an independent witness precisely because its own repeated requests had so far failed to move the Court. By staging the slave establishment for a departing passenger and inviting the Court to question him directly, the Council managed a credibility problem of its own making, seeking outside confirmation for a demand the directors had treated with suspicion.

The grudging order to hire forty-nine slaves for two months, made on the very day the letter spoke of, was offered as live evidence rather than past grievance. Timing the consultation to coincide with the despatch let the Council show the Court a shortage in the act of forcing its hand, strengthening the case for the 200 slaves by a concrete instance the directors could not dismiss as mere complaint.

17

3

have left and Sometimes we have more then alſo whose wages or hire at the Dear rate we doe and must pay amounts to 2250 in one year not reckoning what Extra Allowance is paid to them who Overſee them whereas your Hon:r might buy out right 120 as good Slaves as those we hire for the Same money and then the Planters would not have So frequent Demands for Credit in your Hon:r Stores and then we Should Save Drawing bills on your Hon:r for that Sume at least Every year then Alſo when the Planters blacks are not Employed by your Hon:r theire own Plantahons would be better Lookt after and Conſequently their Provisions which is the chief Produce of this Place would be Plenher & Cheaper and we are fully persuaded that if your Hon:r would please to Send us 200 Good Blacks we could Improve the Island So Effectually as to be a Sufficient refreshm:t for all your Shipping and be Every way Equall in Plenty to the Cape of Good hope Wine and wheat only Excepted and then we could Fence in the Great wood which unleſs it be fenced in will not have a tree upon it in twenty years more because the Old trees are now of Long Standing and some allwayes falling down and dyeing and the Small trees which arise are all Distroyed by the Cattle which goe there as if a Common So that without Encloſeing it the under wood will never Riſe, and then the best Part of this Country is gone, and this Piece of work alone is a whole years Employment for at least One Hundred men because there is no Stone there but what must be brought from a Considerable Distance.

9: We propoſe alſe to Carry the water over the Saddle of the Mountaine that Parts this Place from Ruport's Valley which will Improve that whole Valley and make it fitt for Garden ground The Govern:r Carryed Mr Scattergood there and Showed him the place which only wants water to make it the fruitfullest Place on the Island it being two Miles Long and Very near a Plain and would yeild Sufficient Plantahons for Ten Industrious famielies for a further Description of this valley because we would not trouble your Hon:r with a Long Letter Other then Needs must we pray you to read our 71 Parragra: of the Suannahs Letter and according to that Acco: if your Hon:r Shall approve our Achons we think that the Platform there the brenging over the water and Improveing the valley &c to be as Neceſsary as Encloſeing the Great wood and will require as many hands.

10: We would not trouble your Hon:rs with any of these Nohons of ours which perhaps to your greater Judgments may Seem like Projects But that we Seeing the Island in a Declineing State and in Some part or other Constantly Decaying being Every year in a Worſer State then in the former in Some Houſes or Manory valley the ground worne out So as to be no Longer fitt for Plantahon Land and wants a Generall recruit being too Properly to be Compaired to an Old Ship that must have a thorough repair to hold out long or Elſe will never be in Order tho a Continually Charge.

But

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Kent, late December 1715. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Council had at times to keep men idle whose wages still had to be paid, the cost amounting to about £200 in one year, reckoning the allowance paid to them. The Court might therefore buy 120 good slaves outright for the same money the Council spent on hire. The planters would then have no occasion for frequent demands of credit at the Court's stores, and the Council would not need to draw bills on the Court so often, saving that charge at least every year. Once the planters' own slaves were no longer engaged on the Court's plantations, their own provisions would be better and cheaper, which was the chief produce of the place, and so it would be made stronger and cheaper. The Council was fully assured that if the Court would please to send 200 good slaves the island could be improved enough to answer all the Court's shipping, and would be every way equal in plenty to the Cape of Good Hope, wine and wood only excepted.

Then the Great Wood could be fenced in, which unless it were fenced would not have a tree upon it in twenty years, because the old trees were now of long standing and some always falling down, while the young and small trees that arose were all destroyed by the cattle, which went there as if on a common. So that without enclosing it the wood would never rise again. The Great Wood being but part of the country meant a great deal, and this piece of work alone was a whole year's employment for at least 100 men, because there was no stone there but what must be brought from a considerable distance.

9: The Council also proposed to carry the water over the saddle of the mountain that parted James Valley from Rupert's Valley, which would improve that whole valley and make it fit for garden ground. The Governor surveyed the place with Mr Scattergood, who reckoned it the fruitfullest spot on the island, being two miles long and very near a plain, and judged it would yield sufficient plantations for ten industrious families. For a full account of the valley, and to avoid troubling the Court with a long letter, the Court was asked to read paragraph 71 of the Susanna letter. According as the Court should approve the Council's actions, the platform there for bringing over the water and improving the valley would be as necessary as enclosing the Great Wood, and would require as many hands.

10: The Council would not trouble the Court with any of these proposals of its own, which might to the Court's greater judgements seem mere projects, but that it saw the island in a declining state, and in some part or other constantly decaying, being every year in a worse state than before, as appeared in some places of Maxwell's Valley, where the ground wore out so as to be no longer fit for plantation land and wanted a general recruit. The island might properly be compared to an old ship that must have a thorough repair to hold out long, or else could never be kept in order, though at a continual charge.

Interpretations

The Council recast its case for slaves as a direct comparison of outlays, setting the roughly £200 a year spent on hired and idle labour against the one-time purchase of 120 slaves for the same sum. By converting a recurring wage bill into a capital cost the directors could weigh, the letter pressed the argument in the financial terms the Court was most likely to act on.

The plan to enclose the Great Wood rested on a problem of common grazing, the cattle roaming the wood as if on open land destroying every young tree so that the old timber could never be replaced. Fencing was presented as the only remedy, but at the cost of a year's work for 100 men, since the stone for the task had to be hauled from far off.

The proposal to carry water over the saddle between James Valley and Rupert's Valley revived the irrigation scheme already set out at length in the Susanna despatch of 12 November 1714, where the water course from the head of James Valley over the Haunt Path ridge was to open more than 200 acres. Here the Governor's survey with Mr Scattergood added an outside judgement that the valley was the most fertile spot on the island and fit to settle ten families.

The likening of the island to an old ship needing a thorough repair framed the whole programme of fencing, irrigation and slave purchase as deferred maintenance on a wasting asset. The image carried the argument that piecemeal spending merely held off decay, while a single large investment was the only way to arrest the soil exhaustion already showing in Maxwell's Valley.

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11: But with a good Number of usefull hands the whole Country would have a new face the wages made good and Eaſey The water duly Diſperſed So that Little or none would Run to wast The grounds duely fenced would increaſe the Growth of wood And the valleys Capable of produceing any thing would all be Occupyed & Improved.

12: We would not trouble your Hon:r further at Present then to Aſsure you that the Great Indent which we Sent Home by the St George Contains only Usefull things for us or things Proffitable to your Hon:r and Neceſsary to your Shiping who have all in Generall Except Capt Hurst mett with more bad weather than uſuall which has Expended all our Navall Stores.

13: In our Letter by the St George we prayed your Hon:r to Send us an Apothecary who would be a very usefull man in this Place & now more Needfull then before because Thomas Brice our Surgeon takes his Paſsage on board this Ship Kent and tho we had but very little good of him Yet he was Some times Sober and then Capable of doeing Service on the place we must give him the Charecter of a good Surgeon but he was a great Sott which made us the Willinger to part with him, We have now only Joseph DuMay who was Surgeons Mate on board the Cardigan whom we take to be a Sober man and if he Continues So we hope his Judgement and Experience will increaſe But Joyned with a good Apothecary would doe better we Enlarge the more on this head because yo: Hon:rs Seemed Inclined at our Comeing out to Send an Apothecary with us if he could have been procured.

14: Money is much wanted on this place because without it nothing can be done but by the Tranſfers at the Store we began a Markett here according to your Hon:rs former Orders but the People not haveing money to buy we were foret to leave it off unleſs we had kept a book keeper to make every body Debtor to your Hon:r for what was Sold which would have been more Charge and trouble then Proffitt wherefore because Some of our Bank bills begin to wear out we pray your Hon:r to Send us over another Parcell and about twelve months hence we Should be glad of a little money if your Hon:rs would Remitt a Dollar to goe here again at Six Shillings for if they goe for no more then five Shillings twill doe us no good because we Shant be able to keep it on the Island but the outward bound Ships will any of it being new worth more by above twenty ye Cent at Madraſs Espirahuy than it goes for here And we propoſe if your Hon:r Shall think fitt to Send us any money out to have a Smallhmark to punch upon it and then pray all the money So punched at that Price, and if you pleaſe

The dollar in question is the Spanish silver dollar, the piece of eight, the standard trade coin across the Indian Ocean and the one the East India Company moved in bulk to its eastern settlements.

On whether the rating changed in earlier years, the consolidated record carried into this project does not preserve an earlier St Helena valuation of the dollar to compare against the six shillings proposed here. The currency material gathered to date for the 1714 and 1715 despatches runs to sterling debt and price benchmarks, to the Coast fanams reckoned at eighty to the ounce, and to the Batavia arrack and brandy purchases, but it records no prior dollar rate set by the Council. So the present six shillings cannot be set against a documented earlier figure from the material already processed.

What the letter itself establishes is comparative rather than historical. The Council fixed on six shillings precisely because the same dollar was worth more than twenty per cent above that at Madras, which is why outward bound ships carried the coin away. The proposal to punch a Company mark and call the marked dollars at six shillings was an attempt to hold the coin on the island by rating it locally, below its eastern value, rather than a change from a known former St Helena rate.

If a specific earlier valuation is wanted, it would need to come from a consultation predating this material, which could be checked against any earlier image you hold.

I will fold the Spanish identification into the speculation. The corrected full text follows.

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Kent, late December 1715. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

11: With a good number of useful hands the whole country would have an even face, the wages made good and easy, and the Court's debts duly discharged, so that little or none would run to waste. The ground duly fenced would increase the growth of wood, and the valleys capable of producing anything would all be occupied and improved.

12: The Council would not trouble the Court further at present, beyond assuring it that the great parcel sent home by the St George contained only useful things, or things profitable to the Court and necessary to its shipping, all in general except Captain Hunt's, who met with more bad weather than usual, which had expended all the naval stores.

13: In the letter by the St George the Council prayed the Court to send out an apothecary, who would be a very useful man in this place, and now more needful than before, because Thomas Price, the surgeon, took his passage on board the Kent. The Council had had very little good of him, yet he was sometimes sober and then capable of doing service on the island, so it must give him the character of a good surgeon, which made it the willinger to part with him. There remained now only Joseph Du May, who was surgeon's mate on board the Cardigan, whom the Council took to be a better hand. If he continued so, his judgement and experience would increase with time. Joined with a good apothecary, he would do better. The Council asked the Court to enlarge the store on this head, because the Court had seemed inclined, at the Council's coming out, to send an apothecary if one could have been procured.

14: Money was much wanted in this place, because nothing could be done without it but by transfers at the stores. The Council had begun a market here according to the Court's former orders, but the people, not having money to buy, were forced to leave it off, unless the Council had kept a stock always to make everybody else pay. This proved a great charge and trouble more than profit. Since some of the Court's bank bills began to wear out, the Council prayed the Court to send another such, of about twelve months' date back, so that it should be glad of a little money. If the Court would remit a dollar to go here again at six shillings, the Council proposed no more than the present six shillings, for if dollars were rated higher the Council would not be able to keep them on the island, the outward bound ships carrying them all away, it being now worth more by above twenty per cent at Madras. If the Court thought fit to send any money out, the Council proposed to have a small mark to punch upon it, and then call all the money so punched at that rate.

Interpretations

The departure of the surgeon Thomas Price on the Kent exposed the thinness of the island's medical establishment, leaving only Joseph Du May, formerly surgeon's mate on the Cardigan, in his place. The renewed plea for an apothecary, first made in the St George letter, shows the Council managing a single point of failure in its surgical provision and pressing a request the Court had earlier shown willingness to meet.

The candid account of Price, called a good surgeon yet so given to drink that the Council was glad to release him, set a professional character against a personal failing in the same breath. The double assessment let the Council discharge a duty of fair report while quietly justifying the loss of a man it could not rely on.

The complaint that nothing could be done without money but by transfers at the stores went to the heart of the island's economy, where credit entries stood in for coin. The failed market, abandoned because the people had no cash to buy, showed how the absence of currency frustrated even the Court's own order to set up open trade.

Speculations

The proposal to fix the dollar at six shillings and to punch a Company mark on imported coin was a deliberate device to stop money draining off the island. The coin meant was the Spanish silver dollar, the piece of eight, which fetched above twenty per cent more at Madras, so outward ships carried it away. By rating the marked dollar at six shillings, below its eastern value, the Council sought to create a local currency valid only at St Helena, with no worth to a departing captain, and so keep it in circulation.

The request for a bank bill dated about twelve months back appears aimed at the practical problem of worn-out paper rather than fresh credit. By asking for the new instrument to carry an earlier date, the Council seems to have wanted a replacement that would slot into the existing run of bills without disturbing the accounting, managing the physical decay of its paper money as much as its supply.

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to send us Copper farthings we will do the same by them which will prevent their being brought in by any body Elſe in quanhties.

15: The Copper farthings your Hon:r sent us from Madraſs are too heavy So that three of them weigh more then two English halfe Pence wherefore we intend to put away the farthings as halfe Pence and the halfe Pence as Pennys if your Hon:r Approve thereof but English farthing to goe for halfe Pence and halfe Pence for Pennys would be much more pleaſeing to our People here but as yet we have paid None of our money away Neither the Spannish bitts the Govern:r brought over with him nor the Fannams nor Copper Caſh because untill we have Enough to pay the Garrison & working People for one whole year we Shall be forced to leave off and goe to the old bad method of Entering Every thing at the Stores againe.

16: We have received by this Ship Kent According to Invoice from ffort St George the Course Long Cloth twentyfive baggs of Sugar and two Leagers and a halfe of Arrack in five Puncheons but wanted four Inches Each of being full.

17: Herewith comes Capt Minters first bill of Exchange for the Sume of thirty nine pounds Ninetey Shillings and three Pence half penny Sterling payable to your Hon:r on himself and owners of the Ship Kent.

18: We have alſoe Sent another of Capt Anthony Ryans bills of Exchange for Ninety nine Pounds Seventeen Shillings payable to your Hon:r by Sr Gregory Page Knight & Bart.

Union Castle St Helena Jan: 20th 171⅚

Ship Kent Capt Lacy Minter Comander

We are Hon:ble Srs Your Hon:rs most Humble and faithfull Servants.

Isa: Pyke Geo: Haswell Matt Bazett Antho: Tovey Edw: Byfield

A List

This continues and closes the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Kent, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 26 January 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Court was asked to send copper farthings, and the Council would do the same by them, which would prevent their being brought in by anybody else in quantities.

15: The copper farthings the Court sent from Madras were too heavy, three of them weighing more than two English halfpence. The Council therefore intended to put away the farthings as halfpence, and the halfpence as pennies. If the Court approved, English farthings to go for halfpence and halfpence for pennies would be much more pleasing to the people here. As yet none of the money had got away, neither the Spanish bits the Governor brought over with him, nor the Fort St George copper cash, because until there was enough to pay the garrison the people would be forced, for one whole year, to leave off and go to the old bad method of entering everything at the stores again.

16: The Council received by the ship Kent, according to the invoices from Fort St George, the coarse long cloth, twenty-five bags of sugar and two leaguers and a half of arrack in five puncheons, but each puncheon wanted four inches of being full.

17: Herewith came Captain Minter's first bill of exchange for the sum of thirty-nine pounds nineteen shillings and threepence halfpenny sterling, payable to the Court, drawn on himself and the owners of the ship Kent.

18: The Council also sent another of Captain Anthony Ryan's bills of exchange for ninety-nine pounds seventeen shillings, payable to the Court by Sir Gregory Page, Baronet, and Knight.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, on 26 January 1716, sent by the ship Kent, Captain Minter commander. It closed as from the Court's most humble and faithful servants, and was signed by Isaac Pyke, George Haswell, Matthew Bazett, Antipas Tovey and Edward Byfield. A list followed.

Interpretations

The scheme to pass the Madras copper farthings as halfpence, and English farthings and halfpence each at the next coin up, exploited the gap between a coin's metal weight and its face value. By revaluing overweight copper upward, the Council sought to relieve the shortage of small change that forced the people back onto store credit, turning the very heaviness of the Madras coin to local advantage.

The admission that no money would circulate until there was enough to pay the garrison shows coin entering the island economy chiefly through the soldiers' wages. Until that channel was filled, neither the Governor's Spanish bits nor the Fort St George copper cash could displace the entering of goods at the stores, the credit method the whole currency reform was meant to end.

Captain Anthony Ryan's bill for ninety-nine pounds seventeen shillings, payable through Sir Gregory Page, completed an instrument begun earlier, the first part of this bill having gone home on the St George of 1 December 1715 with the second reserved for the next conveyance. The splitting of one bill across two ships was a standard guard against loss at sea, each half worthless without its fellow reaching London.

The shortfall of four inches in every puncheon of arrack received from Fort St George was recorded as a measured deficiency against the invoice, the same enforcement of delivered quantity against shipped quantity the Council pressed at length in the bill of lading programme of the St George despatch. Noting the want exactly preserved the Council's claim against the supplier for short measure.

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A List of the Packett ☞ Ship Kent Capt Lawrence Minter Commander

1 Copy of Postscript ☞ Ship St George, dated the 28th Decembr 1715 2 Duplicate of Consultations from the 8 Novembr 1715 to the 29: of the same month Inclusive 3 Duplicate of Consultations from 29 Novembr Inclusive to the 10th January Exclusive 4 Copy of Information of Willm Gwyn relating to the treasure Lost on board the Eagle Galley 5 Copys of Genll from fort St George ☞ Ship Kent 6 Copy of Bale Goods Arrack &c Invoice ☞ ditto Ship 7 Copy of Invoice from fort St George for treasure Sent ☞ Ship Madigan brought by the Kent 8 Capt Grainger receipt for the Large Packett 9 Capt Grainger receipt for the small Packett 10 Capt Willm Ryans bill of Exchange for 99..17..— 11 Capt Lawr Minters first bill of Exch for 39..19..3½ drawn payable to the Honble Court of Directors 12 Ship Kents Acco 13 List of the Packett

This is the packet manifest accompanying the Council letter sent by the ship Kent, Captain Lawrence Minter commander, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 26 January 1716. The numbered items list the contents.

A list of the packet by the ship Kent, Captain Lawrence Minter commander.

1: Copy of the postscript by the ship St George, dated 26 December 1715.

2: Duplicate of consultations from 8 November 1715 to 29 November inclusive, of the same month inclusive.

3: Duplicate of consultations from 29 November inclusive to 10 January exclusive.

4: Copy of the information of William Gwyn relating to the treasure lost on board the Eagle Galley.

5: Copy of the general letter from Fort St George by the ship Kent.

6: Copy of bale goods, arrack and so forth, and the invoice of the same ship.

7: Copy of the invoice from Fort St George for the treasure sent by the ship Cardigan, brought by the Kent.

8: Captain Grainger's receipt for the large packet.

9: Captain Grainger's receipt for the small packet.

10: Captain Anthony Ryan's bill of exchange for £99 17s 0d.

11: Captain Lawrence Minter's first bill of exchange for £39 19s 3½d, drawn payable to the Honourable Court of Directors.

12: Ship Kent's account.

13: List of the packet.

Interpretations

The manifest functioned as a numbered audit trail, itemising every document and instrument enclosed so that India House could check the packet against its contents on arrival. The same technique appeared in the St George despatch of 1 December 1715, which ran to twenty-eight numbered items, and in the Cardigan despatch of 26 December 1715 at eighteen items, the practice giving each homeward conveyance a recoverable inventory.

The inclusion of duplicate consultations covering 8 November to 10 January extended the Council's standing guard against loss at sea, the same proceedings having already gone home on an earlier bottom. By spreading copies of its minutes across separate ships, the Council ensured that the record of its decisions would survive even if one conveyance were lost.

William Gwyn's information on the treasure lost from the Eagle Galley was forwarded as a distinct exhibit, carried here by the Kent rather than with the earlier despatch. Its place in the manifest completed the long evidentiary file on the Eagle Galley conspiracy, the paper on the lost chest having been promised to the Court as possibly offering some light on the embezzled money.

The two bills of exchange listed, Ryan's for £99 17s 0d and Minter's first bill for £39 19s 3½d, were entered as enclosures so that the financial instruments travelled within the same audited packet as the correspondence. Recording each bill by number tied the remittance to the letter that explained it and let the Court match paper to payment.

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Jan: the 5th 1715 ☞ Thistleworth Dan Small Commander

1 Having written to your Honr at large by the Ships St George, & Madiган, we do not pretend to write more on those Subjects by Doubling but your Honrs have receivd & considr we request them we having taken in a Shorter Letter by the Kent over the most materiall Articles of the other Letters: We will not presume to trouble yr Honr farther now than to make some small remembrance by way of Post script to the Kents Letter, the cheifest is to acquaint yr Honours, as will appear farther by the Coppyes of our Letters, out come to the [...] & Anarilla, that we have wrote to Bencolen, Bengall, Bombay & Madrass, that we have laid in here with such Quick [...] reasons, that we shall be able to supply all yr Honrs Ships wth the usuall provisions & refreshments that are the produce of this place

2 And that yr Honrs will as effectually supply us with severall Stores that all yr Ships may be furnisht wth what is necessary, We so it is that most of this Shipping which then have out wth [...] much bad weather & indeed such large Demands for Pitch, Tarr, & Cordage, that we have now none left, And the Governour to supply the necessities of yr Ships has been obligd to order the[...] minor Carriages on the [...] not to be [...] this reason, yt the wo Loard will be a considerable Damage to yr Honours by Iron, rusting & spoiling in the Stores, [...] had your [...] suffer a greater Damage by working yr Goods in the Stores, we have spared them more than wee expected, and have not now by us half the Quantity that is necessary for yr Ships we now expect & Wherefore we do the more earnestly pray yr Honrs to send us out a good quantity of Pitch, Tarr, & well made Cordage; such as is mention'd in our Indent sent home by the Sycerce & Cordigan: We come to whom we write Therefore it will not be so impertinent as to tell our Honr Masters, yr Ships may allways be madd to[...] Refill, that we get more by these [...] outwards then by any of those Sold to the People here, but we think over best Articles to prevail with yr Honours to send them out by yr great usefullness they are of to all yr Shipping, & the vast Damages Some Cordage may happen to suffer for want of them, We therefore importun yr Honours wisdoms in it effectually supplying us with a small Store

3 And because we have a will very perilously [...] yr Honours for

This is a duplicate of the Council letter to the Court of Directors, here sent by the ship Thistleworth, Daniel Small commander, and dated in January 1716. The numbered paragraphs reproduce the matter already carried by the Kent.

1: Having written to the Court at large by the ships St George and Cardigan, the Council did not intend to write more on those subjects by this conveyance, the Court having received and considered them. By way of a shorter letter by the Kent the Council ran over the most material articles of the other letters. It would not now trouble the Court further than to make some small remembrance, by way of postscript to the Kent letter, which was to acquaint the Court, as would appear further by the convoys of the Council's letters sent home by the Hanover and the Averilla, that it had written to Bencoolen, Bengal, Bombay and Madras, with such good success that the island should be able to supply all the Court's ships with the usual provisions and refreshments that were the produce of the place.

2: So that the Court might more effectually be supplied with naval stores, that all its ships might be furnished with what was necessary, the Council said so it was that most of this shipping had this season met with so much bad weather, and made such large demands for pitch, tar and cordage, that there was now none left. To supply the necessities of the Court's ships the Governor had been obliged to order the mine carriages on the spot, not to be carried, for which reason the Court would suffer no considerable damage. To the great honour of every refitting and supplying in the store, the Court had laid yet would suffer a greater damage by wanting the goods in the ships. The Council had served them more than was occasion, and had not given by half the quantity that was necessary for the ships the Council expected. Therefore it the more earnestly prayed the Court to send out a good quantity of pitch, tar and cordage, such as were mentioned in the requisitions sent home by the St George and Cardigan. To these the Council wrote, and therefore it was not impertinent to tell the Court, its masters, that the ships might always be made do strong refill, that the Council got more by these stores delivered them than by any of those sold to the people here. Yet the Council thought naval stores the best article to prevail with the Court to send them out, by the great usefulness they were of to all the shipping. The vast damage some service might happen to suffer for want of them, were therefore the goods on the Court's honours' wisdoms in so effectually supplying it with naval stores.

3: Because the Council had written very particularly to the Court...

Interpretations

This letter was itself a duplicate, the Thistleworth under Daniel Small carrying a fresh copy of matter already despatched by the Kent, the St George and the Cardigan. The deliberate repetition across four bottoms within one season extended the Council's standing practice of guarding its correspondence against loss at sea, each ship a separate chance for the same intelligence to reach London.

The opening paragraph reported a network of supply letters sent to Bencoolen, Bengal, Bombay and Madras, the lateral correspondence by which St Helena drew Eastern goods directly from the presidencies rather than from London alone. The success claimed in those answers was offered as proof that the island could now victual the whole homeward fleet from its own and the factories' produce.

The argument for naval stores rested on a commercial point as much as a practical one, that the Court gained more by the pitch, tar and cordage delivered to its own ships than by any goods sold to the islanders. By casting the stores as the most profitable line to keep on the island, the Council framed a request for resupply as a measure in the Court's own financial interest.

The Governor's expedient of ordering the mine carriages on the spot, when the season's bad weather had exhausted the stores, recorded an emergency improvisation to keep the Court's ships refitted. The note that this spared a greater loss than it caused defended a local decision taken under pressure, anticipating any objection from the Court to spending made without prior order.

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Pray for 200 able bodied Blacks, and as in Hopes you'll cause us to be fully supply'd We pray you to send us Roories sufficient to cloath a few 500 Negroes every year, And to order that a 1000 Suits made of blew long Cloath may be allow ed [...] from Bencoolen Madrass &c We hope yr Honrs will not think so hardly of us as that we have not a due regard to the Charge, for it is a full Consideration of that wch causes us to write so freely for Blacks & suitable cloathing as the least expedient to lessen yr Charges, And we hope this reasons alledg'd by us at the End of the [...] of yr Blacks will not be thought amiss of

4 We will not trouble yr Honrs with too long repetitions of the necessity or usefullness of all those Stores mention'd in our large Indent, because we have been so full on those heads in our former Letters, well we do persuade to assure you, that we put nothing down in them, but what we thought would tend not to our Service onely, but to yr Honrs Interest

5 We pray yr Honrs to send us some more of yr Steavา Brick Bills as those will be more usefull to us than many or especially those of the lesser sort if some allso of [...] Shillings each

6 And wth them to send us a good Quantity of copper farthing & halfpence, to go for half pence & pence are doubt and only by Stamping a small private mark thereon to make them allso so profitable to yr Honrs as usefull to us

7 The Article of Timber is allso of great consequence, we have so little here, & so much occasion of it even for yr Ships sometimes, as well as to be used in buildings, We are pleased to the great use of those Orders [...] to us wth yr Honrs & Barracks to spike upon, our chain yards, without such a piece of Timber the case have been, so hard putt to it, that it would have prolong'd her passage & We supply'd her allso wth some plank & Deal boards, as we have done to severall other Ships, We mention this only to shew the Advantage of having such Stores here, That is something of very good Use to us here, as well as for the other Ordinary & common Occasions

8 It Heaven dirie by this Ship that Genll Aislabie is on board the Duke of Cambridge wth gallant wch & Eagle expected here from

This continues the duplicate Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Thistleworth, Daniel Small commander, January 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Court was prayed for 200 able-bodied slaves, and the Council was confident the Court would fully supply it. It prayed the Court to send tap sails sufficient to clothe a new 200 slaves every year, and also to order that 1,000 shirts made of blue long cloth might be allowed, as already mentioned. The Court would not think so hardly of the Council as that it had not a due regard to the charge, for it was a full consideration of that which moved it to write so largely for slaves and suitable clothing, as the least expedient to lessen the charge. The Council hoped the reasons already given would not be thought amiss.

4: The Council would not trouble the Court with too long a repetition of the necessity or usefulness of all those several matters mentioned in its large requisitions, because it had been so full on those heads in its former letters. It would not pretend to assure the Court that it put nothing down in them but what it thought would conduce to the Court's service, and had no other end but the Court's interest.

5: The Council prayed the Court to send some more of its Madras bank bills, as those would be more useful and still in use than money, especially those of the lower sort, and also of two shillings each.

6: The Court was asked to send a good quantity of copper farthings and halfpence, to go for halfpence and pennies, to prevent anybody else bringing in a small private mark thereon to make them also as profitable to the Court as useful to the island.

7: The article of timber was also of great consequence. The Council had so little here, and so much occasion for it, even for use. This sometimes used to be met with in buildings. It appealed to the Court for one of those orders intended to write with for the Court's barracks, to spend upon, two main yards, without such a piece of timber the old have been so hard put to it that it would have prolonged her passage. The Council supplied her also with two main yards and deal boards, as it had done to several other ships. It mentioned this only to show the advantage of having such stores here, that it was something of very good use to those, as well as for the other ordinary and common occasions.

8: It pleased Heaven once by this ship that General Aislaby was on board the Duke of Cambridge, with General Granger and the Eagle expected here from...

Interpretations

The request for 1,000 blue long cloth shirts and a yearly supply of tap sails to clothe 200 new slaves tied the demand for labour to a standing demand for cloth to clothe it. The Council presented the clothing as itself a measure to lessen the charge, folding the cost of provisioning the workforce into the same argument that justified buying it.

The preference for the lower-value Madras bank bills, and especially those of two shillings each, addressed the want of small denominations that had frustrated the island market. By asking for paper in small amounts the Council sought a circulating medium fine enough for everyday dealing, where larger bills and scarce coin could not serve.

The plea for copper farthings carried a defensive edge, that the Court should supply them so as to forestall private parties bringing in their own marked coin. The Council sought to keep the issue and stamping of small money in the Court's hands, both as a source of profit to the Court and as a guard against an unregulated private currency taking hold.

The account of supplying main yards and deal boards to passing ships, including a vessel whose voyage would otherwise have been delayed for want of a yard, gave a worked instance of the value of holding timber stores on the island. The example served the larger case for keeping naval stores at St Helena, showing in a single ship the loss a well-stocked station could prevent.

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the Cape of good Hope, wth Capt Stanmore & Mr Courtney Lascelles on board the [...] This Ship sailing in Company down the Cape & Mallabar [...] the Cape, but the Thistleworth following the D. of Cambridge into the Bay of Cape [...] Express as soon as he had come to an Anchor, but in case he could have time to moor wee will out by stress of Wind left us his Bower Anchor there

9 The Nathanaill Capt Neuse Comander from Mocha & Bombay is suddenly expected here, they tell them at Bombay wth the [...] but her Cargoe ready to be putt on board, and therefore Believe he will not be so long after them, We hear that the Nathan Boat went on shore on the Coast of Arabia near [...] far in Lat: 16°.. N: at the request of Mr [...] Cock one of the Supra Cargoes, who had a desire to see that part of the Country, but the Natives surprize them & cutt off wch Cock & all there who were a shore, only [...] who were left to take care of the Boat, escaping & one of Mr Joshua Beaman being one of them who were destroyd

10 We hear the Catherine who is now commanded by Capt Stokes, that went out a Whale, was prosecuting a rapeous Voyage, & lying in a Cruize to that place, when the Thistleworth came away from Bombay, so its not likely she can be here this Season but may be expected against the next of yr [...] shipping

11 We have been obligd, for the better dispatche of yr Honrs Affairs to provide with one Mr Robt Fairfax, who was a Midshipman in the Thistleworth, & has been used as Steer er for severall Ships, but Capt Small has at our request discharg'd them him on board

12 We have bought Some of this Ship as for yr Honrs Account an for Cattyes of Tea, wch was putt up in small Cannisters being wanted of yr Stores, expecting no Ship from China this Year were, that of the opportunity hoping in the D. of Cambridge to make that letthemore in that sort of Package, wch we dont accept to be so our peopl & therefore pray yr Honrs when you give directions of the next China Voyage to order yr Tea Decotts of each sort to be so putt up for the use of this place

13 Since [...] first arrival here there was a great [...] amongs the Garrison as will appear by yr Honrs by looking over the [...] Register of Births & Burialls, which were so very [...] enrag'd to the Soldiers being and our Soldiers, wch came down very fast in the rainy Seasons, Wherefore about Christmas last the Governour ordr'd Tea to be made for the ordinary diet of the Garrison, in the Same manner as the Dutch

This continues the duplicate Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Thistleworth, Daniel Small commander, January 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Cape of Good Hope, with Captain Lannore and Mr Courtney Lassells were on board the ship. The ship, sailing in company down with Captain Mallabar to the Cape, but the Thistleworth, following the Duke of Cambridge into the bay of Cape Bon Esperance, after she had come to an anchor, lost, before she could save time to moor, two out of three of her bower anchors, by stress of wind, lying with her bower anchor there.

9: The Nathaniel, Captain Neaus commander, from Mocha and Bombay, was suddenly expected here. They left them at Bombay, with the Averilla, but her cargo not ready to be put on board, and therefore the Council believed she would not be long after them. It heard that the Nathaniel boat went on shore on the coast of Arabia, near the river fair, in latitude 16 degrees north, at the request of Mr George Cook, one of the supercargoes, who had a desire to see that part of the country. But the natives surprised them, cut off Mr Cook and all those who were ashore, only seven, who were left to look after the boat, escaping. Eleven of Mr Joshua Beauman's company being one of them, all were destroyed.

10: The Council heard the Catherine, now commanded by Captain Stukes, that went out as mate, was prosecuting a prosperous voyage, and was lying in a river near that place, when the Thistleworth came away from Bombay. So it was likely she could be here, those ships not being but may be expected among the next of the shipping.

11: The Council had been obliged, for the better despatch of the Court's affairs, to provide with one Mr Henry Fairfax, who was a midshipman of the Thistleworth. Any here used as fitter in the service, but Captain Small had at one request discharged him from above. He drew on the Court's account.

12: The Council had bought, by this ship, for the Court's account, an 100 catties of tea, which went up in small canisters, being wanted at the Court's stores. Expecting no proper time this year, were afraid of the opportunity, hoping in the Duke of Cambridge to match it, and most acceptable to the Court's people at Bencoolen in that sort of package, which it did not accept to. To the next, the Court was therefore prayed, when it gave directions for the next China voyage, to order 200 or 300 dollars of each sort to be put up for the use of this place.

13: Since the last arrival here, there was a great mortality among the garrison, as would appear to the Court by looking over the chaplain's register of births and burials, which was now increased to the soldiers dying, and out soldiers, who came down very fast in the rainy seasons. Therefore about Christmas last the Governor ordered tea to be made for the ordinary diet of the garrison, in the same manner as the Dutch...

Interpretations

The report of the Nathaniel's boat cut off on the coast of Arabia, with the supercargo George Cook and most of the shore party killed near a river in latitude 16 degrees north, recorded the hazard of casual landings on an unknown and hostile shore. The detail that the men went ashore at Cook's own wish to see the country marked the loss as the consequence of a private excursion rather than ship's business.

The Council's purchase of 100 catties of tea on the Court's account, and its request that future China voyages set aside 200 or 300 dollars' worth for the island, registered a new staple entering St Helena's supply through the China trade. The tea was bought against a need at the stores and a particular use about to be explained, tying the order to a deliberate change in the garrison's diet.

The mortality among the garrison, set out by reference to the chaplain's register of births and burials, continued the demographic accounting that ran through the earlier despatches, where the register had shown the island's deaths outstripping its christenings. The rainy season was named as the killing time, the soldiers coming down fast in the wet months.

The Governor's order, made about Christmas, to serve tea as part of the garrison's ordinary diet in the manner of the Dutch, presented a public health measure borrowed from a rival establishment. By adopting a Dutch practice against the seasonal sickness, the Council moved tea from a traded commodity to a ration deliberately issued to keep the soldiers alive.

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Dutch Soldiers att Batavia have, And since our people's having drank Tea, they have much better in health, which [...] may be owing to the adding of the Water, & receiving it by Tea; & therefore finding it so good & Wett following it We pray yr Honrs to allow one Catty of Tea to each Guard, which is twice a Week amongst the Soldiers, or about one Pecull a year, for a Pecull of ordinary Tea may be bought in China for 10 Tale, or at any time four Tales a Pecull wth this for Sham & Sterling, And we hope it will do these poor Men a great deal of Good, and if yr Honrs shall think fitt to allow it to them, we desire you'll order a Pecull to be bought for that purpose every Year

14 The Captain Genll the Tea aforemention'd has sold some other Small parcells of Tea, & yr Tea, [...] one of his Boats, & had his credit in yr Honrs Stores amount to thee summ of Eighty three pounds, fifteen Shillings & nine pence, for which we have drawn yr Bills of Exchange payable to Capt Dan: Small as order'd of this

15 Date Herewith comes Capt Lawr Minters 2d Bill of Exchange payable to yr Honours for the Sum of 39..19..3:

Wee are yr Honrs

☞ Ship Thistleworth Capt Dan: Small Comr

Yr Honrs most faithfull humble Servants

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Mattw Bazett Antipas Toory Theo Byfield

St Helena Union Castle Febry 24th 1715

This continues and closes the duplicate Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Thistleworth, Daniel Small commander, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 24 February 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Dutch soldiers at Batavia did, and since the Council's people had drunk tea they were much better in health, which perhaps might be owing to the boiling of the water, and correcting it by the tea. Therefore the Council prayed the Court to allow one catty of tea to each guard, which was twice a week among the soldiers, or about one parcel a year. A parcel of ordinary tea might be bought in China for ten shillings, or at any time for two or three dollars a parcel, worth about six shillings sterling. The Council hoped it would do these poor men a great deal of good, and if the Court should think fit to allow it to them, it desired the Court would order a parcel to be bought for that purpose every year.

14: The captain, besides the tea mentioned above, had sold some other small parcels of tea, and so forth, taken out of one of his boats. His prices credited in the Court's stores amounted to the sum of eighty-three pounds, fifteen shillings and ninepence, for which the Council had drawn its bill of exchange, payable to Captain Daniel Small, in order of this date.

15: Herewith came Captain Minter's second bill of exchange, payable to the Court for the sum of £39 19s 3½d.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, on 24 February 1716, sent by the ship Thistleworth, Captain Daniel Small commander. It closed as from the Court's most humble and faithful servants, and was signed by Isaac Pyke, George Haswell, Matthew Bazett, Antipas Tovey and Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The Council advanced a physiological explanation for tea's effect on the soldiers' health, that the benefit might lie in the boiling of the water as much as in the tea itself. The observation, drawn from the Dutch garrison at Batavia, came close to grasping that boiled water checked the seasonal sickness, the tea serving chiefly as the reason to boil it.

The proposed ration of one catty of tea to each guard twice a week, costed precisely at a parcel bought in China for ten shillings or two or three dollars worth about six shillings sterling, turned a health measure into a budgeted annual order. By pricing the whole scheme so finely the Council framed a humane provision for the men in the terms of cost the Court would weigh.

Captain Small's tea, sold off from his own boats and credited at the stores for eighty-three pounds fifteen shillings and ninepence, was settled by a bill of exchange drawn in his favour. The transaction shows the same mechanism running through these letters, a private commander's goods taken into the Court's stores and paid not in coin but in paper drawn on London.

The two parts of Captain Minter's bill, the first carried home by the Kent and the second sent here by the Thistleworth, completed a single remittance of £39 19s 3½d split across two ships. The deliberate separation guarded the payment against loss at sea, each half of no effect until its fellow reached the Court.

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A List of the Packett ☞ Ship Thistleworth Capt Dan: Small Comand

1 Consultations from the 29 Nov 1715 to the 10 Janr 1715/16 Inclusive as sent ☞ Ship Kent Capt Lawr Minter Comand 2 Consulta from yr 10 Janr 1715/6 to the 7 Febr foll: Inc 3 receipt for the Large Packett ☞ Capt Lawr Minter 4 receipt for the small Packett ☞ Do 5 Capt Minters 2d Bill of Excha (the first ☞ himself) 6 Ship Thistleworths Acco 7 Capt Smalls Acco 8 List of the Packett

This is the packet manifest accompanying the duplicate Council letter sent by the ship Thistleworth, Captain Daniel Small commander, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 24 February 1716. The numbered items list the contents.

A list of the packet by the ship Thistleworth, Captain Daniel Small commander.

1: Consultations from 29 November 1715 to 10 January 1716 inclusive, as sent by the ship Kent, Captain Lawrence Minter commander.

2: Consultations from 10 January 1716 to 7 February following, inclusive.

3: Receipt for the large packet by Captain Lawrence Minter.

4: Receipt for the small packet, by the same.

5: Captain Minter's second bill of exchange, the first by himself.

6: Ship Thistleworth's account.

7: Captain Small's account.

8: List of the packet.

Interpretations

The manifest set the Thistleworth packet directly against the Kent packet, item 1 noting that the consultations from 29 November 1715 to 10 January 1716 were the very proceedings already sent by the Kent. The explicit cross-reference let the Court see at once which part of the enclosure was a duplicate guard and which the fresh continuation, the new consultations running from 10 January to 7 February.

The two captains' receipts for the large and small packets, entered as items 3 and 4, recorded a chain of custody for the despatch. By taking a commander's signed acknowledgement for each sealed packet the Council fixed responsibility for safe carriage, the same audited handover used on the Kent conveyance.

Captain Minter's second bill of exchange, listed here with the note that the first went by himself, completed across two ships the split remittance of £39 19s 3½d set out in the letter. Its place in the manifest tied the financial instrument to the numbered inventory, so that paper and payment travelled as a checked unit.

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☞ Ship D. of Cambridge

Honble Sr

1 This comes to yr Honr by the Duke of Cambridge Capt Edwd Aeland Comand, who arrived here the 29 Feb: last and brought with him as Passengers the Honble Wym Aislabey Esqr yr late Genll of India, from Bombay & Capt Hanmore, with Mr Courtney of Anjango, we gave yr Honr an account by Capt Small in the Thistleworth of their putting in at the Cape of Good Hope where they stayed about fourteen days, and they give us an account that the Dutch are now in a fair Way to over-runn the remaining Parts of yr Indian Pepper Trade and that the present year they have a designe in Calicutt by wch yr Honrs will be likely to loose the best branch of your Pepper Trade on that Coast they have Eight Sale of Shipps gone upon that Expedition & to revenge a Loss they suffered lately by the Natives there who not brooking the rigourous Dealings of the Dutch who lately built a Fort among them & brought them under great hardships wherefore the said Natives Attacked the Dutch Fort on a Sudden & destroyed forty men & razed the Walls to yr foundation Stones & have carried away every Stone of the building a great many Miles into the Country & say they will put them to a Religious use & build a Pagoda with them we will not trouble yr Honr wth the particulars of this Story because the Gentlemen from whom we had this account will be wth you as soon as this

2 We hear also that Thirty Six Sale of Holland's Ships will go for India this year and that Twenty Nine Dutch India men will sail from the Cape this Season for Holland of whom Mr Hear Douglass who has severall years been Directore both of the Dutch Compa: Affairs at Battavia goes Home now Comand in Cheife

3 There has been a great Sickness about two years agoe a the Cape of Good Hope and Since then such a Dearth of Cattle that their vast Plenty is very much Decreasd some have lost their whole Stocks wch has Caused those Wild Natives

This is a Council letter to the Court of Directors, sent by the ship Duke of Cambridge, dated late February 1716. The numbered paragraphs are reproduced below.

Honourable Sirs,

1: This came to the Court by the Duke of Cambridge, Captain Edward Acland commander, which arrived here on 29 February last, and brought with her as passengers the Honourable General Aislaby, the Court's late President of India, from Bombay, and Captain Hanmore, with Mr Courtney of Anjengo. The Council gave the Court an account by Captain Acland of their putting in at the Cape of Good Hope, where they stayed about fourteen days. They gave an account that the Dutch were now in a fair way to overrun the remaining parts of the Indian peninsula, and that the present year they had a design on Celebes, by which the Court would be likely to lose the best branch of its pepper trade on that coast. The Dutch had eight sail of ships gone upon that expedition, and to revenge a loss they suffered lately by the natives there, who would not brook the rigorous dealings of the Dutch, who lately built a fort among them and brought them under great hardships. For that reason the natives attacked the Dutch fort on a sudden, destroyed many men, razed the walls to the foundation stones, and carried away every stone of the building a great many miles into the country, saying they would put them to a religious use and build a pagoda with them. The Council would not trouble the Court with the particulars of this story, because the gentlemen from whom it had the account would be with the Court as soon as this.

2: The Council heard also that thirty-six sail of Holland's ships would go for India this year, and that twenty-nine Dutch India men would sail from the Cape this season for Holland, among whom went home Mynheer Douglas, who had several years been Director General of the Dutch Company's affairs at Batavia, now commander in chief.

3: There had been a great sickness about two years ago at the Cape of Good Hope, and since then such a dearth of cattle that their vast plenty was very much decreased, some having lost their whole stocks, which had caused the Dutch natives...

Interpretations

The arrival of General Aislaby, the Court's late President of India, as a passenger from Bombay gave the Council a channel of intelligence carried by a senior officer travelling home. By noting that the gentlemen who supplied the news would reach London as soon as the letter, the Council positioned its report as advance notice of accounts the Court could shortly hear in person.

The despatch read as a strategic intelligence summary on Dutch movements in the East, the eight sail bound for Celebes threatening the Company's pepper trade and the great homeward and outward fleets numbering the rival's strength. The detail served the Court's commercial calculation, marking where Dutch expansion stood to displace English trade on the pepper coast.

The account of the natives razing the Dutch fort and carrying its stones miles inland to raise a pagoda recorded a violent reaction to the rigorous Dutch handling of a subject people. The Council reported it as a check on Dutch ambition, evidence that the rival's harsh methods of building forts among unwilling neighbours could provoke their own undoing.

The note of two years' sickness at the Cape followed by a dearth of cattle bore directly on St Helena's own supply concerns, the Cape being the comparison the Council repeatedly drew for its provisioning. A collapse in Cape stocks touched the wider question of where homeward shipping could be refreshed.

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Natives to rise & they have Seized on great Quantities of Cattle from the Dutch who live in remote Plantations And there has lately been so great Mortality among their Black People by Sickness that they can not yet recover the they keep two Ships Trading to Massfeldige on the Island Mavagasear for Slabs who are still so scarce that at this time one Black Slave that used to be Sold for fixty [...] Dollers is worth at present Two hundred

4 This Leads us to remind yr Honrs of the great want of Slaves we are in at St Helena where they are now Prodigiously scarce & therefore their Wages must be dear & high untill yr Honrs can furnish us wth a sufficient number wch cant be with fewer than two hundred but we have already spoken so large on that head that we should fear yr Honrs Displeasure therein were not our necessity so apparent and tho' we could make it appear to your Honrs that you should save a great deals of mony every year by sending us that number only once, yett will not presume to dwell longer on that Subject wch we have (perhaps too often) mentioned in our Letters by the St George, the Cordigan, the Kent, & the Thistleworth who have all lately Sailed from hence and we hope ere your Honrs Receipt of this are happily arrived in England

5 In these Duplicates of our Consultations that goe home now yr Honrs will find a new List of yr Blacks since then we have had a Sickly time wth them & have buryed four & severall more are now Sick so that our occasions for a Recruit of these people grow daily greater But the Island is to wch its people so much healthier this year than it was the last as will appear by your Chaplains List that will goe home next month

6 There are now severall Ships in the Indian Seas we fear, on a bad account some by Sycense of the Czar of Muscovy & other Northern Princes one of these being a french built Ship of Forty Guns and made by the Duke of Cambridge & the Thistleworth & many of her men are English, We hear also that your Honrs Ship the Wedmorland who Sailed out of England Anno Dom 1708 then Comanded by Capt Thos Warner is

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Duke of Cambridge, late February 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The natives rose and seized great quantities of cattle from the Dutch who lived in remote plantations. There had lately been so great a mortality among their black people by sickness that they could not recover them, so they kept two ships trading to Massaleage on the island of Madagascar for slaves, who were now so scarce that at this time one black slave that used to be sold for forty dollars was worth at present two hundred.

4: This led the Council to remind the Court of the great want of slaves it was in at St Helena, where they were now prodigiously scarce, and therefore their wages must be dear and high until the Court could furnish a sufficient number, which could not be with fewer than 200. The Council had already spoken so largely on that head that it feared the Court's displeasure, were the necessity not so apparent. As it could yet make it appear to the Court, the Court would save a great deal of money every year by sending that number only once. The Council would not presume to dwell longer on that subject, having perhaps too often mentioned it in its letters by the St George, the Cardigan, the Kent and the Thistleworth, which had all lately sailed from here. It hoped, before this, the Court's receipt of these had happily arrived in England.

5: In those duplicates of the consultations that went home now, the Court would find a new list of slaves, since then the Council had had a sickly time among them and had buried four. Four more were now sick, so that its occasions for a recruit of these people grew daily greater. But the island was otherwise much healthier this year than it was the last, as would appear by the chaplain's list that would go home next month.

6: There were now several ships in the Indian seas the Council feared on a bad account, some by reason of the Czar of Muscovy and other northern princes, one of these being a French-built ship of forty guns, road made by the Duke of Cambridge and the Thistleworth, many of her men being English. The Council heard also that the Court's ship the Westmorland, which sailed out of England in 1708 and then commanded by Captain Thomas Warner...

Interpretations

The report that a slave at Madagascar had risen from forty dollars to two hundred furnished the Council with an outside benchmark for the labour scarcity it pressed at home. By citing a fivefold rise driven by Dutch losses and disease, the letter set St Helena's own shortage within a wider regional collapse in slave supply.

The renewed demand for 200 slaves, openly acknowledged as repeated to the point of risking the Court's displeasure, was now keyed to four named conveyances that had carried the same plea. The Council's listing of the St George, Cardigan, Kent and Thistleworth turned the repetition itself into evidence of urgency and of its guard against any single letter being lost.

The enclosed new list of slaves, recording four buried and four more sick, tied the abstract case for a recruit to a falling muster the Court could read for itself. The contrast drawn with a generally healthier year for the garrison kept the two registers, of slaves and of soldiers, as distinct measures of the establishment's condition.

The fear for ships in the Indian seas on account of the Czar of Muscovy and other northern princes registered the reach of European conflict into Eastern waters. The note that a French-built ship of forty guns carried many English crew marked the tangle of nationality and allegiance that made such vessels hard to read as friend or threat.

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is now in Rogues hands at Madagasear

7 When this Ship was at the Cape of Good Cape they heard a Melancholy account of yr Honrs wants on this place & the great want of most Sort of provisions & necessaries which Caused them to bring Fourteen Leaguers of Arrack & Pee of Wine for this Place, besides Rice & wheat &c which they have Disposed of here at a low Rate wch has caused us to draw Bills on your Honr for the payments thereof it being Four Shillings ☞ Gall: for Arrack wch cost them three Shillings there and tho' we shall always Endeavour to draw as few Bills as possible on yr Honr yet when ever we can Buy Arrack at that cheap Rate of Four Shilling ☞ Gallon we hope your Honr will never be displeasd wth it ann we doubt not but twell turn to Acco of yr Honr proffitt Especially now for we have much adoe (as yr Honr will find by odr Consultations that will goe home by next Ship) brought all the planters to Buy Arrack at yr Honrs Stors & then you are likely to Spend Seberty Leaguers every year

8 Your Honr have been pleased to acquaint us in the 13 Parlat of yr last Letter by the Cordonall that we might depend on all yr Ships bringing their one ☞ Cent but we fear thave, as does did not reach Capt Hurst in the Avarillan nor Capt Small in the Thistleworth because they brought us nothing & this Ship but very little, as is remarked on her Bill of Loading And since our yearly Expences is likely to be Seventy Leaguers wee hope none will come here wholly without buck if any doe we had much rather thar Bombay Ships should bring us palempoors & Quilts of Arts for bedding instead of than Goa Arrack because nat the goa Arrack is not so acceptable to our people as the Battavia Arrack is But as to Rice or Sugar that allso will allwayes if Cheap find a Markett at St Helena

9 In our Lose by the Thistleworth we have Troubled yr Honr about Tea wch we doubt not but you'l consider of

10 This Ship wanted Severall Navall Stores more then we could Supply her wch but we hope hereafter to be able to Supply all yr Shipping no other Goods whatever bringing a better proffitt nor being of greater use

11 Upon the whole we only wish for a few Honest

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Duke of Cambridge, late February 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Westmorland was now in rogues' hands at Madagascar.

7: When this ship was at the Cape of Good Hope, they heard a melancholy account of the want at this place, and of the great want of most sorts of provisions and necessaries, which caused them to bring fourteen leaguers of arrack and a pipe of wine for the island, besides rice and wheat, which they had disposed of here at a low rate. This had caused the Council to draw bills on the Court for the payment thereof, it being four shillings a gallon for arrack, which cost them three shillings there. Though the Council would always endeavour to draw as few bills as possible on the Court, yet whenever it could buy arrack at that cheap rate of four shillings a gallon it hoped the Court would never be displeased, as it aimed, and did not doubt, but it would turn to the Court's profit, especially now, since the Council had much ado, as the Court would find, by its consultations, that would go home by next ship, to bring all the planters to buy arrack at the Court's stores. By then the Court was likely to spend seventy leaguers every year.

8: The Court had been pleased to acquaint the Council in the 73rd part of its last letter by the Cardonnel that it might depend on all the Court's ships bringing their one per cent. But the Council feared they did not reach Captain Hurst in the Averilla, nor Captain Small in the Thistleworth, because they brought nothing by this ship but very little, as was remarked on her bill of lading. Since the Council's yearly expense was likely to be seventy leaguers, it hoped none would come here wholly without any. If any did, the Council had much rather the Bombay ships should bring it palempores and quilts of arts for bedding, instead of their goa arrack, because the goa arrack was not so acceptable to its people as the Batavia arrack. As to rice and sugar, that always sold if cheap, it found a market at St Helena.

9: In the Council's case by the Thistleworth it had troubled the Court about tea, which it did not doubt but the Court would consider of.

10: This ship wanted several naval stores more than the Council could supply her with, but it hoped hereafter to be able to supply all the Court's shipping, no other goods whatever bringing a better profit nor being of greater use.

11: Upon the whole, the Council only wished for a few honest...

Interpretations

The arrack purchase set out the price mechanism in full, the ship's people bringing fourteen leaguers from the Cape at three shillings a gallon to sell at four, the Council drawing bills on the Court to pay for it. By showing a one shilling margin on every gallon the Council defended its resort to bills, casting the spirit trade as a source of profit rather than a drain on the London account.

The estimate that the island would spend seventy leaguers of arrack a year was tied directly to the success of forcing the planters to buy at the Court's stores rather than from private hands. The figure measured the scale of the store monopoly the Council had laboured to build, the whole drinking demand of the island channelled through the Company's own supply.

The reference to the Court's instruction, in the 73rd part of the Cardonnel letter, that every ship bring its one per cent invoked a standing order on supply that the Council found the captains ignoring. By naming Hurst of the Averilla and Small of the Thistleworth as having brought little or nothing, the Council enforced the Court's own rule against its own commanders.

The preference for Goa arrack to be replaced by palempores and quilts for bedding, the goa spirit being less acceptable than the Batavia sort, showed the Council managing the taste of its market. Where one Eastern product sold poorly the Council asked for goods of known demand instead, matching the import to what the island's people would actually take.

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hands &c a good many able Blacks wch those Goods mentioned in our Generall Indent wch would effectually enable us to goe thro' wth our necesary Work and to emprove yr Island so as to give a Compleat & Sufficient refreshment to all yr Honr Shipping & contentment to all yr people here

11 We can very easily find room for Six or Eight small Families that have been brought up to Gardening and Husbandry but Especially to Gardening wch would be a Charity to those poor people, your Honr send out us of grit use to the place, for we think, the more, families are Settled here the better because the Island would be stronger and more Defenceable and the Land emproved better by being made to produce more provisions and then yr Honr would also have a better Vent for yr goods at the Storehouse, the Proffitt whereof would in some measure allamiate the Charges you sustein at present

12 We have so often prayed yr Honr to send us out Gardeners Brickmakers & Brickleyers Stone Cutters and Carpenters that we fear our repeating those requests may be displeasing and tho' we are in very great want of such people Submitt the consideration thereof to yr Honr Wisdoms & shall not trouble you further therewith at present but Remaine in hopes that if your Honr shall approve of the Reasons mentioned in the 6 Part of our Letters to yr Honr by the Savannah that you'l please to send them

13 We have not suffred Mr Tovey the Secretary to Sign this Letter because he is now under confinement being comitted to our Prison by the Govern: for Rubbing Mr Francis Wrangham one of the Surteis wch his Blood who flys now very ill of his Wound the nature of the Action & the attendant Circumstances are entred at Large in this dayes Consultation & therefore cannot be Coppyed out to send by this present Ship but shall come in the next

14 We have sent off this Island one William Murfey for Stealing Sheep & Hoggs out of yr Honr Plantations we had not sent him away for that fault only but he appears

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Duke of Cambridge, late February 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Council wished for a few honest hands, and a good many able-bodied slaves, with those goods mentioned in its general letter. The requisition would effectually enable it to go through the necessary work, and to improve the island so as to give a complete and sufficient refreshment to all the Court's shipping and contentment to all the people here.

11: The Council could very easily find room for six or eight small families brought up to gardening and husbandry, but especially to gardening. It would be a charity to those poor people for the Court to send them out, and of good use to the place. The more families settled here, the better, because the island would be stronger and more defensible, and the land improved better by being made to produce more provisions. Then the Court would also have a better vent for its goods at the storehouse, the profit whereof would in some measure alleviate the charges the Court was at present.

12: The Council had so often prayed the Court to send out gardeners, brickmakers, bricklayers, stonecutters and carpenters that it feared its repeating those requests might be displeasing. Though it was in very great want of such people, it submitted the consideration thereof to the Court's wisdoms, and would not trouble the Court further at present, but remained in hopes that the Court would approve the reasons mentioned in the 62nd part of its letter sent home by the Susanna, and please to send them.

13: The Council had not suffered Mr Tovey, the secretary, to sign this letter, because he was now under confinement, being committed to the prison by the Governor for striking Mr Francis Wrangham, one of the writers, in his blood, who was now very ill of his wound. The nature of the action, with the attendant circumstances, was entered at large in this day's consultation, and therefore the matter could not be copied out to send by this present ship, but should come in the next.

14: The Council had sent off the island one William Murfey, for stealing sheep and hogs out of the Court's plantations. It had not sent him away for that fault only, but he appeared...

Interpretations

The case for six or eight gardening and husbandry families bound free recruitment to the island's defence and revenue at once, more settlers meaning a stronger garrison, more provisions and a better market for the Court's storehouse goods. The Council framed family settlement as a charity to poor people in England and a profit to the Court in the same breath.

The withholding of Antipas Tovey's signature, the secretary being in prison for striking the writer Francis Wrangham, who now lay dangerously wounded, recorded a breach within the Council's own body. By noting the missing subscription and reserving the full account to the next ship, the Council preserved the formal integrity of the letter while flagging an internal crime not yet fully documented.

The expulsion of William Murfey for stealing sheep and hogs from the Court's plantations, with the hint that the theft was not his only fault, showed the Council exercising summary removal as a tool of discipline. Banishment from the island served where the labour pool had to be kept clear of unreliable men, the fuller grounds held back for what followed.

The repeated plea for gardeners, brickmakers, bricklayers, stonecutters and carpenters, openly tied to the 62nd paragraph of the Susanna despatch of 12 November 1714, shows the Council pressing a settled recruitment programme across more than a year of correspondence. The acknowledgement that the request risked wearying the Court marked how far these letters relied on persistence to move a reluctant board.

Speculations

The Council kept Antipas Tovey's name off the letter rather than signing around his absence, which suggests it treated the subscription as a formal record of who stood behind the despatch. Withholding the signature, while reserving the full account of his committal to the next ship, let the Council protect the document's integrity and buy time to settle how an internal crime against one of its own writers would be reported to the Court.

The note that Murfey was not expelled for the theft alone, with the further grounds left dangling, points to a deliberate choice about what to set down in a letter and what to keep for the consultation book. The Council seems to have used banishment to clear a troublesome man from a labour pool it needed kept reliable, while holding back the fuller charge until it could be entered in the proper record.

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to be a notorious Rogue by other Circumstances so that wee think it not for yr Honr Interest that he stay here, and we believe it to be more dangerous to send him to Bencoolen where he may Runn a Pyrateing there being too many such Base people in that part of the World already the Govern: haveing had Information of Sundry other bad practices of this man of wch yr Honr shall have a more perticular account by the next Ship

15 There being severall Ships abroad that belong to Northern Princes or that Trade to India by their Lycence (tho' some of them perticularly those wth the Czar of Muscovys Comission we take to be Rogues) we desire yr Honr to give us some directions concerning those who pretend to be upon an Honest accot in case they should touch here homeward bound

We have drawn the foll: bills of Exchange which pray yr Honr to Accept (viz)

To Capt Edward Aenold or Order three Bills for the Sum of Four hundred ninety nine Pounds five Shillings and five pence dated the 14 March 1715/6 And

To Mrs Edward Lhetister, or Order three Bill more for yr Sum of Two hundred Pounds dated as above

Union Castle St Helena March the 14 1715/6 ☞ Ship Duke of Cambridge

We are yr Honrs

Yr Honrs most Hum: faithfull & obedt Servts

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Mattw Bazett & Tho Byfield

This continues and closes the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Duke of Cambridge, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 14 March 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

William Murfey appeared to be a notorious rogue by other circumstances, so that the Council thought it not for the Court's interest that he should stay here. It believed it more dangerous to send him to Bencoolen, where he might turn pirate, there being already too many such base people in that part of the world. The Governor, having had information of sundry other bad practices of this man, the Court would have a fuller account by the next ship.

15: Several ships were abroad belonging to northern princes, or that traded to India by their licence, some of them particularly those with the Czar of Muscovy's commission, which the Council took to be rogues. It desired the Court to give some directions concerning those who pretended to be upon an honest account, in case they should fall in here homeward bound.

The Council had drawn the following bills of exchange, which it prayed the Court to accept.

To Captain Edward Arnold or order, three bills for the sum of £499 5s 5d, dated 14 March 1716.

To Mr Edward Lucas or order, three bills more, for the sum of £200 0s 0d, dated as above.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, on 14 March 1716, sent by the ship Duke of Cambridge. It closed as from the Court's most humble, faithful and obedient servants, and was signed by Isaac Pyke, George Haswell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The reasoning on William Murfey weighed two means of disposal and rejected both ordinary courses, since keeping him served no interest and sending him to Bencoolen risked turning a thief into a pirate among the many base people already there. The Council settled on outright expulsion from the region as the only safe option, the absence of Antipas Tovey's signature here confirming the broken Council noted in the earlier paragraph.

The request for directions on ships sailing under northern princes' licences, especially the Czar of Muscovy's commission, sought standing instructions for a problem the Council could not resolve on its own authority. By asking how to treat vessels claiming an honest account, it pushed a question of policy toward foreign and possibly hostile shipping back to the Court, where it properly belonged.

The two sets of bills, £499 5s 5d to Captain Edward Arnold and £200 0s 0d to Edward Lucas, were each drawn in three parts, the standard triple set sent by separate routes so that the loss of one or two copies at sea would not defeat the payment. Recording them in the letter tied the remittance to the correspondence it travelled with.

Speculations

The decision to expel Murfey from the region rather than ship him on to Bencoolen turned on a calculation about where a known rogue could do least harm. The Council seems to have judged that a man of his character placed at a station already full of desperate men would gravitate to piracy, so removing him from the Company's eastern world altogether was safer than passing the problem to a sister settlement.

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A List of the Packett ☞ Ship Duke of Cambridge Capt Edwd Aeland Comand Generall Letter Sent about

1 Copy of Postscript ☞ Ship Thistleworth dated the 24 Feb 1715/6 2 Duplicate of Consultations from 10 Janr foll: Inclusive to the 28 February foll: Inclusive 3 Capt Dan: Smalls receipt for yr Large Packett 4 Capt Dan: Smalls receipt for yr small Do 5 Mr Edward Chichesters Acco 6 Ship Duke of Cambridges Acco 7 List of the Packett

This is the packet manifest accompanying the Council letter sent by the ship Duke of Cambridge, Captain Edward Arnold commander, March 1716. The numbered items list the contents, headed as the general letter sent abroad.

A list of the packet by the ship Duke of Cambridge, Captain Edward Arnold commander.

1: Copy of the postscript by the ship Thistleworth, dated 24 February 1716.

2: Duplicate of consultations from 10 January inclusive to 28 February following, inclusive.

3: Captain Daniel Small's receipt for the large packet.

4: Captain Daniel Small's receipt for the small packet.

5: Mr Edward Chichester's account.

6: Ship Duke of Cambridge's account.

7: List of the packet.

Interpretations

The manifest chained this conveyance to the one before it, item 1 enclosing a copy of the postscript already sent by the Thistleworth on 24 February 1716. The deliberate carrying forward of the previous ship's closing matter shows the Council overlapping each despatch with the last, so that no part of the running correspondence depended on a single bottom reaching London.

Captain Daniel Small's receipts for the large and small packets appeared here on a different ship from the Thistleworth he commanded, recording that he had signed for packets now travelling by the Duke of Cambridge. The retained acknowledgements gave the Court proof of who had taken charge of each sealed parcel, the same audited handover the Council applied to every conveyance.

The duplicate consultations spanning 10 January to 28 February repeated proceedings already sent, extending the guard against loss that ran through the whole season's letters. By sending its minutes more than once across separate ships, the Council ensured the record of its decisions would survive the failure of any one passage.

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Honble Sr ☞ Ship Nathaniel

1 The before written is a Copy of Our last sent by the good Ship called Duke of Cambridge, in wch we Acquainted your Honr of the Litle News we had here, wherein your knowledge as to the Improvement of this Country the Govern: having Carryed Generall Aisleby to severall of the best parts of it & where he might have a View of the rest we hope the Account he will be able to give you of the present good condicon of the place, will be to your Honrs Satisfactions, and the monthly Accounts of yr Live Stock here wch are entred in our Consultation books will be a Pleasing Testimony of the encrease God hath blest us wth

2 The Ship wch brings this is yr Honr Ship the Nathaniel Comanded by Capt Neuse from Marhoa & Bombay but last from the Cape of good Hope, she came here in want of Tea provisions wch wee have fully Supplyed her in so that we hope shel be in no farther need of Duncing her Voyage home we have putt on board of her one Roquish Fellow Named Wm Gwyn who deserted the Ship Eagle Gally here & who we mentioned in our Letters to your Honr by the Aanchor yet we pray leave to give your Honr some further account concerning him & the rest of his gang (viz) this fellow Wm Gwyn, Wm Cock, Alex: Adair & Wm Wellsing & others having had Sundry Conspiraces to destroy the Ship Eagle as will appear by our said Hanover Letters, after they had been some time here, Returnd fell to their old Trade of Plotting & had for their Confederates Wm Murfey an Irish Man who deserted yr Honr Service at Bengala & enticed himself on board yr Ship St George & Capt Ryan not discovering him untill he was at Sea Delivers him ushore & also one Kendall Mein who ran away out of his Ship & concealed himself here, these people held Severall Caballs abt the Country & proposed to Sundry others to make a strict Contract of Friendship wch them & the Govern: being enformed off by one, they were drawing in and had some Secrets but very bad began to hand the Govern: encouraged this discover er to consent to them in order to bring their enterprize to light who on the 2 of march sold him that Wm Murfey Kendall Mein, Andrews Cason, Wm Gyne, Wm Cock & others had in a private meeting each man Pricked his Arme wch a Penknife & subscribed his name wth his own Blood to a paper that contained these Words viz

3 Wee yt have wrote our Names to this Paper Do promise to Stand by & assist one another faithfully and when they had so subscribed than Murfey then Murfey proposed they should take an Oath of Secrecy and that whoever discoverd any thing of their Secretts the rest should

This is a Council letter to the Court of Directors, sent by the ship Nathaniel, opening with a recapitulation of the letter carried by the Duke of Cambridge. The numbered paragraphs are reproduced below.

Honourable Sirs,

1: The matter written before was a copy of the Council's last letter, sent by the good ship called the Duke of Cambridge, in which the Court was acquainted with the little news the Council had here. To add to the Court's knowledge as to the improvement of this country, the Governor, having carried General Aislaby to several of the best parts of it, where he might have a view of the rest, the Council hoped the account he would be able to give of the present good condition of the place would be to the Court's satisfaction. The monthly accounts of the live stock here, entered in the consultation books, would be a pleasing testimony of the increase God had blessed the Council with.

2: The ship that brought this was the Court's ship the Nathaniel, commanded by Captain Neaus, from Mocha and Bombay but last from the Cape of Good Hope. She came here in want of sea provisions, which the Council had fully supplied her with, so that it hoped she would be in no further need during her voyage home. The Council had put on board her one roguish fellow named William Gwyn, who deserted the ship Eagle Galley here, and whom it mentioned in its letters to the Court by the Hanover. It now prayed leave to give the Court some further account concerning him, and the rest of his gang, namely this fellow William Gwyn, William Cook, Alexander Adair and William Wells, with others, having had sundry conspiracies to destroy the ship Eagle, as would appear by the Hanover letters, after they had been some time here. It tried to draw others into their trade of plotting, and had for their confederate one William Murfey, an Irishman, who deserted the Court's service at Bengal and carried himself on board the ship St George and Captain Ryan, not discovering him until he was at sea. Delivered up ashore, and also one Kendall Mein, who ran away out of his ship and concealed himself here. These people had several caballs about the country, and proposed to sundry others to make a strict contract of friendship with them. The Governor, being informed of it by one, they were drawing in and had some secrets, but very bad began in hand. The Governor encouraged this discoverer to consort with them, in order to bring their ends to light, who on the 3rd of March told him that William Murfey, Kendall Mein, Edward Cason, William Gwyn, William Cook and others had, in a private meeting, each man pricked his arm with a penknife and subscribed his name with his own blood to a paper that contained these words.

3: Each man wrote his name to this paper, and promised to stand by and assist one another faithfully. When they had so subscribed, William Murfey proposed they should take an oath of secrecy, and that whoever discovered anything of their secrets, the rest should...

Interpretations

The letter opened a fresh conspiracy narrative that drew together the remnants of the Eagle Galley plotters with newer deserters, naming William Gwyn, William Cook, Alexander Adair and William Wells alongside the Irishman William Murfey and Kendall Mein. The cluster of names tied this new design back to the embezzlement and mutiny aboard the Eagle Galley, presenting the island as a gathering point for seditious men whose plotting carried over from ship to shore.

The blood oath sworn on 3 March, each man pricking his arm and subscribing a paper in his own blood, was recorded as the formal act that turned loose discontent into a sworn conspiracy. The Council set out the ritual in detail because the signed and sealed compact gave it the documentary proof a charge of conspiracy required.

The Governor's use of an informer, encouraged to consort with the plotters to draw out their design, showed the deliberate cultivation of an inside witness. By letting the discoverer join the cabals and report their proceedings, the Council built its case from within rather than acting on suspicion alone.

The placing of William Gwyn aboard the Nathaniel connected this despatch to the standing Eagle Galley file, Gwyn being the runaway whose paper on the lost chest of treasure the Council had forwarded to the Court with the Cardigan of 26 December 1715. His removal homeward continued the distribution of the conspirators across separate conveyances that had run through the whole affair.

Speculations

The Governor seems to have chosen to run the informer on rather than arrest the plotters at the first sign of trouble, judging that a half-formed design exposed early would yield no proof. By encouraging the discoverer to consort with the cabal until the blood oath of 3 March, the Council let the conspiracy mature to the point where its written compact could convict the men, managing the risk of premature action against the need for evidence.

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should all endeavour to Shoot him, The Govern: having notice all along of their meeting & thought it not proper to lett them goe on any further but Seized upon them all, at one hour by divers hands in Severall parts of the Island under pretence of Stealing of hoggs because Murfey had barely Stolen a Sheepe & was Suspected these Sparks to a hogg & Kendall meine had killed some Goats we took them all apart & examined them abt the Paper they had so Subscribed some owned nothing but some Impeached others & thus we brought face to face upon yt whole it did appear that Murfey had proposed to steal the Long boat & goe away but Meine told them twere better if they had hands eno' to gitt a Ship & that of such a Ship as the Eagle should come here they should be able to manage her so in the rest a Scrible & agreed that Wm Gyne should be Carpenter, Anderson Supra Cargoe & Kendall meine to be Cheif Mate that Wm Murfey should have a Cytt, but he Says he would not be Chose to any Post till he came on board & out to Sea, and being Demanded how they Intended to attempt a Ship they sayd was proposed that on any day when most of the people were on Shoar that Murfey & Gwyn in two more should all have to goe a fishing & should goe to Lemon Valley & catch fish & take a four or five more & then goe on board to sell their Fish & that Brerton & Kendall meine should give notice to the rest to repair Imediately to Lemon Valley & their take Mr Edveling & Mrs Carros boat & also catch fish & Carry on board Just after Dark to sell & when all were on board to Rize on the people & take the tables that the Ship might Drive out of the Roade that they doubted not but to be out of fight Shott before the fort should observe the Ship to drive we having this Account punisht all the Grose Ringleaders & sent Murfey home by the Duke of Cambridge & Gwyn by the Nathaniell & shall send Kendall Meine & Cock Home by the Tesbruewicr & the rest are Pilots by the Mary when she Arrives wch we daily expect but the Lind men, we think will do better at Bencoolen

4 Your Honr will send by Coppys of our Consultations that we have used all due precautions in this case so that we have no further doubt of any more such Inquiry to be Practised here yet we have however caused all the small bones on the Island to be brought to the fort & hauled a shoar under the Guns of yt half Moon & shall doe the same when the Rochester or the Borneo Arrives or whenever it shall appear to us that a Ship Arrives but weakly maned wth Discontented people

5 We have had a pretty deal of Trouble in the care of this Ship Nathaniel to turn her in to Moor her to Water her & Victuall her for the Voyage home but shall think our Labour very well bestowed when we hear of her safe Arrivall wth your Honr

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Nathaniel, March 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

Whoever discovered anything of their secrets, the rest should all endeavour to shoot him. The Governor, having notice all along of their meetings, thought it not proper to let them go on any further, but seized upon them all at one hour by trusty hands in several wards of the island under pretence of stealing of hogs, because Murfey had lately stolen a sheep, as was suspected these culprits, and a hog, and Kendall Mein had killed some goats. The Council took them all apart and examined them about the paper they had so subscribed, some of whom owned nothing but some impeached others, and then it brought them face to face. Upon the whole, it did appear that Murfey had proposed to steal the longboat and go away, but Mein told them it was better, if they had hands enow, to get a ship, that if such a ship as the Eagle should come here they should be able to manage her. To this the rest agreed, and it was agreed that William Gwyn should be captain, one Brereton supercargo, Edward Cason and Kendall Mein the chief mate. Murfey had a part, but he said he would not be chosen to any post till he came on board and out to sea. Being demanded how they intended to attempt a ship, they said Mein proposed that on any day, when most of the people were on shore, that Murfey and Gwyn, with two more, should all have to go a fishing, and should go to Lemon Valley and catch fish and take a four or five more, and then go on board to sell their fish. Brereton and Kendall Mein should give notice to the rest to repair immediately to Lemon Valley, and their lake Mr Edwelling and Mr Carne's boat, and also catch fish and carry on board just after dark to sell, and when all were on board to seize on the people and fall the tables, that the ship might drive out of the road, and that they doubted not but to be out of gun shot before the fort should observe. The ship to drive, the Council having this account, punished all the gross ringleaders and sent Murfey home by the Duke of Cambridge, Gwyn by the Nathaniel, and should send Kendall Mein and Cook home by the Tesbrowers, and the rest were pilots by the Mary when she arrived. The Council daily expected the men, and thought it would do better at Bencoolen.

4: The Court would find, by copies of the Council's consultations, that it had used all due precaution in this case, so that it had no further doubt of any more such enquiry to be practised here. Yet it had however caused all the small boats on the island to be brought to the fort and hauled ashore under the guns of the half moon, and should do the same when the Rochester or the Borneo arrived, or whenever it appeared that a ship arrived but weakly manned with discontented people.

5: The Council had had a good deal of trouble in the case of this ship Nathaniel to tow her in, to moor her, to water her and to victual her for the voyage home, but should think its labour very well bestowed when it heard of her safe arrival to the Court.

Interpretations

The plot to seize a ship was laid out as a fully worked scheme, the men to go fishing at Lemon Valley, return after dark on pretence of selling their catch, then overpower the crew while most hands were ashore and drive the vessel out of the road before the fort could fire. The Council recorded the plan in this detail because the specificity of the design, with assigned roles and a timed method, was itself the measure of how real the danger had been.

The pre-allotted command structure, Gwyn as captain, Brereton supercargo, Cason and Mein as mates, with Murfey reserving his post until safely at sea, mirrored the rank of a real ship's company. The plotters had organised themselves as a crew before they had a ship, which the Council took as proof the design was settled rather than idle talk.

The Governor's tactic of arresting all the men at one hour, in different wards of the island, under the cover of a charge of stealing hogs, was a deliberate piece of timing. By moving on every conspirator simultaneously under a minor pretext, the Council prevented any one of them warning the rest, and avoided revealing how much the informer had betrayed.

The precaution of hauling every small boat ashore under the guns of the half moon, to be repeated whenever a weakly manned or discontented ship arrived, turned a single conspiracy into a standing security measure. The Council generalised from the Nathaniel affair to a routine defence against the seizure of vessels in the road.

Speculations

The Council appears to have distributed the ringleaders across four separate ships, Murfey by the Duke of Cambridge, Gwyn by the Nathaniel, Mein and Cook by another, and the rest by the Mary, precisely to break the gang apart in transit. Keeping the sworn confederates from travelling together denied them any chance to renew the very design at sea that they had failed to execute ashore, the dispersal answering the risk that a reunited cabal might attempt on a homeward ship what it could not attempt at the island.

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6 On the 2 of May Arived here two French Ships the two Crowns & the L. Pontliard in Eighty six days from Pont Cherry, they were under Conduct of Mont: De Du Main they Stayed here three days in yr time they took on board fifty Tons of water & a great deal of fresh Provisions for wch they gave the Planters a good Price & paid for all with ready Mony we being so well recruited that I think wee they had might well ear be spared but before, we did permitt them to buy every Planter engaged to supply yr Honrs Shipping wch the same quantity of provisions at twenty five Shillings ☞ wch wch is now come to be our Establishd & fixed Price

7 The provision yr French Ships had were twenty four Bullocks amt to about twelve thousand Pounds in the fifth quarter & also wch they told at four Pence half penny ☞ tt twenty six hoggs alive at four pence ☞ tt one hundred & fifty Turkeys at Six Shillings ☞ Piece three hundred Dunghill fowls at Eighteen pence each

8 These French Ships were desireous to Ride at Ruports Bay & anchored there out of the Reach of all our Guns save one where they had anchord before in the time of yr Last Govr but we refused suffering any Water or Refreshment to go on board till they came into this Bay & anchored under yr Comand of our Guns we mention this to shew that wch Cose any Ware should break out how necesary it would be to have a good Platform there that should Comand that place & therefore pray yr Honr to revise our Seventyth Parlat by the Aisealia Decar & wth ☞ the Frederick wherein we have given our reasons at Large relating to this matter

9 The French Gentleman tell us that there are now fifteen French Ships in China fourteen of whom Trade from the Manillas & South Seas there and one is to goe home to St Maloes their Compa: fearing at their goeing out that a Ware would break out between the Dutch & their Country Ordered them not to touch at the Cape of Good Hope

10 And they tell us also that there is now Thirty Six Sail of French Ships that Trade to Arabia India & China from the South Seas

11 On Friday yr 6 Instant arrived here the Brunzerie in ninety three days from Fort St Davids Capt Worton Comand, they have mett with abundance of bad weather of of the Cape of Good Hope & had once four Foot & a half Water

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Nathaniel, May 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

6: On the 2nd of May there arrived here two French ships, the Two Crowns and the Le Drilliard, in eighty-six days from Port Berry, under the conduct of Monsieur Du Demain. They stayed here three days. In that time they took on board fifty tons of water and a great deal of fresh provisions, for which they gave the planters a good price and paid for all with ready money. The Council, being so well recruited that it thought it might well be spared, before this had permitted them to buy. Every planter engaged to supply the Court's shipping with the same quantity of provisions at twenty-five shillings, the price now come to be the established and fixed price.

7: The provision the French ships had here was twenty-four bullocks, amounting to about 12,000 pounds on the fifth quarter, as also, which sold at fourpence halfpenny a pound, twenty-six hogs alive at fourpence a pound, one hundred and fifty turkeys at six shillings a piece, and three hundred dunghill fowls at eighteen pence each.

8: These French ships were desirous to ride at Rupert's Bay, anchored there out of the reach of all the guns, save one where they had anchored before in the time of the Court's last Governor. But the Council refused suffering any water or refreshment to go on board till they came into this bay and anchored under the command of the guns. It mentioned this to show that, were any war should break out, how necessary it would be to have a good platform there that should command that place, and therefore prayed the Court to revise the 78th part of the Susanna letter, and the 8th part of the Frederick, in which the Council had given its reasons at large relating to this matter.

9: The French gentlemen told the Council that there were now fifteen French ships in China, fourteen of which traded from the Manillas and South Seas, and one was to go home to St Malo. Their company, fearing at their going out that a war would break out between the Dutch and their country, ordered them not to touch at the Cape of Good Hope.

10: They also told the Council that there were now thirty-six sail of French ships that traded to Arabia, India and China from the South Seas.

11: On Friday the 6th instant there arrived here the Borneo, in ninety-three days from Fort St David, Captain Wootton commander. They had met with abundance of bad weather off the Cape of Good Hope, and had once four foot and a half of water...

Interpretations

The settlement of the French provisioning at a fixed twenty-five shillings, every planter bound to supply the Court's shipping at the same rate, recorded the price control the Council had laboured to impose now established as standard. By admitting the French to buy only because the island was well stocked, the Council showed its provisioning priorities, the Court's own ships served first and a foreign caller accommodated only from surplus.

The detailed sale account, bullocks reckoned at fourpence halfpenny a pound on the fifth quarter, hogs alive at fourpence, turkeys at six shillings and fowls at eighteen pence, set out the going rates for every class of provision. The fifth quarter meant the hide, tallow and offal of a beast beyond its four quarters of meat, a by-product here priced and sold rather than wasted.

The refusal to victual the French ships until they moved from Rupert's Bay under the castle's guns turned a routine supply into a point of defence. The Council used the incident to revive its long campaign for a fort at Rupert's, citing the 78th paragraph of the Susanna despatch of 12 November 1714 and the 8th of the Frederick of 8 December 1714, where the danger of ships lying beyond the guns had been argued at length.

The intelligence from the French gentlemen on fifteen ships in China and thirty-six trading from the South Seas continued the gathering of rival shipping strength that ran through these letters. The note that their company kept them from the Cape for fear of war with the Dutch marked the same European tensions reaching into the Eastern trade.

Speculations

The Council seems to have made the French anchorage a deliberate test of its own authority, withholding water and refreshment until the ships submitted to lying under the guns. By tying a service the French plainly needed to the position it wanted them to take, the Council both protected the road and manufactured a fresh, concrete instance to press its case for the Rupert's Bay platform, the foreign caller serving as live proof of the danger it had argued only on paper before.

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Water in the Hould & I fear they must (if we find her Fall into Mulled) shift and new Stor: their Hould here wch is the reason she cant be ready to Sail away wth the Nathaniel they have also a great deal of Carpenters Work to do they have made a Protest here against the Sea wch shall come home wth the Papers relating to that Ship when she comes

12 The Mary was obliged to bear away in the same Storme but Capt Wootton sayes he is well Satisfyed she is Safe so that we expect everly day an Alarm to be made for her & hope theyl both Arrive safe with you together

13 Capt Wootton tells us that Capt Folson in the Heathcott first and Capt Fitzhugh in the Derby next May both be expected here this Season

14 On the 2 April Saild by here twenty Seven Sail of Dutch Ships & we are enformed that two Dutch Ships went before them & that their Tea Ship is yett Expected

15 On Friday the 6 of April the Govern: Lady Dyed here

16 The Nathaniel brought news that the Brittish March: Capt Gilbert was at the Cape of Good Hope & Saild for Mochoa the 2 day of April last

17 We have in our former Letters written to yr Honrs some Earnestnes to desire you'd plese to send us over an Apothecary wth Suitable potts and Medicines & we have endeavoured to Shew that it will not be any further Expence or charge to your Honr but that the Medicines Sold to the Planters &c, would amount to more than his Sallary we pray your Honr now again to consider our said request we having mire need now than formerly in our Letters by the Cordigen we acquainted you with our agreeing wth Joseph Du May the Docters Mate of that Ship as will further appear by your Consultations abt that time & since then Dr Price the Surgeon that came out with us having Saild for England in the Kent we have only this Du May here who tho' he be well qualified is a Sober man & has as wee think a good Judgment in his Business yet we believe he will not live long in us because on account of some Indisposition that he Labours under he takes at least a gallon of blood a week from himselfe so that

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Nathaniel, May 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Borneo had four foot and a half of water in the hold, and the Council feared she must, if it found her fit for it, shift and renew her stores. That was the reason she could not be ready to sail away with the Nathaniel. There was also a great deal of carpenter's work to do. They had made a protest here against the Cape, which should come home with the papers relating to that ship when she came.

12: The Mary was obliged to bear away in the same storm, but Captain Wootton said he was well satisfied she was safe, so that the Council expected every day an alarm to be made for her, and hoped they would both arrive safe together.

13: Captain Wootton told the Council that Captain Tolson in the Heathcote and Captain Fitzhugh in the Derby might both be expected here this season.

14: On the 9th of April there sailed by here twenty-seven sail of Dutch ships, and the Council was informed that two Dutch ships went before them, and that their sea ship was yet expected.

15: On Friday the 6th of April the Governor's lady died here.

16: The Nathaniel brought news that the British merchant, Captain Gilbert, was at the Cape of Good Hope, and sailed for Mocha on the 9th day of April last.

17: In its former letters the Council had written to the Court to send out an apothecary with suitable pots and medicines. It had endeavoured to show that it would not be any further expense or charge to the Court, but that the medicines sold to the planters would amount to more than their salary. It now again prayed the Court to consider its request, the more need now than formerly. In its letters by the Cardigan the Council had acquainted the Court with its agreeing with Joseph Du May, the doctor's mate of that ship, as would further appear by the consultations about that time, and since then, Dr Price the surgeon that came out with it having sailed for England in the Kent. The Council had only this Du May here, who, though he was well qualified and a sober man, and was, as it thought, a good judgement in his business, yet it believed he would not live long with it, because of some indisposition that he laboured under. He took at least a gallon of blood a week from himself, so that...

Interpretations

The thinness of the medical establishment was now reduced to a single point of failure, the surgeon Thomas Price having sailed home on the Kent and only Joseph Du May, the former doctor's mate of the Cardigan, remaining. The Council renewed its plea for an apothecary on the same commercial argument it had pressed before, that the sale of medicines to the planters would more than cover the cost, casting a health need as a self-funding proposal the Court could not object to.

The protest entered by the Borneo against the Cape, to be sent home with her papers, was a formal maritime instrument recording loss or damage so as to fix liability. By noting it would travel with the ship's documents, the Council preserved the evidentiary chain a claim arising from the bad weather would need.

The procession of shipping intelligence, the twenty-seven Dutch sail passing on 9 April, the Heathcote and Derby expected, the British merchant bound for Mocha, continued the running register of movements in the Eastern seas that gave the Court a picture of where its rivals and its own ships stood. The Dutch numbers in particular fed the Council's repeated concern with the strength of the rival company.

The note of the Governor's lady dying on 6 April recorded a personal loss within the formal despatch, the kind of household event the Council entered as a fact of the establishment alongside its shipping and supply. Its bare placement among the news marked how the letter served as a general record of the island's condition.

Speculations

The frank report that Du May drained a gallon of blood a week from himself reads less as gossip than as the ground of a managed succession risk. By telling the Court its one surgeon was unlikely to last, even while praising his skill and sobriety, the Council seems to have been preparing the directors to act on the apothecary request before the island was left with no medical hand at all, the warning timed to give a replacement passage out while Du May still served.

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that he is brought so low we cant Expect he can continue long in this World & then we shall be wholly without one to Practice Physick among us which will be a Generall Disadvantage to us unless your Honr please to send us another Good man in this Docters Toom

We are

Union Castle St Helena May yr [...] 1716

☞ the Nathanaell Capt Jonard Negus Comand

Yr Honrs most humble faithfull & most obedt Servts

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Mattw Bazett Edwd: Byfeld

A List of the Packett ☞ Ship Nathaniel Jonathan Neguss Comand (viz) Genll dated 10 may 1716 sent a Part

1 Copy of Genll from St Helena ☞ Ship Duke of Cambridge March 14 1715/6 2 Duplicate of Consultations from yr 14 Feb 1715/6 to 2 Aprill foll: Inclusive 3 Capt Small rect for the Large Packett 4 Do rect for the small Do 5 Capt Aeland rect for yr Large Do 6 Do rect for the small Do 7 Copy of Capt Neguss Letter to the Govr 8 Copy of yr Govr Letter to Capt Neguss 9 Copy of Genll from fford Wm ☞ Ship Tesbruewicr &c 10 A List of the Packett

This closes the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Nathaniel, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 10 May 1716, and is followed by the packet manifest. The closing paragraph and the list follow.

Joseph Du May was brought so low that the Council could not expect he would continue long in this world. Then it would be wholly without anyone to practise physic among them, which would be a general disadvantage, unless the Court would please to send another good man in this doctor's room.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, on 10 May 1716, sent by the ship Nathaniel, Captain Jonathan Negus commander. It closed as from the Court's most humble, faithful and obedient servants, and was signed by Isaac Pyke, George Haswell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield.

A list of the packet by the ship Nathaniel, Captain Jonathan Negus commander. The general letter was dated 10 May 1716 and sent apart.

1: Copy of the general letter from St Helena by the ship Duke of Cambridge, dated 14 March 1716.

2: Duplicate of consultations from 14 February 1716 to 30 April following, inclusive.

3: Captain Small's receipt for the large packet.

4: The same receipt for the small packet.

5: Captain Arnold's receipt for the large packet.

6: The same receipt for the small packet.

7: Copy of Captain Negus's letter to the Governor.

8: Copy of the Governor's letter to Captain Negus.

9: Copy of the general letter from Fort St George by the ship Tesbrowers.

10: A list of the packet.

Interpretations

The closing plea distilled the medical case to its sharpest form, that the death the Council foresaw for Du May would leave the island with no one at all to practise physic. The blunt framing of a general disadvantage made the apothecary request no longer a matter of cost or convenience but of the establishment's bare survival.

The manifest recorded receipts from two different captains, Small and Arnold, each acknowledging both a large and a small packet, tracing the custody of enclosures that had passed through more than one conveyance. The retained signatures gave the Court a complete chain of handover for every sealed parcel in the run of despatches.

The inclusion of both Captain Negus's letter to the Governor and the Governor's reply showed the Council entering a two-sided correspondence into the record. By copying both halves of the exchange the Council preserved the full account of its dealings with the commander who carried the despatch home.

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Honble Sr ☞ Ship Mary

1 The Nathanuell having so lately Saild from hence viz: on the 18th of may instant, who carrije Accounts of what has happned here worthy yr Honrs knowledge, and nothing materiall having occured since, We desire excuse for the Shortnes of this Letter, wch is only to acquaint yr Honr that the Mary arrivd here on the 16 Instant from Madrass, but last from the Cape of good Hope, where she putt in as well for refreshment after the Pearsip of a prodigious Storm that she mett with on the 6 of April to the Sr of said Cape of good Hope, as also at the request of Govern: Harrison who having been informd by Capt Brown on the Rochester (when at Madrass) of the great Scarcity of all sorts of Provisions on this Place

2 And therefore by the Advice and Request of Govern: Harrison he brought a great quantity of Garden seeds, a new Stock of Sheep consisting of 20 Head — 14 Leaguers of Batavia Arrack & 9 Casks containing 3632 of Sugar, all wch we hope will be of good Service to this Place, he having sold us every thing at our own cheap Price, viz: Four Shillings ☞ Gall: for the Batavia Arrack, and som pence ☞ tt for the Sugar, for wch we have drawn Bills payable by yr Honr, wch we hope you'll approve of, because it will turn to Account of yr Honr interest, as well as be usefull to this Island; We had not have drawn so many Bills on such Accounts, but that we are well assurd, as soon as the Ships know we shall give them but 4 sh ☞ Gall: for their Arrack, they will bring us none, unless once a year a small Pepper Ship that may touch at Batavia, upon wch Supposition (wch wee hope yr Honr will not think ill grounded) We pray that we may still have leave to to buy Arrack on this Manner, whilst it is to be had all 4 ☞ gall: those who bring it to us from the Cape of good Hope, as this Ship has done can gett nothing by it, and therefore we have but litle more to expect from thence, the whole Expence of Arrack on this Island we have computed to be abt seventy Leiger ☞ Anr, and unless the Shipping find we have a tollenable Stock here they will Inhance the Price

This is a Council letter to the Court of Directors, sent by the ship Mary, May 1716. The numbered paragraphs are reproduced below.

Honourable Sirs,

1: The Nathaniel having so lately sailed from here, namely on the 18th of May instant, who carried an account of what had happened here worthy the Court's knowledge, and nothing material having occurred since, the Council desired excuse for the shortness of this letter. It was only to acquaint the Court that the Mary arrived here on the 16th instant from Madras, but last from the Cape of Good Hope, where she put in as well for refreshment after the storm of a prodigious tempest that she met with on the 6th of April to the southward of the Cape of Good Hope, as also at the request of Governor Harrison, who, having been informed by Captain Brown of the Rochester, when at Madras, of the great scarcity of all sorts of provisions on this place.

2: Therefore, by the advice and request of Governor Harrison, she brought a great quantity of garden seeds, a new stock of sheep consisting of 20 head, 14 leaguers of Batavia arrack and 89 casks containing 3,632 pounds of sugar, all which the Council hoped would be of good service to this place. She had sold everything at the Council's own cheap price, namely four shillings a gallon for the Batavia arrack and sixpence a pound for the sugar, for which the Council had drawn bills payable by the Court. It hoped the Court would approve, because it would turn to the account of the Court's interest, as well as be useful to this island. The Council would not have drawn so many bills on such accounts, but that it was well assured, as soon as the ships knew it would give them but four shillings a gallon for their arrack, they would bring none. Unless once a year a small pepper ship that might touch at Batavia, upon which supposition, which the Council hoped the Court would not think ill grounded, it prayed that it might still have leave to buy arrack in this manner. While it was to be had all at four shillings a gallon, those who brought it here from the Cape of Good Hope, as this ship had done, could get nothing by it, and therefore the Council had but little more to expect from thence. The whole expense of arrack on this island it had computed to be about seventy leaguers a year, and unless the shipping found the Council had a tolerable stock here, they would in a chance...

Interpretations

The arrack pricing strategy was set out in full as a deliberate market control, the fixed four shillings a gallon being low enough that ships could make nothing by carrying spirit to the island. The Council acknowledged the policy would dry up casual supply, leaving only the occasional pepper ship from Batavia, and asked the Court's leave to keep buying on those terms because the price held the trade in the Company's hands.

The provisioning voyage of the Mary arose from intelligence passed along the Company's own network, Governor Harrison at Madras having learned from Captain Brown of the Rochester of the scarcity at St Helena and directing the ship to carry seeds, sheep, arrack and sugar. The chain showed the island's wants being supplied laterally from the presidencies rather than waiting on London.

The estimate of seventy leaguers a year as the island's whole arrack consumption fixed the scale of the store monopoly the Council had built, the figure repeated from the Duke of Cambridge letter and now offered again as the measure against which supply had to be judged. The number anchored the Council's case for continuing to draw bills on the Court for spirit.

The new stock of 20 sheep brought by the Mary addressed the island's standing struggle to maintain breeding livestock, fresh blood imported to rebuild a flock that had repeatedly failed. The arrival of seed and breeding stock together marked the voyage as a deliberate replenishment of the plantation's productive base, not merely a sale of consumables.

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the Price to high, & extravagent Rates, as has formerly been comon here, these Reasons, and such like as are mentiond, in our Consulta of the 19th instant that goe home herewith, We hope will be Satisfactory to yr Honr in this Case

3 There goes home by this Ship Mr Mary Bright daughtr of Capt Bright, who was some yr Depy Govern: here, and she carrys in her for a part of her fortune a Bill for an 100tt the Pticulars and reasons are interd in the Consulta that goe home herewith

4 On Friday last we held a Court of Judicature here & tryed Mr Tovey for wounding Mr Wrangham, who is since well recoverd, the Jury brought in 25tt for Damages to Mr Wrangham And wee to Satisfie the Inhabitants that no Man should find Encouragm wth us that insulted them, find him the Cyim of Forty Pounds payable payable to yr Honr & to be employd for the Defenca in repairing the fortifications, but the Particulars of his Tryall, and manner of his Defence wth Duplicate of our Consulta shall be sent to yr Honr by the Ship Desbouverie

5 We have already by the Nathanill given yr Honr account of the Ship Desbouverie arrivall here, and the great Distress they have been in by that wonderfull hard Tempest they met with on the 6th of Aprill, We dont yett know all the Damage they have sustaind her Hsld has been full of Water and between decks too — Her Bales are abundance of them water soakd, and wch brought on Shore weigh many of them at least 3 times their proper Weight, some of them when opend are so hott that a Man is scarce able to endure his Hand in the Middle, The Damage must needs be very great, But the preservation of the Ship, and People is miraculous

6 We Send all the fine goods to be washt in the Country at yr Plantation House, where they have the best Water And the coarser Bales are sent & washt by the Ship People at Lemon Valley, they shall want no Assistance here, but be dispatcht as soon as possible, yett we doubt theyl not get away wch is

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Mary, May 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The shipping would in a chance raise the price to high and extravagant rates, as had formerly been common here. These reasons, and such like as were mentioned in the Council's consultation of the 19th instant that went home herewith, the Council hoped would be satisfactory to the Court in this case.

3: There went home by this ship Mrs Mary Bright, daughter of Captain Bright, who was some time Deputy Governor here. She carried with her, for a part of her fortune, a bill for £100 0s 0d, the particulars and reasons being entered in the consultations that went home herewith.

4: On Friday last the Council held a Court of Judicature here, and tried Mr Tovey for wounding Mr Wrangham, who was since well recovered. The jury brought in £25 0s 0d for damages to Mr Wrangham, and, to satisfy the inhabitants that no man should find encouragement with the Council to insult them, it fined him the sum of £40 0s 0d, payable to the Court, and to be employed for the defence in repairing the fortifications. The particulars of his trial, and the manner of his defence, with a duplicate of the Council's consultations, would be sent to the Court by the ship Desbouverie.

5: The Council had already, by the Nathaniel, given the Court an account of the ship Desbouverie's arrival here, and the great distress they had been in by that wonderful hard tempest they met with on the 6th of April. The Council did not yet know all the damage they had sustained. Her hold had been full of water, and between decks too. Her bales were abundance of them water-soaked, and which, brought on shore, weighed many of them at least three times their proper weight. Some of them, when opened, were so hot that a man was scarce able to endure his hand in the middle. The damage must needs be very great, but the preservation of the ship and people was miraculous.

6: The Council sent all the fine goods to be washed in the country at the Court's plantation house, where they had the best water, and the coarser bales were sent and washed by the ship's people at Lemon Valley. They should want no assistance here, but be despatched as soon as possible, yet the Council doubted they would not get away unless...

Interpretations

The Tovey trial recorded the Council acting as a Court of Judicature against one of its own members, the secretary fined £40 0s 0d for the Court on top of £25 0s 0d in damages to the wounded Wrangham. The doubling of the penalty, with the fine earmarked for the fortifications and the express purpose of showing the inhabitants that no man could insult them under cover of office, marked a deliberate assertion that authority would not shield its own from the law.

The salvage operation on the Desbouverie's cargo was set out as a practical division of labour, the fine goods washed at the plantation house where the best water lay and the coarser bales cleaned by the ship's people at Lemon Valley. The arrangement showed the island's resources turned to rescuing a damaged Company cargo, the quality of the water itself a factor in where each class of goods was treated.

The detail that water-soaked bales weighed three times their proper weight and ran so hot a man could not bear his hand among them recorded the spoilage of an Indian textile cargo in graphic physical terms. The heat marked the goods fermenting or decaying from saturation, the Council preserving an exact account of the loss for the Court and any insurer.

The departure of Mrs Mary Bright with a £100 0s 0d bill for part of her fortune, daughter of a former Deputy Governor, showed the bill of exchange serving as the means of moving a private inheritance off the island. The reference of the particulars to the consultations kept the personal settlement within the formal record alongside the Council's public business.

Speculations

The Council appears to have set the Tovey fine deliberately higher than the jury's award and directed it to the fortifications, converting a punishment into a contribution to the very defence works the labour shortage had made so costly. By making an example of a senior officer it both answered the inhabitants' need to see even-handed justice and turned the breach within its own body to the island's material advantage, the penalty doing double duty as deterrent and funding.

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less than a Month time longer, We are in dayly expectation of the Heathcott & then the Derby, & tis likely one of them will go home in Company wth the Desbouverie — They have made a Protest against the Sea And the Mary has done the same, wch do both go home likewise, & ss since the Arrivall of the Mary she ha opend her Hatches, & finding her upper Bales all drye, & having never had much Water in her Well, We all hope she has but litle, if any Damage, & therefore he resolves to make the best of his Way home and will sail hence this Day

7: We have now fallen our price for Beef to 25 ☞ 100 wt wch we believe will be satisfactory to all the Comanders, & all other things here are now as cheap as ever, And the stock of Cattle very well encreasd, as yr Honr will find by this yearly Account that goes home now if compard with the last Years

8: We are in great want of all Navall Stores, yett shall forbear Particulars till we see what the Store-ship brings that is now expected, Herewith comes a Duplicates of the Ministers list of

9: Marriages, Burialls &c to the 25 of march last

10: By this Ship Mary we have sent one Will: Cock the last of those Rogues that we detaind, one Captain of the Eagle Galley, The before-mentiond Bills drawn payable by yr Honr to Capt Richd Holden or order are for the some of Two hundred, Sixty five Pounds twelve Shillings, and one Penny Sterling

11: which pray may be accepted accordingly

12: Here three other Bills (all dated the 21 Instant) to Mrs Margaret Pike, or her Order for the Sum of One hundred

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Mary, May 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The ship would not get away unless less than a month's time longer. The Council was in daily expectation of the Heathcote, and then the Derby. It was likely one of them would go home in company with the Desbouverie. They had made a protest against the sea. The Mary had done the same, and would both go home likewise. Ever since the arrival of the Mary she had opened her hatches, and finding her upper bales all dry, and having never had much water in her hold, the Council all hoped she had but little, if any, damage. Therefore she resolved to make the best of her way home, and would sail hence this day.

7: The Council had now fallen its price for beef to 25s a hundred pounds, which it believed would be satisfactory to all the commanders. All other things here were now as cheap as ever, and the stock of cattle very well increased, as the Court would find by this yearly account that went home now, if compared with the last year.

8: The Council was in great want of all naval stores, yet would forbear to be particular till it saw what the store ship brought, that was now expected.

9: Herewith came a duplicate of the minister's list of marriages, burials and so forth, to the 25th of March last.

10: By this ship Mary the Council had sent one William Cook, the last of those rogues that it detained, one of the late Eagle Galley mutineers. The before-mentioned bills, drawn payable by the Court to Captain Richard Holden or order, were for the sum of £265 12s 0d and one penny sterling, which the Council prayed might be accepted accordingly.

11: There were three other bills, all dated the 21st instant, to Mrs Margaret Sick or her order, for the sum of £100 0s 0d.

Interpretations

The reduction of the beef price to 25s a hundred brought the fort and shipping rates into line at the level already charged to foreign callers, the Council presenting it as a concession to the ship commanders. The note that cattle stocks had increased year on year, to be proved by the enclosed account, tied the lower price to a genuine improvement in supply rather than a mere gesture.

The protests made against the sea by the Desbouverie and the Mary were formal instruments recording storm damage to fix where loss should fall, the same maritime device noted for the Borneo. Sent home with the ships' papers, they preserved the documentary basis of any claim arising from the tempest of 6 April.

The despatch of William Cook by the Mary, named as the last of the detained Eagle Galley rogues, completed the dispersal of the conspirators across separate ships that had run through the whole affair. By sending the final man home the Council closed out the seizure plot, each ringleader removed on a different bottom to prevent them acting together at sea.

The two sets of bills, £265 12s 1d to Captain Richard Holden and £100 0s 0d to Margaret Sick, were each drawn in triplicate and dated together, the standard triple set sent to guard a remittance against loss in passage. Recording them in the letter bound the financial instruments to the correspondence that explained them.

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hundred Pounds Sterling

Wee are Honble Srs

Yr Honr most Humble faithfull Servts

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Matt Bazett Edwd Byfeld

Union Castle St Helena May 22 1716

The Ministers List already mentiond he sayes is not quite finisht, but he promises it shall be done to go by next Ship

We find that these Bales wch are washt here belonging to the Desbouverie, when they are repackt, are much Larger than they were before, so that we doubt very much whether thee Ship will be able to bring them all home, And therefore desire yr Honr to send us out a packing Press, which will be but a small Charge, but be very usefull in a Case of this Nature, if any other of yr Ships should meet wth such a Accidents

List of the Pacquett ☞ Ship Mary Capt Holden Comand, Genll dated May 22 1716

Genll Letter & Shipp 22 May sent a Part

1: Coppy of Genll ☞ Ship Nathaniell 10 May 1716 2: Coppy of Genll from Fort William Dec 16th 1715 3: Acco of Familys, Land & Cattle on St Helena for yr year 1715 4: Coppy of Govern: Letter to Capt Negus 5: Capt Negus receipts for the Large & two small Pacquetts 6: List of the Pacquette ☞ Ship Nathaniell 7: Coppy of Capt Holdens & his Officers Protest agt the Sea Roben 8: Coppy of Capt Wottons & Others Protest as Sea & Stone home Do 9: Coppy of Consulta Febr 19 May 1716 10: Ship Nathaniell Acco wth the Stores 11: Ship Mary Account 12: List of the Pacquett by her

This closes the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent by the ship Mary, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 22 May 1716, and is followed by the packet manifest. The closing matter and the list follow.

The bill to Mrs Margaret Sick was for £100 0s 0d sterling.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, on 22 May 1716. It closed as from the Court's most humble and faithful servants, and was signed by Isaac Pyke, George Haswell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield. As for the minister's list already mentioned, he said it was not quite finished, but he promised it should be done to go by the next ship.

A final passage was added after the subscription. The Council found that the bales washed here belonging to the Desbouverie, when they were repacked, were much larger than they were before, so that it doubted very much whether her ship would be able to bring them all home. It therefore desired the Court to send out a packing press, which would be but a small charge but very useful in a case of this nature, if any other of the Court's ships should meet with such an accident.

A list of the packet by the ship Mary, Captain Holden commander. The general letter was dated 22 May 1716 and sent apart.

1: Copy of the general letter by the ship Nathaniel, dated 10 May 1716.

2: Copy of the general letter from Fort William, dated 16 December 1715.

3: Account of families, land and cattle on St Helena for the year 1715.

4: Copy of the Governor's letter to Captain Negus.

5: Captain Negus's receipts for the large and two small packets.

6: List of the packet by the ship Nathaniel.

7: Copy of Captain Holden's and his officers' protest against the sea storm.

8: Copy of Captain Wootton's and others' protest at sea and storm at home.

9: Copy of the consultation of 19 May 1716.

10: Ship Nathaniel's account in the stores.

11: Ship Mary's account.

12: List of the packet by her.

Interpretations

The request for a packing press arose from a precise practical failure, the salvaged Desbouverie bales swelling so much after washing that the ship might not stow them all. By asking for a cheap tool to compress repacked cargo, the Council turned a single storm-damage incident into a standing recommendation against a recurring risk to wet goods.

The two protests against the sea, by Captain Holden of the Mary and Captain Wootton of the Borneo, were entered as formal instruments recording the storm of 6 April, copied into the packet so that the documentary basis of any loss claim travelled home with the correspondence. Their inclusion completed the chain of evidence on the tempest that ran through these letters.

The enclosed account of families, land and cattle for 1715 carried forward the standing demographic and agricultural returns that closed each year's reporting, the same class of register the chaplain's lists supplied for births and burials. The yearly statement let the Court measure the island's productive base against the previous year, as the Council had promised when reporting the improved cattle stock.

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Honble Srs ☞ Ships Desbouverie, and Heathcote

1: Having wrote lately to Yr Honours by the Ship Nathaniell who saild hence on the 18th of May last, and by the Mary, who saild from this Place yr 22 of same Month, and in them given Yr Honr an Account of the bad State of the Ship Desbouverie, as to the Damage she received in a very hard Storm off the Cape of Good Hope on the 6th of Aprill last

2: And since then (viz) on the 28th may the Heathcote Capt Folson arrivd here in 106 Days from Bengala, and the Derby Capt Fitzhugh on the 11 Instant in 23 Days from Cape Bon Esperance these two Ships I do not find to have met with so much bad weather

3: The Desbouveria has washt about 130 Bales of her coursest Goods att Lemon Valley, and 30 Bales of fine Goods at the Plantation House, They are many of them very rotten, but those that wee found wee hope thire washing will keep & till they gett home These 3 Ships are the Desbouverie, who because they belongd to Capt Storey & Family Capt Folson Comander of the Heathcote Has consented to Capt Worten boce Comadore, And Capt Fitzhugh Comander of the Derby has likewise given his consent, The Heathcote was in great Want of ground Tackle, but especially of Cables, and pretende, as he tells us to make some proposalls to yr Honr for supplying all yr Honr returning Ships with such Stores, which he sayes, he can make appear very plain to be the entire Interest as well of the Owners of Ships as of the Hon Comp: We will not enlarge on the Pticular proofs of th Advantage of sending out such Stores, because hee goes Home with this, and will be best able to give yr Honr Satisfaction therein

4: We held a Court of Judicature here on the 18 May, wherein Mr Tovey was finde 40 to yr Honr for assaulting, and wounding Mr Wrangham one of the Surteis with a Sword, which he did to shew the People, that no Man should be protected by us, who Affords them any unreasonable Violence, But what refers yr Honr for more particulars to our Consultation Book a Coppy of which goes home herewith

5: As to the Garrison the few People we have, are in better Health, as wee think than formerly, since wee have made them a small Allowance of Tea, as we mentiond in our Letter to yr Honr by the Thistleworth 13 Parat, and since we have found it to succeed so well, We pray yr Honr

Margin Notes:

gone twice

This is the same Council letter sent jointly by the ships Desbouverie and Heathcote, late May 1716, already rewritten. The text below is unchanged.

Honourable Sirs,

1: Having written lately to the Court by the ship Nathaniel, which sailed hence on the 18th of May last, and by the Mary, which sailed from this place on the 22nd of the same month, and in them given the Court an account of the bad state of the ship Desbouverie, as to the damage she received in a very hard storm off the Cape of Good Hope on the 6th of April last.

2: Since then, namely on the 28th of May, the Heathcote, Captain Tolson, arrived here in 106 days from Bengal, and the Derby, Captain Fitzhugh, on the 11th instant in 23 days from Cape Bon Esperance. These two ships the Council did not find to have met with so much bad weather.

3: The Desbouverie had washed about 130 bales of her coarsest goods at Lemon Valley, and 30 bales of fine goods at the plantation house. There were many of them very rotten, but those that were sound the Council hoped the washing would keep till they got home. Those three ships were the Desbouverie, who, because they belonged to Captain Jones and family, Captain Tolson commander of the Heathcote had consented should go by Captain Wootton as commodore, and Captain Fitzhugh, commander of the Derby, had likewise given his consent.

4: The Heathcote was in great want of ground tackle, but especially of cables, and intended, as she told the Council, to make some proposals to the Court for supplying all the Court's returning ships with such stores, which she said it could make appear very plain to be the entire interest, as well as of the owners of ships, as of the Honourable Company. The Council would not enlarge on the particular proofs of the advantage of sending out such stores, because she would carry them home with it, and would be best able to give the Court satisfaction therein.

5: The Council held a Court of Judicature here on the 18th May, wherein it fined Mr Tovey £40 0s 0d for the Court, for assaulting and wounding Mr Wrangham, which it did to show the people that one of the Council should not be protected when he offered them any unreasonable violence. For more particulars it must refer the Court to a copy, which went home herewith.

6: As to the garrison, the few people the Council had were in better health than formerly, since it had made them a small allowance of tea, as it mentioned in its letter to the Court by the Thistleworth, the 13th paragraph. Since the Council found it succeeded so well, it prayed the Court...

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yr Honrs allowance to continue it to them

7: The Govern: has employd most of his time since the Arrivall of the Heathcote here wth Monsr Oliviero a Spaniard, who has dwelt a considerable time both in Mexico and Peru among the Spanish Mines, and has sett some of yr Honr Slaves to Work at Digging on the NE part of this Island near a place calld the Turks Cap, where wee have found a sort of minerall Earth, that the same Spaniard tells us is a sure Signall of a Mine of Metall, We have sent home Specifies of it by the Ship Heathcote, and are asurd by the same Mr Oliviero, that as we go Deeper, we shall find clearer, and more evident proofs of Metall, there being now other than Signalls of Oar, which he sayes all who understands mining will affirm as well as himselfe, We wish we had hands to spare, that we might keep some employed in digging on this occasion because we desire nothing more than to make the Plant yield to yr Honr some reasonable Recompence for the great Expence and trouble you have been at, to improve this hitherto unprofitable Place

8: We have in divers Letters written so largely on the great stoed we have of Blacks, and also said as much on our pressing wants of some few Men skilld in Gardning, and other Artificers, that we forbear reciting what we have spoken so often, least we should be too troublesome to yr Honr on that Head

9: And with our Letters by the St George, and by the Cordigan we sent a Large Indent of usefull Stores wanted here for the generall supply of this Place, and shall now add nothing on that Account, because we are in constant Expectation of their Fire Ship, wch we are informd from Cape Bon Esperance is coming out

10: Of all the Stores yr Honr have been pleasd at any time to send out, wee finde the navall Stores have turnd to the most proffitable Account, and therefore hope we shall never want, what is so usefull for all your Ships, especially Pitch, Tarr, Sailcloth, Twine, and good well made Cordage, and the being well Stord with such Goods is of a double Advantage, both for preservation of yr Honr Cargo, and the good of your Ships besides the Attendant proffit

11: On the 22 of May last a parcell of Rocks, which we esteem to be about 130 or 200 Tonns fell down near the Drawbridge, and has demolisht that End of the Fortification, and coverd 3 Guns but we

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent jointly by the ships Desbouverie and Heathcote, late May 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Council prayed the Court's allowance to continue the tea to the garrison.

7: The Governor had employed most of his time, since the arrival of the Heathcote here, with Monsieur Olivero, a Spaniard, who had dwelt a considerable time both in Mexico and Peru among the Spanish mines. He had set some of the Court's slaves to work at digging on the north-east part of the island, near a place called the Turk's Cap, where the Council had found a sort of mineral earth that the same Spaniard told it was a sure signal of a mine of metal. The Council had sent home some parcels of it by the Heathcote, and was assured by the same Monsieur Olivero that, as it went deeper, it should find clearer, fairer and more evident proofs of metal. There being now no other than signals of ore, which he said it also understood, the trial would affirm as well as himself. The Council wished it had hands to spare, that it might keep some employed in digging on this occasion, because it desired nothing more than to make the place yield the Court some reasonable recompense for the great expense and trouble it had been at to improve this hitherto unprofitable place.

8: In various letters, the Council had written so largely on the great need it had of slaves, and also said as much on its other pressing wants of some few men skilled in gardening and other artificers, that it forbore reciting what it had spoken of so often, lest it should be too troublesome to the Court on that head.

9: In its letters by the St George and the Cardigan the Council had sent a large requisition of useful stores wanted here for the general supply of the place, and would now add nothing on that account, because it was in constant expectation of the store ship, which it was informed from Cape Bon Esperance was coming out.

10: If all the stores the Court had been pleased at any time to send out, the Council found the naval stores had turned to the most profitable account, and therefore hoped it should never want what was so useful for all the Court's ships, especially pitch, tar, sailcloth, twine, and good made cordage. The being well stored with such goods was of a double advantage, both for the preservation of the Court's cargoes and the good of the Court's ships, besides the attendant profit.

11: On the 22nd of May last a parcel of rocks, which the Council esteemed to be about 150 or 200 tons, fell down near the drawbridge, and had demolished that end of the fortification, and covered three guns, but...

Interpretations

The mineral prospecting carried on with Monsieur Olivero, a Spaniard with experience of the mines of Mexico and Peru, continued the search for metals begun a season earlier, when two Spanish gentlemen on the St George of 1 December 1715 had judged the stony soil and the water to signal rich mines. The Council again sent specimens home and again declined to dig in earnest for want of spare hands, tying the mineral hope to the same labour shortage that ran through every part of its correspondence.

The expert's assurance that deeper digging would yield clearer proofs of metal, and that assay would confirm what the surface signals showed, gave the Council a reasoned ground for further trial rather than mere speculation. By submitting the specimens for testing the Council sought the independent verification a claim of mineral wealth would require before the Court committed resources to it.

The naval stores argument was put once more in its fullest commercial form, the pitch, tar, sailcloth, twine and cordage held on the island serving the double end of preserving cargoes and refitting ships, with profit besides. The Council repeated the case because it had found, across all the Court's supplies, that stores returned the best account, making the request a matter of demonstrated return.

The rockfall of 22 May, an estimated 150 to 200 tons collapsing near the drawbridge and burying three guns, recorded a sudden structural blow to the fortifications. The damage bore directly on the Council's standing concern with the cost of defence and the labour it consumed, a natural collapse adding to the burden the want of slaves already imposed on the works.

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We will take all due Care to repair it again, and the Drawbridge as soon as these Ships are gone

12: The following goods we receivd from India by each of these three Ships hereafter mentiond viz

13: By the Desbouverie

4 half Leigrs of Batavia Arrack at 244 Gallons

40 Bagge of Rice 58..2..10

10 Bagge of Sugar 14..2..18

1 Bale of White Bafts 126

14: By the Heathcote

4 half Leig of Batavia Arrack 283 Gall:

26 Bagge of Rice 52..00..00

10 Bagge of Sugar 14..2..10

15: By the Derby

4 half Leigues of Arrack as in Contert

10 Bagge of Sugar [...]

40 Bagge of Rice 13..3..18 52..2..18

The Rice is wee had, but very coarse, and of an ordinary cheap sort and what is wanting of the Quantity mentiond in each Bills of Lading by these Ships, we have made Exceptions against on the backsides of them

16: We have been obligd again to draw some Bills on yr Honr for credit due in your Storehouse some part of this Account is mentiond in our Consultation of Tuesday the 8 of November last, Anno 1715 for Goods left here by Capt Folson in the Heathcote when that Ship was here last in June Anno 1713, and now he has had the Reminder of that placd to his Account in your Storehouse, And Capt Fitzhugh has Sold severall Goods here to the Amount of above an hundred Pounds more thare his Charges, for which Credit has been given him in yr Honr Stores, and also to Capt Wotton, and Mr Foamis, And all the Bills wch have been demanded of all being to the Amount of Four hundred thirty two Pounds twice Shillings and four pence half Penny (as may appear by the perticulars here under mentiond viz

17: To Capt Wotton, or Order Three Bills of Exchange for the Sum of Eighty Pounds, Eleven Shillings, and tenn Pence half Penny

This continues the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent jointly by the ships Desbouverie and Heathcote, late May 1716. The numbered paragraphs follow on from the earlier part.

The Council would take all due care to repair the fortification again, and the drawbridge, as soon as the ships were gone.

12: The following goods were received from India by each of these three ships mentioned hereafter.

13: By the Desbouverie

4 half-leaguers of Batavia arrack 244 gallons £58 2s 10d

40 bags of rice £14 2s 18d

10 bags of sugar £[...]

1 bale of white bafts 126

14: By the Heathcote

4 half-leaguers of Batavia arrack 283 gallons £[...]

26 bags of rice £52 0s 0d

10 bags of sugar £14 2s 10d

15: By the Derby

4 half-leaguers of arrack, gauge in protest £13 3s 18d

10 bags of sugar £[...]

40 bags of rice £52 2s 18d

The rice was not bad, but very coarse, and of an ordinary cheap sort. Whatever was wanting of the quantity mentioned in each bill of lading by these ships, the Council had made exceptions against on the back side of them.

16: The Council had been obliged again to draw some bills for credit due in the Court's storehouse. Some part of this account was indebted to the Council's consultation of Tuesday the 8th of November last, anno domini 1715, for goods left here by Captain Tolson in the Heathcote when that ship was here, laden in June anno domini 1713, and now he had had the remainder of that placed to his account in the Court's storehouse. Captain Fitzhugh had sold several goods here to the amount of above £100 0s 0d more than his charges, for which credit had been given him in the Court's stores, and also to Captain Wootton and Mr Jeanes. After the bills, which had been demanded of all, being to the amount of £432 2s 10½d, as might appear by the particulars hereunder mentioned.

17: To Captain Wootton, or order, three bills of exchange for the sum of £80 11s 10½d.

Interpretations

The standard practice of noting short delivery against the bill of lading was set out plainly, the Council making its exceptions on the back of each bill where the goods fell short of the quantity shipped. The technique enforced delivered against shipped quantity, the same control pressed in the St George despatch of 1 December 1715, preserving the Council's claim against the supplier for any deficiency.

The settlement of Captain Tolson's account reached back to the consultation of 8 November 1715 and to goods laden as long ago as June 1713, the remainder now placed to his credit in the Court's storehouse. The long delay between lading and final reckoning shows how Company accounts ran on across years, closed only when ship and master returned to settle.

The mechanism of credit in the storehouse, by which captains sold goods at the island and took payment in store credit rather than coin, ran through every transaction here, Fitzhugh, Wootton and Jeanes each carrying balances that were then converted into bills on London. The system substituted paper and credit entries for cash on a cashless island, the bills the only means of moving value home.

The arrack received under the Derby's bill marked as gauge in protest recorded a formal dispute over measure, the cask quantity contested rather than accepted. The note preserved the Council's position on a delivery it would not pass without challenge, consistent with its insistence on exact account of all spirits landed.

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half Penny

To Capt Folson or Order three Bills of Exchange for the Sum of One hundred fifty two Pounds, Seventeen Shillings

To Capt Fitzhugh or Order three Bills of Exchange for the Sum of One hundred Eight Pounds, fourteen Shillings

To Mr Wm Foamis or order three Bills of Exchange for the Sum of Ninety Pounds, all dated this 15 June 1716 which we desire may be accepted

We have recd this Evening severall Protests and Letters of that Nature from some of the Captains of these Ships, just as we was making up the Pacquett, so that twas impossible to answer them now, Wherefore coppys of Each with our Answers shall come by the next Ship that go home

We are Honble Srs

Yr Honrs most Hum: and obedt faithfull Servants

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Matt Bazett Edwd Byfeld

Union Castle St Helena June 15th 1716

List of the Pacquett ☞ Ship Desbouverie Capt Wotton Comand June 15 1716

General Letter goes a Part dated the 15 June 1716

1: Coppy of General ☞ Ship Mary dated 22 May 1716 2: Duplicate of Consultation ☞ Nathaniell 3: Coppy of Consulta from 1 May to the 7th June 1716 inclusive following 4: Copy of Letter from Genll William ☞ Heathcote 5: Coppy of Do from Do Derby 6: Coppy of Church Register for 1715 7: Pacount of Kents & Revenue to Ditto 8: List of the same 9: Capt Holden recpt for the Pacquette 10: Coppy of Capt Fitzhughs Letter to the Govern: &c 11: Coppy of Govern: Do Answer to Do 12: Coppy of Govern: and Council protest against Capt Fitzhugh

This closes the Council letter to the Court of Directors sent jointly by the ships Desbouverie and Heathcote, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 15 June 1716, and is followed by the packet manifest. The remaining bills, the closing matter and the list follow.

The bill to Captain Wootton was for £80 11s 10½d.

To Captain Tolson, or order, three bills of exchange for the sum of £102 17s 0d.

To Captain Fitzhugh, or order, three bills of exchange for the sum of £108 14s 0d.

To Mr William Jeanes, or order, three bills of exchange for the sum of £9 0s 0d, all dated this 15 June 1716, which the Council desired might be accepted.

The Council had received this evening several protests and letters of that nature from some of the captains of these ships, just as it was making up the packet, so that it was impossible to answer them now. Therefore copies of each, with the Council's answers, should come by the next ship that went home.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, on 15 June 1716. It closed as from the Court's most humble and faithful servants, and was signed by Isaac Pyke, George Haswell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield.

A list of the packet by the ship Desbouverie, Captain Wootton commander, dated 15 June 1716. The general letter went apart, dated 15 June 1716.

1: Copy of the general letter by the ship Mary, dated 22 May 1716.

2: Duplicate of the consultation by the Nathaniel.

3: Copy of consultations from 1 May 1716 to the 7th of June following, inclusive.

4: Copy of the letter from Fort William by the Heathcote.

5: The same from the Derby.

6: Copy of the church register for 1715.

7: Packet of rents and revenue to Pyke.

8: List of the same.

9: Captain Holden's receipt for the packet.

10: Copy of Captain Fitzhugh's letter to the Governor.

11: Copy of the same from the Governor to the same.

12: Copy of the Governor and Council's protest against Captain Fitzhugh.

Interpretations

The four sets of bills, each drawn in triplicate to Wootton, Tolson, Fitzhugh and Jeanes, settled the captains' storehouse credits in paper on London, the threefold copies guarding each remittance against loss at sea. Recording them together dated 15 June bound the financial instruments to the despatch and let the Court match every payment to the account that produced it.

The deferral of the captains' protests, received too late to answer as the packet was sealed, showed the Council preserving its right of reply rather than letting one-sided documents go home unanswered. By promising copies with its own answers by the next ship, the Council protected its position in a dispute it had not yet had time to address.

The manifest closed with the Governor and Council's own protest against Captain Fitzhugh, entered alongside the copies of their exchange of letters with him. The inclusion of both sides shows the Council building a complete record of a quarrel with a commander, the same even-handed documentation it applied to disputes throughout these despatches.

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List of the Pacquett ☞ Ship Heathcote Capt Folson Comand June 15th 1716

Generall Letter dated 15th June 1716 goes a part

1: Duplicate of Consultations from May 1 1716 to yr 7th June incles follows to the Ship Desbouverie 2: Duplicate of Church Register for 1715 3: Acco of Rents and Expences for Do 4: Capt Holdens receipt for the Pacquett 5: Copy of Capt Fitzhughs Letter to Govern: &c 6: Coppy of Govern: & Council Answer to Do 7: Coppy of Capt Folsons Letter to the Govern: 31 May 1716 8: Coppy of Govern: & Council Answer to Ditto 9: Coppy of Govern: & Council Protest against Capt Fitzhugh

This is the packet manifest accompanying the duplicate Council letter sent by the ship Heathcote, Captain Tolson commander, dated 15 June 1716. The numbered items list the contents.

A list of the packet by the ship Heathcote, Captain Tolson commander, dated 15 June 1716. The general letter, dated 15 June 1716, went apart.

1: Duplicate of consultations from 1 May 1716 to the 7th of June following, inclusive, by the ship Desbouverie.

2: Duplicate of the church register for 1715.

3: Account of rents and revenues for the same.

4: Captain Holden's receipt for the packet.

5: Copy of Captain Fitzhugh's letter to the Governor.

6: Copy of the Governor and Council's answer to the same.

7: Copy of Captain Holden's letter to the Governor, dated 31 May 1716.

8: Copy of the Governor and Council's answer to the same.

9: Copy of the Governor and Council's protest against Captain Fitzhugh.

Interpretations

The manifest paired the Heathcote with the Desbouverie, item 1 enclosing a duplicate of the same consultations the Desbouverie carried, so that two ships bore the proceedings of 1 May to 7 June. The deliberate doubling continued the Council's standing guard against loss at sea, each conveyance a separate chance for the record to reach London.

The disputes with two commanders were documented in full and even-handedly, the manifest enclosing both sides of the exchange with Captain Fitzhugh and with Captain Holden, each captain's letter set against the Council's answer. The Council built a complete and balanced record of every quarrel, the formal protest against Fitzhugh entered alongside the correspondence that gave rise to it.

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To the Honble Govr Jn: Harrisone & Council Civill At Fort St George

Our last to yr Honr was by the Cordonell Capt Wm Mauvyn Comand: (Bound from hence to Bencoolen) bearing date yr 29 June 1715, & having therein mentiond such goods &c as we do want do yet want don't att all doubt but you'l supply our occasions & are encouraged to hope for such by advice recd from our Honr Masters

Since which we have recd another of yours of the 21 Feb 1714/15 and the 30 June 1715 ☞ Ship Cordigan & 4 Septembr follow: ☞ Kent with Duplicates & Invoices Containing each pticular wch came safe to hand and do acknowledge them to be good of their kind

In your letter of the 19 Feb 1714/15 ☞ Hanover you were pleased to say you should be glad to know if any seeds or plants would be usefull to send us, to which we will make no other answer then to asure your Honr that any thing that comes from you will be acceptable to us Especially the margosa & banyan trees or what seeds & plants soever else you Judge are best to grow in a Dry Soile and return your Honr our hearty thanks for that seed you gave orders to Capt Holden to bring us from the Cape of Good Hope wch were a good quantity and acceptable to us, and it groms here extreamly well but Worms & other Vermin being very Numerous & destructive to all manner of Greens begg you'l please to send & Continue your Orders thence for a quantity by every Ship wch will in a little time be sufficient to Supply the wants of this Island

We likewise desire you to Supply us with some able bodied men Slaves by every Ship by which we hope to have a Sufficient number for the use of our Honr Masters Plantacons being in real want of them now & when you do send us some we desire some Strong Lap Seils to Cloath them & any thing else you think will be Serviceable & Strong for Working People wee same

Margin Notes:

(1716. ☞ Catherine) Capt Th: Hunter

This is a Council letter from St Helena to the Governor and Council at Fort St George, sent by the ship Catherine, Captain Thomas Hunter, in 1716, addressed to Governor Edmund Harrison and Mr Edward Burrell. The text follows.

To the Honourable Edmund Harrison and Mr Edward Burrell, at Fort St George.

The last letter to Fort St George went by the Cardonnel, Captain William Mawson, bound from hence to Bencoolen, dated 29 June 1715, having mentioned in it such goods as the Council did want and yet wanted. It did not at all doubt that Fort St George would supply its occasions, and was encouraged to hope for such by the advice received from the Court, its masters.

Since then the Council received another letter from Fort St George of 21 February 1715, and that of 30 June 1715 by the ship Cardigan, and one of 4 September following by the Kent, with duplicates and invoices containing each particular, which came safe to hand. The Council acknowledged them to be good of their kind.

In the letter of 19 February 1715 by the Hanover, Fort St George was pleased to say it should be glad to know if any seeds or plants would be useful to send to St Helena. To this the Council would make no other answer than to assure Fort St George that anything that came from it would be acceptable, especially the margosa and banyan trees, or whatever seeds and plants soever Fort St George judged best to grow in a dry soil. The Council returned its hearty thanks for the seed Fort St George gave orders to Captain Holden to bring from the Cape of Good Hope, namely a good quantity and acceptable, which grew here extremely well. But worms and other vermin being very numerous and destructive to all manner of greens, the Council begged Fort St George would please to send and continue its orders thence for a quantity by every ship, which would in a little time be sufficient to supply the wants of the island.

The Council likewise desired Fort St George to supply it with some able-bodied men slaves by every ship, by which it hoped to have a sufficient number for the use of the Court, its masters. The plantations being in real want of them now, when Fort St George sent some, the Council desired some strong tap sails to clothe them, and anything else Fort St George thought would be serviceable and strong for working people.

Interpretations

The letter shows St Helena drawing its supplies laterally from Fort St George under the Court's standing direction to requisition goods from the nearest factory, the chain of correspondence reaching back to the Cardonnel despatch of 29 June 1715. The island corresponded directly with the presidency rather than only with London, the two stations exchanging acknowledgements, invoices and duplicates as a working supply relationship.

The request for margosa and banyan trees and for seeds fit to grow in a dry soil registered a deliberate matching of imported stock to the island's conditions, set against the standing problem that worms and vermin destroyed the greens. The plea that Cape seed be sent by every ship continued the Council's settled preference for Cape over European seed, the Cape stock having proved more agreeable to the island.

The demand for able-bodied slaves by every ship, with strong tap sails to clothe them, carried the island's chief labour argument into its lateral correspondence as well as its letters home. By pressing the presidency directly for slaves and clothing together, the Council sought to fill its want from the nearer Eastern source rather than waiting on the Court's distant supply.

The acknowledgement of letters dated 21 February and 30 June 1715 and 4 September following recorded the deliberate tracking of a correspondence carried across several ships. The careful listing of each letter and its conveyance gave both stations a check that nothing had miscarried in the exchange.

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some shirts ready made of strong Cloth either white or Checkqued which will be very usefull

And for the use of the Islanders we desire you'l send us some good Prints such as is generally Sold at Madrass from Twenty to forty Pagodos ☞ Corge wch would be very acceptable to us & turn to good proffitts, and having a moderate quantity of Course Long Cloath by us we desire you'l send us some of the finer sort for we could dispose of to Advantage, as also good fine striped Ginghams of Sorts, which desire may be therefore sent us

The Tafianis & Corges raney recd, we hope will be put to such good uses as may answer the end they were sent for & only wish we had more Especially of Tafianis, wch we hope you'l please to send by the first opportunity

The Hon Compa: have been pleased to send us such & severall Stores (except Pitch & Tarr) as will be of Service to all returning Ships which very often wants & also provisions we hope to have a Sufficient quantity for their refreshmt

We mention our present want of Pitch & Tarr that your Returning Shipping may provide themselves wth Tamarc at Madrass but we think we are able to Supply them wth any thing els having now received one hundred Bales of Cordage & severall Cases of Hollands Duck by this Ship

We desire your Honr to send us by each of yr returning Ships a good quantity of Rice which will be very acceptable, and turn to good Proffitt here

This Letter comes by the Catherine Capt Th: Hunter who carried here this Instant June last wth Stores from England and is bound to Bencoolen

We wish you health, and Prosperity, and are,

Gentlemen Your Humble Servants

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Matt Bazett Edwd Byfeld

Union Castle St Helena July 4 1716

P:S If you have any Man or Men that understands to make Sinnace for the Cryps of Houses We desire you to send us one by the first opportunity

This continues and closes the Council letter from St Helena to the Governor and Council at Fort St George, sent by the ship Catherine, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 4 July 1716. The text follows on from the earlier part.

The Council wanted some shirts ready made of strong cloth, either white or checked, which would be very useful.

For the use of the islanders, the Council desired Fort St George to send some good chintz, such as was generally sold at Madras from twenty to forty pagodas the corge, which would be very acceptable, sell well and turn to good profit. Having a moderate quantity of coarse long cloth by it, the Council desired Fort St George would send some of the finer sort, since it could dispose of it to advantage, as also good fine striped ginghams of sorts, which it desired might be therefore sent.

The fanams and copper money lately received would be put to such good uses as might answer the end they were sent for, only the Council wished it had more, especially of fanams, which it hoped Fort St George would please to send by the first opportunity.

The Court had been pleased to send naval stores, except pitch and tar, as would be of service to all returning ships, which very often wanted, and also provisions. The Council hoped to have a sufficient quantity for their refreshment.

The Council mentioned its present want of pitch and tar, that the Court's returning shipping might provide themselves with damar at Madras. But it thought itself able to supply them with anything else, having now received one hundred bales of cordage and several cases of Holland's duck by this ship.

The Council desired Fort St George to send, underneath each of the returning ships, a good quantity of rice, which would be very acceptable and turn to good profit here.

This letter came by the Catherine, Captain Thomas Hunter, who carried hence the year's stores east with stores from England, and was bound to Bencoolen.

The Council wished Fort St George health and prosperity. It was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, on 4 July 1716, and signed by Isaac Pyke, George Haswell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield. A postscript asked that, if Fort St George had any man who understood how to make terraces for the tops of houses, it would send one by the first opportunity.

Interpretations

The cloth orders matched the island's mixed market with precision, plain strong shirts for the working people and slaves set against good chintz at twenty to forty pagodas the corge and fine striped ginghams for the islanders who could pay. The Council distinguished what would clothe its labour from what would sell at a profit in the store, the same calibrated cloth requisition it had pressed on Bengal in the letters of 29 June 1715.

The renewed plea for fanams, the small silver coin of the Coromandel coast, addressed the island's chronic want of usable small money, the same shortage that had driven the schemes to revalue copper and punch a mark on dollars. By asking the presidency for more fanams the Council sought a circulating medium from the nearer Eastern source.

The naval stores passage drew a careful line, the Council short of pitch and tar and directing the Court's ships to provide themselves with damar at Madras, while offering to supply anything else from its newly received hundred bales of cordage and cases of Holland's duck. Damar, an Eastern tree resin, served as the local substitute for the pitch the island lacked, the Council managing a shortage by pointing ships to an alternative.

The postscript request for a man able to make terraced roofs, repeated from the Cardonnel letter of 29 June 1715, shows the Council persisting in a specific building skill it could not raise on the island. The recurrence of the same narrow request across more than a year marks how far St Helena depended on the presidencies to supply particular trades.

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To the Honble The Govern: &c and Council at Bombay

Our last to you was by the Cordonell (Bound from hence to Bencoolen) bearing date the 29 June 1716 Copy whereof comes herewith wherein Wrote you the needfull and Hereto refer you doubting not your ready Complyance with our Earnest desires therein mentioned

Since wch we have recd a Letter from Mr Th: Hope your Secretary dated yr 12 Octob: 1715 by the Duke of Cambridge adviseing us of two boutts of Goa Arrack Laden on board her wch we recd & was very good of itt, Kind but being now well Stockt in Batavia Arrack We desire you'l send us some good Rice instead of Goa Arrack And as many quilts for covering our beds as you can, some Large & some small we being in great want of them

We must notwithstanding our referring you to ours ☞ the Cordonell Earnestly Intreat you'l supply us with the full one ☞ Cent in such necessarys as therein mentiond but above all that one Article of Able bodied men Slaves or Lusty Boys fitt for our Honr Masters Service and Eight or Ten by each of your Returning Ships being in very great want of them

We also desire you'l send us Seeds and Plants of such sorts as you think will grow best in Dry Ground or any other you think proper for our Climate And may you to give Instructions to all your homeward boundships that touches at the Cape of Good Hope to bring us some of their Seeds & Plants, wch being fresh & more agreeable to this place then any other, will grow here very well, tho' we don't doubt raising those from India as have done some already

The Navall Stores &c all, but Pitch & Tarr we made mention of our Honr Masters have been pleased to send us, so that all Ships who happens to want in their way home, may be Supplyed here as well as with fresh Provisions

Herewith comes Enclosed a List of all Ships that has Arrived and Departed hence Since the Cordonell Capt Wm Mauvyn for Bencoolen

We are

Union Castle St Helena July the 4 1716

Margin Notes:

(1716 ☞ Catherine Capt Th: Hunter)

To the Honourable the Governor and Council at Bombay, by the Catherine, Captain Thomas Hunter.

The Council's last letter to Bombay went by the Cardonnel, bound from St Helena to Bencoolen, dated 13 June 1716. A copy came with the present letter, setting out all that was needed, and the Council did not doubt a ready compliance with the earnest requests made in it.

Since that date a letter reached the Council from Mr Thomas Hope, secretary at Bombay, dated 4 and 12 October 1715 and brought by the Duke of Cambridge, advising that two butts of Goa arrack had been laden on board. The 19 [...] both were received and proved very good of their kind, though the Council was now well stocked with Batavia arrack. The Council asked instead for a good quantity of rice, together with as many quilts for bed coverings as could be sent, some large and some small, these being much in need.

Notwithstanding the earlier letter by the Cardonnel, the Council earnestly asked that any supply of slaves be of the full one per cent in such years as the letter described. The men were to be able-bodied and lusty, fit for the Governor and master's service, eight or ten by each returning ship, these being in very great need.

The Council also asked that seeds and plants be sent of such sorts as would perhaps grow best in dry ground or any other, as Bombay might think proper for St Helena's moderate climate. Instructions might be given to all homeward-bound ships that touched at the Cape of Good Hope to bring some of their seeds and plants, these being fresh and more agreeable to St Helena than any other and likely to grow there very well. There was no doubt of raising those from India, some having been raised already.

The naval stores had all been received except pitch and tar, which the Honourable masters had been pleased to mention sending, so that all ships wanting them on the way home might be supplied at St Helena, along with fresh provisions.

A list came enclosed with the present letter of all ships that had arrived at St Helena and departed since the Cardonnel, Captain William Mawson, sailed for Bencoolen.

Union Castle, St Helena, 4 July 1716.

The Council was [...]

Interpretations

The Council's request for slaves of the full one per cent referred to a standing entitlement, by which St Helena claimed a fixed proportion of the slaves carried on the Company's ships passing the island. The letter to Fort St George by this same Catherine of 4 July 1716 pressed the parallel point, and the supply question had run through the despatches since the request for an additional 200 slaves at paragraph five of the despatch of 12 November 1714. The repeated pleading showed the island unable to secure labour by purchase and forced to rely on a deduction from shipping it could not itself command.

The instruction to homeward ships touching at the Cape to carry seeds and plants revealed the island's agricultural programme run as a system of opportunistic collection from passing traffic. The same practice appeared as the standing treatment of every Indiaman as a potential source of useful plants, and the preference for Cape stock rested on its survival in dry ground of the kind found in the unwatered valleys. The note that Indian plants had already been raised marked a programme past its trial stage.

The naval stores point tied to the standing reserve pressed across the 1716 letters by the Kent of 26 January 1716, the Thistleworth of 24 February 1716 and the Desbouverie and Heathcote of 15 June 1716. The argument was always commercial as much as practical, since a ready supply of pitch, tar and cordage would draw the Court's ships to call and turn a greater profit than any other sale. The gap in pitch and tar named here was the precise want the island met for passing ships by directing them to take damar at Madras instead.

Speculations

The Council declined further Goa arrack while admitting it was good, on the ground that Batavia arrack already filled the stores, and asked for rice and quilts in its place. The substitution managed a real constraint rather than a preference, since the island held empty leaguers of Batavia casks enough and had pressed for rice and sugar in tight casks in the bill of lading complaints by the St George of 1 December 1715. The choice converted an unwanted surplus into a request for goods the garrison actually lacked.

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We are Gentlemen

Your Humble Servants

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Mattw Bazett Antigas Toory Edw: Byfeld

P:S We pray yr Honr to remind yr returning Ships to bring Tamure eno' we not being Supplyed wth Pitch

In a postscript the Council asked that the returning ships be reminded to bring damar, since St Helena was not supplied with pitch.

The letter closed with the Council subscribing itself the humble servants of the gentlemen at Bombay, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett, Antipas Tovey and Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The request for damar named a tree resin from the East Indies, a hard substance tapped from dipterocarp trees and used in place of pitch for paying the seams and timbers of ships against water. The Council had directed passing ships to take damar at Madras to make good the want of pitch, the same substitution pressed in the naval stores reserve across the 1716 letters by the Kent of 26 January 1716 and the Desbouverie and Heathcote of 15 June 1716. The postscript fixed the practical remedy for the one gap in the island's stores noted in the body of the letter.

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To the Honble Presidt & Coun: for Affairs of the United Trade In Bengale

Our last to you from hence was by the Cordonell of the 29 June 1715, Since wch we have recd the following Letter Viz: of the 1 Decembr ☞ the Hanover and 19 January ☞ the Cordigan the 23 Octobr by the St George, 2 of Decr 1715 by the Bruwerie & 16 of that Month by the Mary and the 7 of Feb 1715/6 ☞ the Heathcott and of the same date ☞ the Derby Accompanyed with severall Invoices and Bills of Loading as also another Letter ☞ the Derby Signd by Messrs Anorson & Spencer from Cossa of the 8 Feb 1715/6 To all which we answer as followeth

That we must do you the Justice as to say the severall quantities of Arrack recd by each of the abovesaid Ships proud very good of this kind except two of the four half Leaguers by the Derby which we believe was Sophisticated on board the Ship because Capt Fitzhugh brought us no bottles for masters as you adviced were safe Stowed up & sent a part, And these two Casks not only Stunk but were so very bad and ill tasted that we cannott tell what to do with it & shall never Sell, nor use, nor dropp of it while we have any other upon the place, we have acquainted our Honr Masters therewith & sent them Copys of both these Letters ☞ the Derby and made Exceptions on the Back of the Bills of Loading this we don't attribute to any Gentlemans manage in: at Bengall but the Capt fault because we never Saw Arrack like it

We pray you when you send us any more Rice to be it be finer than what you generally do, this of late being indeed very course but otherwise Sould & good and that you'l please to order the Sugar to be put up into Casks to prevent Damage & Wasse which often happens when put up in Baggs

And our necessitys still oblige us to repeat to you the great want of Blacks we are in, for the Service of our Honble Masters here, and to this end desire your Perusall: the 4 Para: of our said Letter ☞ the Cordonell and then as opportunity offers to send us Seven or Eight Blacks in every Ship that can take them

Margin Notes:

(1716 ☞ Catherine Capt Th: Hunter)

To the Honourable the President and Council for the Affairs of the United Trade in Bengal, by the Catherine, Captain Thomas Hunter, 1716.

The Council's last letter to Bengal went by the Cardonnel of 29 June 1715. Since that date the Council received the following letters: one of December by the Hanover, one of January and one of 23 February by the St George, one of December 1715 by the Desbouverie, one of that same month by the Mary, and one of 7 February 1716 and another of the same date by the Derby. The Derby came with several invoices and bills of lading, together with another letter signed by Messrs Cronon and Spencer from Dacca of 8 February 1716. The Council answered them as follows.

The Council must do Bengal the justice of saying the several quantities of arrack received by each of the ships named proved very good of their kind, except two of the four half-leaguers by the Derby, which the Council believed had been tampered with aboard the ship. Captain Fitzhugh brought no bottles for samples, as Bengal had advised would come safe and sealed up and sent apart, and these two casks proved not only murky but so very bad and ill tasted that the Council did not know what to do with the arrack and would never sell nor use a drop of it while any other remained upon the island. The Council made the Honourable masters acquainted with the matter, sent them copies of both letters by the Derby, and entered exceptions on the back of the bills of lading. The Council did not attribute the fault to any gentleman's management at Bengal, but to the captain, since the Council never saw arrack like it.

The Council asked that any further rice sent be finer than what was usually supplied, this of late being very coarse, though otherwise sound and good, and that order be given for the sugar to be put into casks to prevent the damage and waste that often happened when it was packed in bags.

The Council's needs again obliged it to repeat the great want of slaves it laboured under for the service of the Honourable masters at St Helena. To this end the Council asked Bengal to read again the letter sent by the Cardonnel, and then, as opportunity offered, to send seven or eight slaves in every ship that could take them.

Interpretations

The two suspect casks of arrack turned on a documented system of quality control by sample and seal. Bengal had been expected to send bottles drawn from each consignment, sealed and stowed apart, so that the island could test the bulk casks against an untampered standard on arrival. The absence of the bottles left the Council unable to prove the adulteration against the shipper, so it shifted the charge to Captain Fitzhugh and recorded its exceptions on the back of the bills of lading. This was the same documentary defence run through the bill of lading enforcement programme since the despatch by the St George of 1 December 1715, where short and damaged deliveries were noted on each bill to fix the loss on the carrier rather than the consignor.

The request to pack sugar in casks rather than bags repeated a standing complaint about transit waste. The Council had pressed the same point in the bill of lading complaints by the St George of 1 December 1715 and the Cardigan of 26 December 1715, where rice and sugar arrived short and one parcel came wetted. The island held empty leaguers and half-leaguers of the Batavia arrack casks enough to take the goods, so the proposal cost the Company nothing and turned its own empties to use.

The repeated plea for seven or eight slaves in every ship matched the parallel requests to Bombay and to Fort St George by this same Catherine of 4 July 1716. The labour shortage had run through the despatches since the request for an additional 200 slaves at paragraph five of the despatch of 12 November 1714, and the figure of seven or eight a ship showed the Council scaling its demand to what a single passing bottom could carry rather than to the island's full need.

Speculations

The Council kept the two bad casks rather than selling or using them, choosing to hold the arrack untouched while any sound stock remained on the island. The decision managed a conflict over liability, since the casks served as the physical exhibit behind the exceptions entered on the bills of lading and the copies sent to the masters. Dumping or quietly disposing of the spoiled arrack would have surrendered the evidence, so preserving it intact kept the charge against Captain Fitzhugh provable. The same instinct to retain defective goods as proof ran through the return of twenty pieces of unusable blue cloth and a chest of old arms by the St George of 1 December 1715.

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them on board for us

We further request you'l send us some Sannoes &c fine Cloath for Shirting which will certainly be very Serviceable to us & turn to our Honr Masters Interest

As also Sail Cloth Double Tangarees Ginghams fine & Course Shirts (as many as you conveniently can) Ready made some of them white & some Course & Strong Otello or Checked Cloth for our Negroes &c Slaves but large being for working men as in our aforesaid Letter Intimates to you as Likewise Cotton Stockings well whitened with large feet, both fine & Course, much wanted here

And do again renew our desire, for a Supply of Seeds & plants such as well you will Judge best to grow in Dry ground & to give Instructions to your severall Ships homeward Bound to procure us some at the Cape of Good Hope wch will take here very well

The Navall Stores &c mentiond to you in the aforesaid Letter ☞ Cordonell our Honr Masters has been pleased to send us by the Catherine Capt Th: Hunter who arrived here this Instant June so that we are now abler and better furnished then heretofore to Supply the frequent wants of Ships that touches here homeward bound

In our Postscript we desired you to send us a man who understood the making Terrace for the Tops of our Houses whom we desire may be sent us by the first opportunity

The Bouverie Capt Wotton Comand: mett wth a very great Storm off the Cape of Good Hope, and had like to have foundred, wch Damaged most of her bale Goods insomuch that we were obliged to unload great part, and Washed one hundred & severall Baty Bales and repackt them in hopes they will prove of some Service notwithstanding the Damage which was very great

Herewith comes Enclosed a List of all Ships that has Arrived & Departed hence since the Cordonell Capt Wm Mauvyn for Bencoolen

We having Acquainted you that we have all Navall Stores Except Pitch & Tarr desire you to Order the Returning Ships to Supply themselves wth Tamure

When we mentiond our wants of Goods we forgott to Name Quilts for Covering our Beds wch we desire you'l send us by the first opportunity

We

The Council further asked Bengal to send fine cloth for shirting, which would certainly prove very serviceable and turn to the Honourable masters' interest.

The Council also asked for sailcloth, double dungarees, ginghams, fine and coarse shirts ready made, as many as could conveniently be sent, some of them white and some coarse or strong, gello or checked cloth for the use of the slaves. The slaves were to be large, fit for the service of the men, as the earlier letter had set out, and likewise cotton stockings well whitened with large feet, both fine and coarse, much wanted at St Helena.

The Council again renewed its request for a supply of seeds and plants of such sorts as Bengal judged best to grow in dry ground, and asked for instructions to be given to its several homeward-bound ships to procure some at the Cape of Good Hope, which would grow at St Helena very well.

The naval stores mentioned in the earlier letter by the Cardonnel had been sent by the Honourable masters by the Catherine, Captain Thomas Hunter, who arrived at St Helena, so that the island was now abler and better furnished than before to supply the frequent wants of homeward-bound ships that touched there.

In the postscript the Council asked for a man who understood the making of terraces for the tops of the houses, to be sent by the first opportunity.

The Desbouverie, Captain Wootton commander, met a very great storm off the Cape of Good Hope and was nearly foundered. The storm damaged most of her bale goods so much that the Council was obliged to unload a great part, with about one hundred bales washed and repacked, in hopes they would prove of some service notwithstanding the damage, which was very great.

A list came enclosed of all ships that had arrived at St Helena and departed since the Cardonnel, Captain William Mawson, sailed for Bencoolen.

The Council, having advised Bengal that all the naval stores had been received except pitch and tar, asked that the returning ships be ordered to supply themselves with damar.

When the Council set out its wants of goods it forgot to name quilts for bed coverings, and asked that these be sent by the first opportunity.

The Council was [...]

Interpretations

The list of cloths named the working textiles of the East India trade rather than fine goods for sale. Sannoes were a plain Bengal cotton, dungarees a coarse blue cotton, ginghams a striped or checked cotton, and gello a dyed cloth, the whole intended for shirting and for clothing the slaves. The request matched the standing supply of long cloth and coarse stuffs that ran through the despatches, and the call for cotton stockings with large feet points to clothing for labourers on hard ground rather than to any genteel use.

The repeated request for a man who understood terraced roofs tied to the skilled artificer recruitment programme pressed since paragraphs 62 to 63 of the despatch of 12 November 1714. The same man had been sought from Fort St George in the letters of 29 June 1715 and again by the Catherine of 4 July 1716. A terraced roof of beaten lime or earth suited a building stone island short of timber, so the trade was wanted to free the fortification and storehouse programme from its dependence on imported deal.

The damage to the Desbouverie fixed the practical cost of the storm off the Cape on 6 April 1716. Her bale goods came washed and repacked, the sound ones swelling so that the Council asked for a packing press, and the episode runs alongside the parallel account in the joint letter by the Desbouverie and Heathcote of 15 June 1716. The repacking in hope of some salvage value shows the Council treating spoiled cargo as partly recoverable stock rather than a total loss.

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We are

Gentlemen Your Humble Servants

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Mattw Bazett Edwd Byfeld

Union Castle St Helena July yr 4 1716

Gentlemen

Our last to you was by the Cordonell Capt Wm Mauvyn Comand: bearing date 29 June 1715, a Copy of which comes herewith, and thereto refer you, and desire a Complyance with the 4 Para: of that Letter relating to Seeds and Plants since which we have recd yours of the 14 Aprill 1715, by the Anarilla who arrived here, the 1 August following in Answer to which say

That altho' you sent us no Arrack, and said your Selves were reduced to short Allowance Capt Hurst asurd us you were very well Stockt with such in your Goadowns at the time he came away

As to the Soldiers you mention to be surprized at, We were obliged to send you, and gave reasons for it, to our Honr Masters ☞ the Susanna, and to you ☞ the Rochester, and did believe they would be as Serviceable to our said Honr Masters there as the Gardiner could be to us here, But because you seem in so much wants of him have According to our Honr Masters Orders sent him on this Ship Catherine, also John Maynard Carpenter but the parting with them is very prejudiciall to this place in genr as well as to our said Honr Masters affairs in Particular

We having all their returning Ships to provide for & no Gardiner now in all the Honr Compa: Plantation nor no Carpenter on the Island

Gentlemen We should be the last that would offer to detriment your Factory, or to disoblige the Govern: as you seem to think we have done but if you please to consider we have been Supplyd with but Eight men these four Years for this place

Margin Notes:

(1716 ☞ Catherine Capt Th: Hunter to Bencoolen)

The Council closed its letter to Bengal as the humble servants of the gentlemen there, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 4 July 1716, and signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield.

To the gentlemen at Bencoolen, by the Catherine, Captain Thomas Hunter, 1716.

The Council's last letter to Bencoolen went by the Cardonnel, Captain William Mawson, dated 29 June 1715. A copy comes with the present letter, and the Council refers Bencoolen to the second part of that letter relating to seeds and plants. Since then the Council received the letter of 14 April 1715 by the Averilla, which arrived at St Helena the following 1 August, and answers it as follows.

Although Bencoolen sent no arrack and said its own stores were reduced to short allowance, Captain Hurst assured the Council that Bencoolen was very well stocked with arrack in its godowns at the time he came away.

As to the soldiers Bencoolen wondered at, the Council was obliged to send them and gave its reasons to the Honourable masters by the Susanna and to Bencoolen by the Rochester, and did believe they would be as serviceable there as the gardener could be at St Helena. Because Bencoolen seemed in such want of him, the Council sent him on the Catherine according to the Honourable masters' orders, together with John Maynard the carpenter, though the parting with them was very harmful to St Helena in particular as well as to the Honourable masters' affairs in general.

With all the returning ships to provide for, the Council was left with no gardener at all on the whole of the Honourable Company's plantation, nor any carpenter on the island.

The Council would be the last to offer any detriment to the factory at Bencoolen or to disoblige the government there, as Bencoolen seemed to think it had done. Bencoolen was asked to consider that St Helena had been supplied with only eight men these four years for the island.

Interpretations

The dispute over the gardener and carpenter exposed the rivalry between the two Company stations for a fixed and inadequate pool of labour. St Helena gave up both men on the Court's direct order while recording the loss, leaving the plantation with no gardener and the island with no carpenter, the same complaint pressed in the garrison manpower shortage thread by the despatch of 2 August 1715. The carpenter John Maynard had first stayed from the Cardonnel as an invalid in the despatch of 6 July 1715, then settled on the island and asked for his wife to follow by the St George of 1 December 1715, so his removal to Bencoolen undid an established engagement.

Captain Hurst's report that Bencoolen's godowns were well stocked with arrack countered Bencoolen's own plea of short allowance, and the Council set the two accounts against each other. A godown was the East India term for a warehouse or store, and the contradiction let the Council resist a supply demand by citing independent testimony from the master of the Averilla, whose call at the island in the despatch of 2 August 1715 is the recorded source of the intelligence.

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place, that we found no Gardiner here but one very Sick, who Dyed in Tan Days after he came on Shore, we hope you will not think we Acted an unreasonable Part in Suffering your Gardiner to stay here where we can not do without one We asure you he Petitiond us, & he made great Application to stay here before our other Gardiner was dead, and we refused him, But after our Gardiner was dead he Demanded higer Wages, and would not stay unlif We gave it him this is the True State of that Case

No doubt, but Capt Brown informd you in what bad condicon we found this Island, and necessity that has no Law, obliged us to do what we did and believe if you had been here, you would have done what we did and believe the same, and we hope that those Negroes who came to you by the Cordonell made more then ample amends for any usefull hands that you say we exchanged, or stayd here out of those for their health Sake

We have according to our Honble Masters order Enclosed the Ship Catherines Charter party and refer you to Capt Hunter for Views, He arrivd here the 9 Instant June last

We do now again renew our Requests, desireing to be Supplyed with Seeds and Plants, and the Porchee Tree, or any other you think Grow in Dry Ground, which will be of great Service to us here and Likewise to Supply our great neasety of Blacks by sending us seven or Eight able bodied fellows in each Ship for the Service of our Honr Masters Plantations & other necessary Works

We Likewise desire you to send us a good quantity of Rice by each Ship for the use of our Island and the Honr Compa: Slaves, as also a man that understands makeing Terrace, for the Tops of our House

By this Ship (besides the before mentioned Persons) takes Passage Wm Jn: Blunt Entertained as a writer for Fort St George by our Honr Masters he has lived wth us about two years, and has behaved himself very well Likewise one Tho: Goodwin and Benjamin Prentice who are willing to seek their Fortunes in some other part of the World, and a boy Named Jn: Beal bound apprentice to maynard the Carpenter

We send you one Edward Brereton who came over here a Soldier in the Rochester, for being Concerned in a Confederacy wch Severall others to Seize any small Ship that should Arrive here, We have sent those

The Council found no gardener at St Helena but one, very sick, who died ten days after he came ashore, and hoped Bencoolen would not think it acted unreasonably in keeping its gardener, where the island could not do without one. The Council assured Bencoolen that it had made great application to stay him at St Helena before the other gardener was dead, and had been refused. After that gardener died the man demanded higher wages and would not stay unless they were given, and this was the plain truth of the matter.

There was no doubt that Captain Brown had informed Bencoolen of the bad condition the island was found in, and the necessity that had no law obliged the Council to do what it did. Had Bencoolen been at St Helena, the Council believed it would have done the same. The Council hoped the three persons who came to Bencoolen by the Cardonnel made more than ample amends for any useful hands exchanged or stayed at St Helena for their health's sake.

The Council, according to the Honourable masters' order, enclosed the Catherine's charter party and referred Bencoolen to Captain Hunter for the particulars. He arrived at St Helena the [...] June last.

The Council again renewed its requests, asking to be supplied with seeds and plants, the peaches first, or any other Bencoolen thought would grow in dry ground, which would be of great service at St Helena. It likewise asked Bencoolen to relieve the great want of slaves by sending seven or eight able-bodied fellows in each ship for the service of the Honourable masters' plantations and other necessary work.

The Council also asked for a good quantity of rice by each ship, for the use of the island and the Honourable masters' slaves, and likewise a man who understood the making of terraces for the tops of the houses.

By the Catherine, besides the persons named earlier, took passage Mr [...] Blunt, engaged as a writer for Fort St George by the Honourable masters, who had lived at St Helena about two years and behaved himself very well, and likewise Thomas Goodwin and Benjamin Prentice, who were willing to seek their fortunes in some other part of the world, and a boy named John Beal, bound apprentice to Maynard the carpenter.

The Council sent Bencoolen one Edward Brereton, who came over as a soldier in the Rochester, for being concerned in a conspiracy with several others to seize any small ship that should arrive at St Helena. The Council had sent [...]

Interpretations

The exchange of personnel between St Helena and Bencoolen ran on a settled barter of bodies, the unwilling and the dangerous sent on and useful or healthy men retained. The three persons sent by the Cardonnel were offered as compensation for the gardener and others kept at the island, the same trading logic recorded in the mutiny party exchange by the Council letter to Bencoolen of 9 July 1714. The boy John Beal bound apprentice to Maynard the carpenter shows the island trying to grow its own skilled labour, since Maynard had been settled at St Helena after staying from the Cardonnel in the despatch of 6 July 1715.

Edward Brereton was sent to Bencoolen for his part in the ship-seizure conspiracy sworn by blood oath on 3 March 1716, the plot to seize a weakly manned ship and drive her out of the road named in the Council letters by the Nathaniel of 10 May 1716 and the Mary of 22 May 1716. The Council had distributed the ringleaders across separate ships to break the cabal, sending William Murfey home by the Duke of Cambridge, William Gwyn by the Nathaniel and William Cook by the Mary. Brereton here was the soldier of the Bencoolen draft, distinct from the conspirator Brereton allotted to be supercargo in the plotters' command.

The charter party enclosed for the Catherine was the contract of hire between the Company and the ship's owners, fixing the terms on which the vessel carried the Court's goods and stores. Referring Bencoolen to Captain Hunter for the particulars left the master to account for his own lading, the same separation of carrier from consignor that underlay the bill of lading enforcement programme pressed since the despatch by the St George of 1 December 1715.

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these of his Confederates who understood yr Sea Employm: to England because we thought them too Dangerous people to send to Bencoolen and have Likewise sent one James Vause who Run away out of the Thistleworth

We wish you health and Prosperity, and are

Gentlemen Your Humble Servants

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Mattw Bazett

Union Castle St Helena July the 4 1716

We having Acquainted you that we have all Navall Stores Except Pitch & Tarr desire you to order your returning Ships to Supply themselves with Tamurr

List of the Packett ☞ Ship Catherine Capt Th: Hunter Bound for Bencoolen & Sailed July 5 1716

1: Genll from St Helena to Bencoolen ☞ Ship Catherine July 4 1716 2: Copy of Do from St Helen to Do ☞ Cordonell Capt Wm Mauvyn 3: List of Ships since the Arrivall of the Cordonell 29 June 1715 & the Catherine 17 June 1716, to yr Arrivall yr 30 yr Arrivall yr 4: Ship Catherines Charter Party 5: List of Ships ☞ Cordonell 6: List of the Packett

The Council had sent the rest of Brereton's confederates, who understood that the Eagle Galley was bound for England, because it thought them too dangerous to send to Bencoolen. The Council had likewise sent one James Vaux, who ran away from the Thistleworth.

The Council, having advised Bencoolen that all the naval stores had been received except pitch and tar, asked that the returning ships be ordered to supply themselves with damar.

The Council wished Bencoolen health and prosperity, subscribing itself the humble servants of the gentlemen there, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 4 July 1716, and signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell and Matthew Bazett.

A list followed of the packet by the Catherine, Captain Thomas Hunter, bound for Bencoolen and sailed 5 July 1716:

Number 1. General letter from St Helena to Bencoolen by the Catherine, 4 July 1716.

Number 2. Copy of the same from St Helena to Bencoolen by the Cardonnel, Captain William Mawson.

Number 3. List of ships since the arrival of the Cardonnel on 29 June 1715 to the Catherine on 17 June 1716.

Number 4. The Catherine's charter party.

Number 5. List of ships by the Cardonnel.

Number 6. List of the packet.

Interpretations

The numbered packet manifest gave India House a recoverable audit trail, each item entered so that a missing enclosure could be identified at the far end. The same device ran through the documentary protection programme across the 1716 homeward letters by the Kent, the Thistleworth and the Desbouverie and Heathcote, and the inclusion of a copy of the previous Cardonnel letter at item 2 follows the standing practice of overlapping each despatch with the last.

The dispersal of the conspirators turned on a judgement about which destination was safer for dangerous men. The remainder were not sent to Bencoolen for fear of what they might do there, the same reasoning that sent William Murfey home rather than to Bencoolen where he might turn pirate, recorded in the Council letters by the Duke of Cambridge of 14 March 1716 and the Nathaniel of 10 May 1716. Their understanding that the Eagle Galley was bound for England ties the ship-seizure cabal of 3 March 1716 back to its origin in the Eagle Galley conspiracy first set out in the despatch of 6 July 1715.

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Honble Srs ☞ Ship Queen Capt John Martin Comand: Aug 13 1716

1: We have recd your Letter dated the 14 of march 1716 sent at Congo in the Ship Catherine Capt John Hunde Comand: who Arrived here on Sunday the 17 of June this day after the Sailing of the Ships Desbouverie Heathcote and Derby by whom we alse wrote to your Honr

2: The Catherine began to unload next morning she was here Seventeen days unloveing and had very good weather all the time, not so much as one day being hindred with the high Surfes and Seas that doe Some times happen here four hundred with the high Surfes and Seas the men were all that time Duely Employed but yet could not Deliver thad loading in less then fifteen days, so that by their working we be what another Ship can doe, However we have made a Protest against the Comander for can doe, However we have made a Protest against the Comander for not unloading in Ten working days Acceding to yr Honr Directions, for the Particulars thereof we refer our Selves to the Consultation books Coppies whereof goes Home herewith and therein alsoe we refer our Selves to said Consultations for answers to Capt Folsons Letters & Protest

First, as to your Honr severall Ships in India

3: We have Enquired of Capt John Martin Comander of this Present Ship called the Queen who arrived here in 156 days from India, but last from the Cape of Good Hope who he remaind twenty Eight Days and was in great Danger of being drove a shoar by a Violent Storm which happend while he rid there in which Storm an Ostend Ship called the Charles Galley was she alsoe to have been lost

4: The Princes Emilia Capt Emissone Arrived there on the 25 July when he left her, but designd to Sail the next Day being bound to Bombay

Capt Martin can give us but litle Account of your Ships in India he having been only on the Coast of Mallabarr but he tells us that we may Expect yr Catherine Capt Tucker Comander to be the next Ship from there parish, the being intended to be Dispatcht in Aprill now past will goe off from that Coast as soon as the Monsoons permit

5: On the 11 July the Charles Galley an Ostender Arrived here she gave us a Large Account of all affairs in India but we did not Suffer her to refill here as she denied wee wod the Supplyd with course or Provisions for the Particulars we pray your Honr to be our Consultation Books of the 17 July being unwilling to make this Letter too long, Yet we wish we Inight have your filly Instructions for our Behaviour to that Sort of Shipping that we may neither be wanting nor yet too forwards in our duty on those Accounts, As we are informed that Ostend Some Muscovit Ships Mentiond in our Letter by the Duke of Cambridge there are others from Ostend Some from Hamburgh & Some with apass or Lycence from the King of Sicily and they to Likely as these Ostenders have done, will Demand the Especiall Product with the Liberty that nations m

Honourable Sirs, by the Queen of Peace, Captain John Martin commander, 13 August 1716.

1: The Council received the Honourable Court's letter dated 14 of March 1716 by the Catherine, Captain John Hunter commander, which arrived at St Helena on Thursday 31 May, three days after the Desbouverie, Heathcote and Derby sailed, by which last the Council also wrote to the Court.

2: The Catherine began to unload the next morning. She was seventeen days unloading and had very good weather all the time, not too much, since one day being a hundred with the high surges and seas that sometimes happened at St Helena, the men were all that time fully employed and could not deliver the lading in less than fifteen days. By their work she could be loaded another ship, so that however she made a protest against the commander for not unloading in ten working days. According to the Honourable Court's directions, the Council referred the particulars to the consultation books, copies of which go home with the present letter, and also referred the Court to the consultations for answers to Captain Tolson's letters and protest.

First, as to the Honourable Court's several ships in India.

3: The Council enquired of Captain John Martin, commander of the present Queen of Peace, who arrived at St Helena in 156 days from India, last from the Cape of Good Hope, where she remained twenty-eight days in great danger of being driven ashore by violent storms that happened while she lay there. He reported a violent storm and an outward-bound ship called the Charles Galley to have been lost.

4: The Princess Amelia, Captain Emmison, arrived at St Helena on 13 July, where she left her, but designed to sail the next day, being bound for Bombay.

5: Captain Martin could give but little account of the Court's ships in India, beyond telling the Council that it might expect the Catherine home only on the coast of Malabar, but he told it that one outward-bound ship, Captain Tucker commander, was to be despatched in April then past, and would go off upon that coast as soon as the monsoons permitted.

On 11 July the Charles Galley, an interloper, arrived at St Helena. She gave the Council a large account of all affairs in India, but the Council neither would suffer her to refit at St Helena nor supplied her with course provisions for the inhabitants. The Council referred the Court to its consultation books of the 17 July, being unwilling to make this letter too long, yet wished it might have the Court's fuller instructions for its behaviour as to that sort of shipping, that it might neither be wanting nor too forward in its duty on those accounts. The Council was informed that other interloping ships mentioned in its letter by the Duke of Cambridge were others from Ostend, some from Hamburg, some with a pass or licence from the King of Sicily, and they to carry as these interlopers had done, would demand the equal product, with the liberty that nations [...]

Interpretations

The protest against the Catherine's commander turned on the ten-day unloading term set by the Court, against which the Council recorded that fifteen days were needed in fact. The same impossible term had been protested against Captain Mawson of the Cardonnel in the despatch of 6 July 1715, where the Council upheld the master while admitting the ten-day rule could not be met. Entering the protest while referring the particulars to the consultation books preserved the Court's instruction on paper without penalising a master for a delay the island's surf and manpower made unavoidable.

The interloping ships exposed the Company's monopoly under pressure from rival European flags. An interloper was a private trader operating without the Company's licence in waters where its charter claimed an exclusive right, and the Ostend, Hamburg and Sicilian-licensed ships named here were the new competition the Court feared after the Treaty of Utrecht. The Council's refusal to let the Charles Galley refit or take provisions enforced the monopoly by denying the interloper the island's services, the same strategic control of foreign access shown in the refusal of provisions to the French ship Jason by the despatch of 8 December 1714.

The Council's plea for fuller instructions on how to treat interlopers shows a station caught between duty and discretion. The risk was acting either too harshly or too weakly against ships whose legal status was uncertain, so the Council pushed the decision back to the Court rather than set a precedent on its own authority. This deference matched the handling of cases reserved for the Court's approval throughout the despatches, where the island recorded its conduct and awaited direction rather than fixing policy itself.

Speculations

The Council chose to deny the Charles Galley both refit and provisions while in the same breath asking the Court for instructions on how to treat such ships. The phrase about being neither wanting nor too forward shows it deliberately picked the more restrictive of the two courses open to it. Refusal could be reversed by a later direction, but assistance once given to an interloper could not be recalled, so the safer default was to withhold help and seek cover afterward. The decision managed the risk of setting an unauthorised precedent against rival European traders whose legal standing the Council could not itself determine.

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in amity with the English should have fresh course Stuff, and Provisions for their mony with Liberty to refill their Shipping as at other Comon ports

6: And we should be very glad to have your Honble Directions hereunto which may be left for us at the Cape of Good Hope by the Outward bound Madras Ships who usually touches there, or by the China Ship if she be Dispatcht before Christmas because then tis probable alsoe that she may call in there too

Secondly concerning Goods Sent to St Helena

7: We sent last year in the Ship St George and also in the Cordonan a very large Indent for those wanted but no none that was usefull and Proper for this place and tho' we have recd by the Ship Catherine a very Good Supply yet not so much in quantity of severall Goods as we could have wished

8: And some Articles we believe were forgot that is Pitch and Tarr of which we have none which has caused us to write in those Letters we sent to severall parts of India that all the returning Ships might Supply themselves wch with Dammarr least they want this we doe great disappointmt in Expecting to have Pitch here formerly in time of Ware the Ships sent for Cordage used to bring out all Navall Stores but now Unless yr Honrs send it out they must goe without it which may Some times be of dangerous Consequence

9: There are many other things as greatly wanted but because we intend a Generall Indent again Shall not trouble your Honr with a Particulars here

As to the Goods received by the Catherine they were as followeth

10: In the Invoice there is account of 31½ Chaldrons of Coals but we received no moe then 20 Chaldrons for which we have Protested against the Capt he alledging that he had Delivered all the Coals that came on board and had none left and Offered us to vew his Ships Hold but as we have sent home Coppys of our Protest and Answers we shall not trouble your Honr further on that head

11: The Iron Monger ware, and the Anchors we received all in Good Order but we have not anece Pick ax on the Island, nor no Small Nails of the Sizes between three penny and twenty penny but we have twenty penny and other Large Ones Enough

12: The Iron Potts were good but not Large Enough we have already Sold all the Largest that came in the Catherine

13: The Cordage was Good and well sorted but the Heathcote was in great need of Cable and Alsoe this Ship the Queen we have Sold Capt Martin an Anchor he having Lost one at the Cape of Good Hope

14: The Vinegar we held proves well, And

The

The Council added that ships in amity with the English should have fresh course victuals and provisions for their money, with liberty to refit their shipping as at other common ports.

6: The Council would be very glad to have the Honourable Directors' letters in good time, which might be left for it at the Cape of Good Hope by the outward-bound Madras ships that usually touched there, or by the China ships if these were despatched before Christmas, since then it was probable they might call there too.

Secondly, concerning goods sent to St Helena.

7: The Council had sent last year in the St George and also in the Cardonnel a very large list of the goods wanted for St Helena, the most useful and proper for the island, and although it received by the Catherine a very good supply, it was not so much in quantity of several goods as it could have wished.

8: Some articles the Council believed were forgotten, namely pitch and tar, of which it had none, which caused it to write in the letters it sent to several parts of India that all the returning ships might supply themselves with damar at the least, though even with damar there was great disappointment. The Council expected to have pitch at St Helena as formerly, in the time the ships sent for convoys used to bring out all naval stores, but now, unless the Honourable Court sent it out, the ships must go without, which might sometimes be of dangerous consequence.

9: There were many other things as greatly wanted, but because of the general list again the Council would not trouble the Honourable Court with a second list here.

As to the goods received by the Catherine, they were as follows.

10: In the invoice there was an account of 31½ chaldrons of coals, but the Council received no more than 20 chaldrons, for which it had protested against the captain. He alleged that he had delivered all the coals that came on board and had none left, and offered to swear to it. The Council took his word, sent home copies of its protests and answers, and would not trouble the Honourable Court further on that head.

11: The ironmonger's ware and the anchors were received in good order, but the Council had not one pickaxe on the island, nor any small nails of the sizes between threepenny and twentypenny, though it had twentypenny and other large ones enough.

12: The iron pots were good but not large enough, the Council having already sold all the largest that came in the Catherine.

13: The cordage was good and well sorted, but the Heathcote was in great need of cable, and likewise the Queen of Peace. The Council sold Captain Martin an anchor, he having lost one at the Cape of Good Hope.

14: The vinegar the Council held proved well.

Interpretations

A chaldron was a measure of coal by volume, fixed at thirty-six bushels, so the shortfall from 31½ to 20 chaldrons on the Catherine's invoice was a deficiency of nearly a third recorded against the carrier. The protest followed the bill of lading enforcement programme pressed since the despatch by the St George of 1 December 1715, where short deliveries were noted on the bill to fix the loss on the master rather than the consignor. Taking the captain's oath and sending home the protests and answers preserved the documentary record without forcing a settlement the island could not impose at sea.

The want of pitch and tar exposed a structural change in how naval stores reached St Helena. In earlier years the convoy ships carried out all such stores as a matter of course, but with the convoy practice lapsed the island fell back on damar taken at Madras, and even that proved an inadequate substitute. The naval stores reserve had been pressed across the 1716 letters by the Kent of 26 January 1716 and the Desbouverie and Heathcote of 15 June 1716, and the warning of dangerous consequence ties the gap directly to the safety of the Court's own homeward shipping.

The list of missing nail sizes and the absence of a single pickaxe show the fortification and quarrying programme starved of basic tools. The same complaint that not one pickaxe lay on the island, nor iron fit to make any, was recorded with the garrison manpower shortage by the Cardigan of 26 December 1715, and the gap in the middle range of nail sizes between threepenny and twentypenny meant the stock on hand could not be used for ordinary building.

Speculations

The Council accepted the captain's oath on the missing coals rather than pressing the charge, even though it had protested over a shortfall of nearly a third. The choice managed a conflict it could not win, since proving embezzlement against a master at sea was beyond the island's reach, so it converted the dispute into a paper record for the Court to weigh in London. Swearing the captain and forwarding the protests shifted the matter to the one forum that could act on it, while keeping St Helena clear of a quarrel it had no means to settle.

The Council sold Captain Martin an anchor to replace the one lost at the Cape, and noted in the same breath that the Heathcote and the Queen of Peace both wanted cable. The decision drew down a scarce stock the island itself needed, but it served the naval stores reserve argument that ready supply would draw ships to call and turn a profit. Selling the anchor proved the principle in practice, since a ship refitted at St Helena was a ship the Court's trade retained rather than lost to a foreign port.

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15: The Lynseed Oyle, but we are forced to use some of the Lynseed Oyle for Lamps for want of Rape Oyle

16: The Soape came Alive in good order and was good in its kind

17: The Tobacco came over in good order and was very acceptable here for when that came there was none in the Stores and when the Storehouse cant Supply, other people always Sell at a dear rate

18: The Oars came over in good order

19: The Thicksetts and Fustians we think were well bought because they are Cheap and many People like them

20: The black and white Stuffs are almost Sold, So that before your Honours receive this Letter we shall have none left

21: The Match we have delivered to the Gunner

22: The Starch was much wanted and not Enough for half the people besides the Gunners Occasions

23: We have no Cartridge Paper for the Gunner

24: The Stationary Wares we received in Good Order, and both cases quite full, yet have receivd one Rheam of the Ordinary Paper mentioned in the Invoice and therefore we have not Mentiond that in our Protest against the Capt because the Chests came on Shoar Sound and in good order

25: The Hatts are very good and cheap, we had none when they came And they are just gone where fore we shall make a great Demand in our next Indent

26: The Hollands Duck came in Good Order, we have Sold twelve bolts to this Ship the Queen

27: The Tinn Ware was well Chosen and proves good

28: The Case of Books came over in good Order

29: The broad Cloth the same but not Enough in quantity there being no more then two half pieces which is but just Eno' for your Honr Servants here who have agreed to take it among them, we Still want for the Planters who doe not wear Scarlett, and Alsoe to Supply Passengers in the returning Ships, and therefore if we had fifte pieces, One black, one blew, one Scarlett, one of a Sad or Deep, and another of a light Cloth Colour it would be So but Shall not Enlarge because we intend another Indent by the next Ship and the reason we don't know that we doe none is because they are taking an Inventory at the Store House of what Goods we have to send Home with it that your Honr may see at one veiw as well what we have as what we want which will be Something of reason for our Demands, and the Gunner and other Officers of the Garrison are Separating the same for their accounts, which when done we hope will be Satisfactory

30: Tobacco pipes were So much wanted here that we think before the Catherine Arrived there was not aboles new one in the place, hope we had now were good

31: The powder was a good Supply but we had not all the Sorts as mentiond in the present and wanted some plates of the Cwast Sege but Shall be Particular in our former Indent

15: The linseed oil was received, but the Council was forced to use some of it for lamps for want of rape oil.

16: The soap came alive and in good order and was good in its kind.

17: The tobacco came over in good order and was very acceptable at St Helena, where there was none in the stores. When the storehouse could not supply it, other people always sold theirs at a dear rate.

18: The oars came over in good order.

19: The thicksets and fustians the Council thought were well bought, since they were cheap and many people liked them.

20: The black and white stuffs were almost sold, so that before the Honourable Court received the present letter the Council would have none left.

21: The match the Council had delivered to the gunner.

22: The starch was much wanted and not enough for half the people, besides the gunner's occasions.

23: The Council had no cartridge paper for the gunner.

24: The stationery wares were received in good order and both cases quite full, yet the Council wanted one ream of the medium paper mentioned in the invoice, and therefore had not entered that in its protest against the captain, because the chests came on shore sound and in good order.

25: The hats were very good and cheap. The Council had none when they came, and they were just gone, so that it would make a great demand in its next list.

26: The Holland duck came in good order. The Council had sold twelve bolts to the present ship the Queen of Peace.

27: The tin ware was well chosen and proved good.

28: The case of books came over in good order.

29: The broadcloth was of the same kind but not enough in quantity, there being no more than two half pieces, which was but two for the Honourable servants there. The Council had agreed to take it among themselves, but still wanted for the planters, who did not wear scarlet, and asked to be supplied in the returning ships, and therefore if it had had five pieces, one black, one blue, one scarlet, one of a sad or deep colour and another of a light cloth colour, it would have been sold, but it would not enlarge because it intended another list by the next ships. The reason it could not send the inventory now was because the people were taking an inventory at the storehouse of what goods the Council had, to send home with it, so that the Honourable Court might see at one view as well what it had as what it wanted, which would be something of a reason for its demands. The gunner and other officers of the garrison were separating the same for their accounts, which when done the Council hoped would be satisfactory.

30: The tobacco pipes were so much wanted at St Helena that the Council thought, before the Catherine arrived, there was not a whole one on the place. The Council hoped it had now some good.

31: The powder was a good supply, but the Council had not all the sorts mentioned in the invoice and wanted some pistol of the lesser size, but would be more particular in its next list.

Interpretations

The textiles named here were the standing trade goods of the East India supply, each with a settled use at the island. Thicksets and fustians were heavy cotton cloths for hard wear, broadcloth a fine wool sold by the piece in graded colours, Holland duck a strong linen canvas for sails and heavy use, and the black and white stuffs were plain worsted cloths. The note that the planters did not wear scarlet shows the broadcloth colour range matched to a social order, the deeper and plainer shades for ordinary settlers and the scarlet reserved for those of rank.

The deferred inventory turned on a deliberate accounting purpose set out in full. The Council withheld its next list until the storehouse stock had been counted, so that the Court could see at a single view both what the island held and what it lacked. This tied the demand for goods to a verifiable statement of stock rather than an open request, the same discipline the Council had imposed since the accounts were first taken in hand at paragraph two of the despatch of 12 November 1714.

The exception of the missing ream of medium paper from the protest against the captain shows the documentary system applied with precision. Because the stationery chests came ashore sound and full, the shortfall could not be charged to damage or short delivery in transit, so the Council left it out of the formal protest rather than weaken a record meant to fix loss on the carrier. The same care governed the coal protest by the Catherine recorded earlier in this letter.

Speculations

The Council chose to take the two half pieces of broadcloth among its own members rather than leave them unsold, while recording that five graded pieces would have cleared in the market. The decision managed a supply too small to serve the island, since dividing the scarce cloth among the Honourable servants kept it from waste and left the planters' demand documented for the next list. Holding back the fuller request until the inventory was complete shows the Council unwilling to enlarge its order twice over, preferring one verified list to a stream of separate calls.

The Council declined to send its inventory with the present letter even though the Court would have valued it, choosing to wait until the storehouse count and the garrison officers' accounts were both finished. The delay served accuracy over speed, since a single reconciled statement carried more weight as a basis for future demands than a partial figure sent at once. The choice shows the Council managing its credibility with the Court, anchoring each request to a stock record the Court could test.

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32: The brass and Copper came over in good order and was all well Chosen

33: The Deals were a good Carcess but we wanted Sixty four of our Number which we have Mentiond in our Protest We pray that alway when Deals are sent us they may be Mentioned to be the Score in the Hundred as they were this time in the Generall Letter for our knowing that they are bought So in London is not a Sufficient Argument when a Demand of the Capt what are wanting to make up that Number

34: The other Timber was very good, but we are always wanting and fear we Shall be So for now we have no Carpenter but of that Shall be more Particular under our next Generall head of your Honr Servants Civill & Military

35: The Haberdashery came all in one Cask amounting to two Hundred thirty nine pounds, Sterling but noe Invoice neither in the Cask nor in it So that we obliged to take out all the Goods and Vallue them by Greess According to our Judgements and with some Difficulty and as thote weeks him have made out an Inventory that came up to that Sume, we hope tho' what Errors are Committed therein by over or under valueing any of yr Articles are not great there was among that Haberdashery but 4000 Needles which were not a quarter Enough 20.000 Beuugiew Subs for this place We pray that in the next Haberdashery (Stooo Needles & yr peices of Cloth be Sent us) that then there may Come some Gold and silver Triming

36: Blanketts we received two Bales and in good order but if more blacks may be Expected then we desire foe many may be sent over as may allow to Each Black one Small Blankett every year

37: The Iron Pans we received and Shall imploy them to uses Intended and Hope to make Good Salt with them

38: Medicines in two Chests came over in good order but pray the next Medicines as to their Sorts may be put up According to our Doctors List which Shall Come in the Indent

39: The Cuttlary Ware was well Chosen and the fish Hooks are much Approved of by our People they being Said to be the best we have had for a long him

40: As for Shoes those we had were Good but not Eno' there not being for every one a pair, and since our Dry time that we have been So Sparingly in killing Provisions we have not Hides Eno' to Tann to make Shoes wch for which reason in our Generall Indent we Shall put down a small Quantity of Sole Leather and tuffure Leather to make up here into Shoes besides the Shoes Your Honr Shall think fitt to Send us

41: The two Cask of pease and the two Cask of beans for Seed were very good we pray we may always have Such a quanity but when Pease happen to be So Cheap at London as to be Afforded here for Six or Seven

32: The brass and copper came over in good order and was all well chosen.

33: The deals were a good parcel, but the Council wanted sixty-four of their number, which it had set out in its protest. It asked that whenever deals were sent, they might be counted by the score in the hundred as they were this time, since saying in the general letter, for the Council's knowing that they were bought so in London, was not a sufficient argument when the captain was charged with what was wanting to make up that number.

34: The other timber was very good, but the Council was always wanting it and feared it would be so for the future, since it now had no carpenter. This would be set out more particularly under its next general head, of the Honourable servants, civil and military.

35: The haberdashery came all in one chest, amounting to two hundred and thirty-three pounds sterling, but neither invoice was in the chest nor on it, so that the Council was obliged to take out all the goods and value them by guess according to its judgement. With some difficulty, and with whole weeks' time, it had made out an inventory that came up to that sum. The Council hoped that whatever errors were committed, whether over or under in the valuing of any of the articles, were not great. There were among that haberdashery 4,000 needles, which were not a quarter enough, and 20,000 Bengal tubs for the island. The Council asked that in the next haberdashery, if there were forty or fifty pieces of cloth sent, there might come some gold and silver trimming.

36: The blankets the Council received, two bales and in good order, but if more slaves might be expected, then it desired that many might be sent over, as it allowed each slave one small blanket every year.

37: The iron pans the Council received and would employ them to the use intended, and hoped to make good salt with them.

38: The medicines in two chests came over in good order, but the Council asked that the next medicines, as to their sorts, might be put up according to its doctor's list, which should come in the next letter.

39: The cutlery ware was well chosen, and the steel knives were much approved of by the people, they being said to be the best they had used for a long time.

40: As for shoes, those the Council had were good, but not enough, there not being for every one a pair. Since it was now dry weather, and the Council had been so sparing in killing provisions, it had not hides enough to tan to make shoes, for which reason in its next general list it should put down a small quantity of sole leather and upper leather to make up into shoes at St Helena, besides the shoes the Honourable Court should think fit to send.

41: The two casks of peas and the two casks of beans for seed came very good. The Council asked that it might always have such a quantity, but when these happened to be cheap at London, as to be afforded at St Helena for six or seven shillings [...]

Interpretations

The dispute over the deals turned on the method of counting a bulk timber consignment. A deal was a sawn plank of softwood, counted by the score in the hundred, meaning six score to the long hundred of one hundred and twenty, so a shortfall of sixty-four planks was a precise deficiency the Council fixed on the master. The objection that a note in the general letter could not answer a charge against the captain shows the bill of lading principle pressed since the despatch by the St George of 1 December 1715, that the carrier was answerable for what arrived short whatever the London account recorded.

The haberdashery without an invoice forced the Council into a valuation by estimate, a notable departure from its insistence elsewhere on documented stock. Haberdashery covered small wares of sewing and dress, the needles, thread, trimming and cloth pieces named here, and the chest at two hundred and thirty-three pounds sterling had to be opened, counted and priced by judgement to reconcile it against the invoice figure. The labour of whole weeks shows the cost of a missing document at a station that ran its credibility with the Court on exact accounts.

The blanket request tied the supply directly to the size of the slave establishment, since the Council issued one small blanket to each slave every year. This fixed ration let the Court read the demand as a function of head count rather than an open call, the same logic that governed the slave ration of beef and yams set out at paragraph five of the despatch of 12 November 1714.

The shortage of shoes exposed a hidden dependence of the garrison's footwear on the killing of cattle for provisions. Dry weather and the Council's sparing slaughter left too few hides to tan, so the supply of shoes rose and fell with the meat ration rather than with any leather trade. The request for sole and upper leather to be sent ready for working into shoes at St Helena shows the Council trying to break that dependence by importing the raw material direct.

Speculations

The Council valued the uninvoiced haberdashery chest by guess and entered the estimate at the full invoice sum of two hundred and thirty-three pounds sterling, rather than leaving the consignment unrecorded. The choice managed a real accounting problem, since an unvalued chest would have left a hole in the stock statement the Council was preparing for the Court. Reconciling its own estimate to the known total kept the books whole and let the goods enter the store record, while the warning about possible errors protected the Council against any later charge of misvaluation.

The Council proposed to import sole and upper leather rather than rely on local hides for shoes, choosing a direct supply over a by-product of the meat ration. The decision met a constraint it could not control, since the slaughter of cattle was governed by the provisioning need and the dry season, not by the demand for footwear. Sending out the raw leather would let the island make shoes on its own schedule, freeing a basic garrison need from the swings of the cattle account.

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shilling a bushell, then a Larger quantity will do very well to Supply the returning Ships

42: The Stockins who ever Sold them deserves your Honr Custome they proved very Good and cheap, but are already almost gone So that we have been Obliged to put a Stop to selling those for the Garrison, And therefore in our next Indent Shall put down the same quantity as in our List

43: We have not Troubled your Honr here with the Account of the Bales we Sells upon them because we would not Swell this Letter so too large a Bulk, and because the Capt tells us he will Sail hence next Saturday, but in our Consultation Books to wch we pray your Honr to be Some times referred to and there we have Entered at Large We Sold of Goods with their Prime Costs and Selling Prices here by which you will see the Proffitt arifeing by them which Shall be faithfully applyed to defray the Charges of this Expensive place

44: Having in our former Letters by every Ships that came from India Mentiond the Goods recd from those ships we shall not trouble your Honr further on that head hed

45: We wish we had some good time prinnys with brass Chambers which would be very Serviceable here and Some times be as Usefull to a Leakey Ship

Thirdly touching your Honr Servants Civill or Military

46: We have in many of our former Letters Desired a Supply of Men who have been brought up to Gardening to Husbandry and to trades in Order to carry forward your Honr work wth less charge for if we had more hands to Employ the work would Sooner be Dispatcht and then we could have men to workat cheaper rates and consequently pay men more wth the same price that we now allow to fewer

47: Mr Cleve a Joyner whom we found here was a man who did very little work for a great Deal of money and would if it alone have done less for he desired to be Unployed only to Look after other workmen and to be as it were a foreman of your work but as he Understood nothing but Joynery and as we had now other but he and his two men to work in the wooden Trade we thought it not proper for your Honr Interest to Allow him Six Shillings ☞ day to oversee those two men without doing Something himself & paid we beloued of no other cause that could give him Dissatisfaction wch other Do we think if we had more workmen that Cleve could so fill to look after them because he could not write nor read and much less fitt to keep Acco for we Suppose his proper wares wrote by Different hands when they had Service and that he mostly trusted to his memory which no doubt did Some times fail him But his Intentions be never So Honest, But the pretence to us was the hopes of advancing his family in India for he had Seven Children which made him resolve to leave this place, and he Proposed and prevailed with John Maynard Carpenter and his Servant to Stay here in his room, and thus he goit to Bencoolen, and by yr Honr Ordering John

The Council added that if such seed were cheap enough at London to be afforded at St Helena for six or seven shillings a bushel, a larger quantity would do very well to supply the returning ships.

42: The stockings, however sold, deserved the Honourable Court's custom. They proved very good and cheap, but were already almost gone, so that the Council had been obliged to stop selling them save to the garrison, and therefore would put them down in its next list. The same quantity was asked for as in the present list.

43: The Council had not troubled the Honourable Court here with the account of the prices it set on the goods, because it would not swell the present letter to too large a bulk, and because the captain would sail from St Helena the next Saturday, but in the consultation books, to which the Council asked the Honourable Court to refer, the matter was set out at large. There the Council had entered the cost of goods with their prime costs and selling prices, by which the Court would see the profit arising from them, which should be fully applied to defray the charges of this expensive place.

44: Having in its former letters by every ship that came from India mentioned the goods received from those ships, the Council would not trouble the Honourable Court further on that head.

45: The Council wished it had some good tin pumps with brass chambers, which would be very serviceable at St Helena and sometimes be of use to a leaky ship.

Thirdly, concerning the Honourable Court's servants, civil and military.

46: The Council had in many of its former letters asked for a supply of men brought up to gardening and husbandry and to trades, in order to carry forward the Honourable Court's work with less charge. If it had more hands to employ, the work would sooner be despatched, and then it could have men to victual cheaper casks and consequently pay them ever the same price that the Council now allowed to fewer.

47: Mr Cleeve, whom the Council found to be a man who did very little work for a great deal of money, and would, if let alone, have done less, desired to be unemployed save to look after other workmen, and to be as it were a foreman of the Council's work. He understood nothing but joinery, and as the Council had no other, but he and his two men to work in the wooden trade, it thought it not proper for the Honourable Court's interest to allow him six shillings a day to oversee those two men without doing something. Paid as he was below the others, after a rate that could give him distaste, other workmen who came to look after them, because he could not write nor read, and much less fit to keep books for the surveyor. His proper sphere was the work by different hands when they had service, and that was mostly trusted to his memory, which no doubt did him some times fail. The Council told him its intentions were never to be honest, but his pretence to it was the hopes of advancing his family in India, for he had seven children, which made him resolve to leave St Helena. The Council proposed and prevailed with John Maynard the carpenter and his servant to stay at St Helena in his room, and thus he went to Bencoolen, and by the Honourable Court's order [...]

Interpretations

The Council's argument for more hands rested on a fixed labour economy, where a larger force despatched the work faster at the same total charge rather than at a greater one. The same case for skilled tradesmen had run through the artificer recruitment programme since paragraphs 62 to 63 of the despatch of 12 November 1714, pressed again for gardeners, stone cutters and bricklayers by the Catherine of 4 July 1716. The point here was that idle capacity cost the Court money, since a half-manned establishment paid wages without clearing the work that justified them.

The prices withheld from the letter but entered in the consultation books show the Council separating the bulky commercial record from the despatch itself. The prime costs and selling prices were the measure of the profit the island returned on the Court's goods, set against the standing charge of an expensive station, and referring the Court to the consultation books kept the audit trail complete while the captain's imminent sailing fixed the letter's length. This follows the documentary protection programme of overlapping despatches and numbered packets pressed across the 1716 letters.

The departure of Cleeve closed a long-running complaint about the building trades at the island. He had first been judged an indifferent joiner but no carpenter in the despatch of 12 November 1714, faulted for cutting prime timber to lesser scantling and resisting the order to take Company slaves as apprentices. His removal to Bencoolen left St Helena without a carpenter, the want named in the letter to Bencoolen by the Catherine of 4 July 1716, until John Maynard was kept in his place.

Speculations

The Council prevailed on John Maynard to stay at St Helena in Cleeve's room, rather than let the island fall wholly without a carpenter once Cleeve left for Bencoolen. The arrangement managed a clash between the Court's order to send men on and the island's own need to keep one skilled tradesman, since Maynard had already settled and asked for his wife to follow by the St George of 1 December 1715. Substituting one carpenter for another let the Council obey the order to release Cleeve while preserving the trade the wooden work required.

The Council declined to pay Cleeve six shillings a day merely to oversee two men without doing work himself, judging the cost against the Court's interest. The refusal weighed a real choice, since Cleeve wanted the standing of a foreman while the small wooden trade at the island could not justify a supervisor set above the only other hands. Setting his pay below the others, on a footing he found distasteful, was the lever that moved him to leave for Bencoolen and resolve the difficulty without a dismissal.

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Maynard the Carpenter to goe there by the Last Ship we are now Dissuade There is indeed one Richard Swallow on the place who we Understand So mewhat of Joynery but he is a sweetly man who Cant do much and won't work for less then So shillings ☞ Day and we do Encourage him all we can because he is bringing up there Apprentices So that trade who we hope will in time be usefull there But at present we make but a hard allow & Labory Just for want of such a Tradesman of whom there are Enow in London that wod be glad to come here for Eighteen or no matter if it were twenty Shilling ☞ week he a good man and to be of all his own tools and Provisions a man that had a family would do but few Pluck Cmay be found who wood think it a good Preferment to work here at that rate

48: But please to give us leave to repeat again that we desire yr Honr to agree with them to find all their own tools and their dyet for their wages which we are fully Convinced will turn to your Account for tools are chargeable and if we find them they use more than they need to doe

49: And we hope the next ship will bring us a good Carpenter at such reasonable wages having now no body to repair our boats that Undervalue it nor to carry on your most Necessary works, we wood So new build the Drawbridge alsoe wch we gave your Honr Account in our Letters by the Heathcote and Bouverie and that will require every good Carpenter the last Carpenter being Ordered away the day after those Ships Sailed

50: We have here Joseph DuMay a Surgion who has been a long time Sick, we allow him the Surgions wages Sallary And one Studying body Dyetts merely because he eats Eate at first Sport where the Half Port of the Provisions is usually Cark and if he Sees any boch he favirs away Cuts he when it work and a verefill with it So that we are forced when he do's come to the Fort to have every thing of that Nature taken out of Sight, he is in other respects an Honest and we think a skilfull man but we want an Apriant for him and would be glad if it could be one who has been bred up Apothecary this Joseph DuMay is the man who we Mentiond in our Letter by the Nathaniell Capt Negus to be let blood So Often So that in five weeks we Computed he took from himself between five & six Quaints of blood as think So Strange that we did not Expect for life, but now he is well recoverd and we think it did him good

51: We are glad to Understand your Honr have an Intention to Supply us wth some more good blacks because all other Help without them coved be but too little ☞ supply, and that Encourages us to hope we shall have the Number of two Hundred which we have to Earnestly desired

52: And if to this good place to add Six Gardeners and some people bred to Husbandry with their families we can find good Habitations Eno' for people of Industry and Judgmt in those affairs to live on

53: But we would not give the working trades men or artificers plantations because we thing one business Enough for one man and plantations hinders them of their work

The Council was now without Maynard the carpenter, to go there by the last ship. There was indeed one Richard Swallow on the island, understood to be somewhat of a joiner, but he was a sickly man who could not do much and went to work for less than sixpence a day. The Council would encourage him all it could, since he was bringing up three apprentices to that trade, who it hoped would in time be useful. Three useful hands at present could make a third hand. Allow Daubury joist for want of such a tradesman, of whom there were enough in London that would be glad to come for eighteen pence or no matter if it were twenty shillings a week. Find such a man and let him find all his own tools and provisions, a man that had a family would do best, but if such a one might be found who would think it a good preferment to work here at that rate.

48: The Council asked leave to repeat once more what it had set out before, that, to agree with men to find all their own tools and their diet for their wages, which the Council was fully convinced would turn to the Court's account, since tools were chargeable, and if it found them they used more than they needed to do.

49: The Council hoped the next ship would bring it a good carpenter at such reasonable wages, having now no body to repair its boats, that understood it, nor to carry on its most necessary work. It wanted to send to new build the drawbridge, as set out in its letters by the Heathcote and Desbouverie, and that would require every good carpenter, the last carpenter being ordered away the day after those ships sailed.

50: The Council had here one Joseph Du May, a surgeon who had been a long time sick. It allowed him the surgeon's wages, and one shilling a day extra, because he could not eat at the mess port where the rest of the surgeons usually took their diet, and if he saw any book he fancied away, he could be where it would, and a very ill conduct it was, that the Council was forced, when he did come to the fort, to have everything of that nature taken out of sight. He was in other respects an honest and, the Council thought, a skilful man, but it wanted an apothecary to assist him, and would be glad if it could be one trained in that trade. This Joseph Du May was the man the Council mentioned in its letter by the Nathaniel of 10 May 1716, to be let blood so often that in five weeks it was compelled to take from himself between five and six gallons of blood. The Council thought it so strange that it did not expect his life, but now he was well recovered, and the Council thought it did him good.

51: The Council was glad to understand the Honourable Court had an intention to supply it with some more good slaves, since all other help without them would be but too little purpose, and that encouraged it to hope it should have the number of 200 it had earnestly desired.

52: If the Honourable Court should think proper to add six gardeners and some people bred to husbandry with their families, the Council could find good habitation for people of industry and judgement, in whose affairs it would take to live on.

53: The Council would not give the working tradesmen or artificers plantations, because it thought one business enough for one man, and plantations hindered them of their work.

Interpretations

The proposal that incoming tradesmen find their own tools and diet for a fixed wage reveals a deliberate cost transfer from the Company to the man. The Council had found that tools supplied at the Court's charge were used more freely than tools a man owned and paid to replace, so binding the workman to provide his own removed a standing drain on the stores. The same finding had shaped the artificer terms pressed since paragraphs 62 to 63 of the despatch of 12 November 1714, where craftsmen were sought at a yearly wage or a daily rate finding their own diet.

The case of Joseph Du May exposed the island's dependence on a single failing surgeon and the gap an apothecary would fill. He had been named in the Council letter by the Nathaniel of 10 May 1716 as drawing at least a gallon of blood a week from himself, judged well qualified but not expected to live. The plea for a man bred an apothecary shows the Council trying to separate the dispensing of medicines from the surgeon's person, so that the loss of one sick man would not strip the garrison of its whole medical provision.

The refusal to give tradesmen plantations set a clear line between skilled labour and landholding. The Council held that a man with land would tend it at the expense of his trade, so denying artificers plantations kept their work on the fortifications and stores rather than on their own ground. This sits against the offer of habitation to gardeners and husbandmen at paragraph 52, where the land itself was the work the Court wanted done, the distinction tied to the settlement and defence policy run through the population and engrossing thread.

Speculations

The Council resolved to give incoming artificers no plantations, choosing to bar them from land that gardeners and husbandmen were freely offered. The decision met a known risk, since a tradesman drawn off to his own ground would leave the fortification and boat work undone at the very moment the drawbridge needed rebuilding. Reserving land for those whose trade was cultivation, while holding the carpenters and joiners to their tools, kept each kind of labour fixed to the task the Court was paying for.

The Council leaned on the sickly Richard Swallow and his three apprentices to cover the want of a carpenter, rather than leave the wooden trade wholly unmanned once Maynard sailed. The makeshift managed an immediate gap it could not otherwise fill, since the next good carpenter was a ship away and the most necessary work could not wait. Encouraging Swallow to train up his apprentices was a bet on home-grown labour, the same reliance on local apprenticeship shown in the binding of the boy John Beal to Maynard recorded in the letter to Bencoolen by the Catherine of 4 July 1716.

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54: We intend this Letter only for a Generall Account of things here and to acquaint your Honr with our Receipts of your Cargoe and in what Condition things Came on Shoar and as the Capt Intends to Day Febr but there whole 5 days haveing Come on on Tuesday night and resolves to Sail on Saturday is the Occasion of his being thorter then we Should otherwise have been, And tho' we do not now Answer your Honr Last Letter by the Catherine Particby Cap: as we ought to be and as we intend in September next yet we in the mean time take leave to Answer to two or three Particulars before we come to goe through the whole

55: We begin with our Frugality, and desire your Honr to believe we take all Possible Care to prevent any Unnecessary Expence, and we are very well Satisfyed the Govern: do's the Same as to Eatables and Drinkables for the Genll Table, and we think it amounts to as litle now as in any of the former Years of late, but as for things of very long Standing because we don't know what the Charge was then we can Say no more but that we think all is Saved that can be Saved

56: As for Mr Tree we send to him to know the reason of his refusing to goe Home, in a Scandalous a manner Concerning the Govern: refuseing to buy his Spaniss he gave us no Solid answer but that he believed he might be free to write to your Honr about what he thought necessary to Acquaint you with, Every body of idle knows the people of St Helena will be able to give your Honr Account of the Sottish and Brutish behaviour of that man that he is one that Deserves no Credit and we can assure you that the people Complaind to of his Yards that we could not insinuate to your Honr as the poor blacks that hate them buy more of him tho' he beloved had better but would Oblige us to take all them good yt yet the Govern: did take of him more then he agreed for

57: As to the Chaplain we have proposed to him to allow him Six pounds of antia for his Lodging, but he Desires to have that allowance to all the men in Barracks but as we Suppose he will write to your Honr himself about it in particular we shall Say no more on that head

58: As to the Danish requireing to build him a House we think if they were willing they would not be Able

59: As to the people of the Eagle Galley tho' we perceive they have been very bold and Clamorous at Home, Yet we think they had no Hard ships here for it has been the Constant Catherine in this place for the Govern: to Punish all men who Shall Mutiny and desert their Ships in the Same manner that they were and to keep them in Crean for three months

60: Hamilton the voyage before did cause of these very men, John Hartway to be confyt at the Sea Gate, and out of Hardship for only proposeing to goe upon the Account, the word Account being understood among Sailors to goe a Pyrateing

61: We thought it not Safe to keep too many Idle and Roguish men in Gaol but did make Miserables and work work for their Victualls and when they get it otherwise they did not work, they had too fair & Publick hearings before the Govern: and Counsel and Capt Osborne tho' perhaps they don't remember both

Margin Notes:

ggg Acco Govr Harrison

54: The Council intended the present letter only for a general account of things at St Helena, and to advise the Honourable Court of the receipt of its cargo and of the condition things came on shore in. As the Catherine meant to sail the next Saturday, and had lain whole days loading, one being on Tuesday night, and resolved to sail on the Saturday, the Council referred the Honourable Court to its consultations. It would not now answer the Court's last letter by the Catherine, paragraph by paragraph, as it ought to do and intended to do in September next, yet in the meantime it asked leave to answer two or three particulars before it came to go through the whole.

55: The Council began with its frugality, and asked the Honourable Court to believe it took all profitable care to prevent any unnecessary expense, and was very well satisfied the Governor did the same as to edibles and drinkables for the General Table. The Council thought it amounted to as little now as in any of the former years of late, but as for things of very long standing, because it did not know what the charge was then, it could say no more but that it thought all was saved that could be saved.

56: As for Mr Lee, the Council sent to him to know the reason of his refusing to go on shore, in a most scandalous manner concerning the Governor's refusing to buy his yams. He gave no solid answer but that he believed he might be free to write to the Honourable Court about what he thought necessary to acquaint it with. Everybody who knew the people of St Helena would be able to give the Honourable Court an account of the foolish and prelatical behaviour of that man, that he was one that deserved no credit, and one who could appear, since the people complained to the Council of the yams that the Council could not in justice to the Honourable Court or the poor slaves let them buy more of him. The Council had better not oblige it to take all those goods, yet the Governor did take of him more than he agreed for.

57: As to the chaplain, the Council had proposed to him to allow him six pounds of annum for his lodging, but he wished to have that allowance be at the same rate as in arrears, and as the Council supposed he would write to the Honourable Court himself about it, it would say no more on that head.

58: As to the Danish joiner to build him a house, the Council thought, if they were willing, they would not be able.

59: As to the people of the Eagle Galley, the Council perceived they had been very bold and clamorous at home, yet it thought they had no fewer ships here, for it had been the constant practice at St Helena in the Governor's time to punish all men who should steal away and desert their ships in the same manner that they were, and to keep them in irons for three months.

[margin: April, Governor Hardman, the voyage] before it caused all those very men, John Holiman to be kept at the sea gate and out of medals, only proposing to go upon the account of the wood, the account being understood among sailors to go a-pirating.

61: The Council thought it not safe to keep too many idle and roguish men at the fort, but did make moderate work well work for their victuals, and when they got it otherwise they did not work. They had too fair and prelatical hearings before the Governor and Council and Captain Osborne, who perhaps did not remember both, because [...]

Interpretations

The Council's deferral of a paragraph-by-paragraph reply until September shows the despatch system splitting a quick account from a full answer. The Catherine's imminent sailing fixed this letter as a general report on the cargo and its condition, with the considered reply held for a later conveyance, the same overlapping practice run through the documentary protection programme across the 1716 homeward letters by the Kent, the Thistleworth and the Desbouverie and Heathcote.

The treatment of the Eagle Galley men ties the standing punishment for desertion to a defence against complaints carried home. The Council recorded that men who deserted their ships were held in irons three months as the constant practice at the island, answering the clamour those men raised in London. The same dispersal and discipline ran through the Eagle Galley conspiracy and the ship-seizure plot of 3 March 1716, set out in the Council letters by the Nathaniel of 10 May 1716 and the Mary of 22 May 1716.

The dispute with Mr Lee over his yams reveals the Council guarding the slave provisioning account against a forced purchase. The Governor was charged with refusing to buy, but the Council held that the people's complaints about the yams left it unable, in justice to the Court or the slaves, to take more, since the slave ration of yams was a fixed charge set at paragraph five of the despatch of 12 November 1714. Lee's threat to write directly to the Court shows a planter trying to go over the Council's head to force a sale it had declined.

Speculations

The Council kept the deserters in irons three months and made the idle men work for their victuals, choosing visible discipline over either release or harsher penalty. The course managed the clamour the Eagle Galley men had raised in London, since a settled and uniform practice was easier to defend to the Court than an arbitrary punishment. Tying food to work also met a practical constraint, since men who would not work otherwise earned their keep only under that rule.

The Council declined to take more of Lee's yams even though the Governor had already taken more than agreed, choosing the slaves' ration and the Court's interest over a difficult planter. The refusal weighed a real conflict, since buying poor yams the people had complained of would have charged the Court for provisions unfit for the slaves. Letting Lee write his own complaint to the Court, rather than answering it at length here, left the Council clear of a quarrel it preferred the Court to judge on the record.

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because at the first hearing they were very Drunk we thought the Ship in great Danger of being Cutt out of the road and as we never Saw more Impudent fellows When they were we did think Some severity in that case very Proper to Discourage So much boldness for if Such Sad mens Complaints mett wth too much regard it would Encourage them to goe further and when Mutinous Sailors once begin they don't know where to leave off

62: It was Capt Osborns Opinion that they would Cutt the Ship away in the night time, and we all feared the Same

63: They had Stolen a Thousand pound out of the Ship which the Master Should be privy to it is impossible to be done without the knowledge of the first or Second mate and the Gunner or Boatswain

64: The first mate Harraway tho' we take him for as bad a rogue as any Yet in his examination, which he Swore to, and alsoe Signd it with his hand, He did Coppiously Declare upon his Oath against all those who we punished, and Said he took them for great rogues and believed they had Designs to break away the Ship as will appear if you'l please to Look over that examination Sould

65: Butive think we know the fomenting of this Complt Comes from one Bartholomew Swearze a Jew man who is none of the best we will once tho' he had once the Honr to be appointed your Supra Cargoe on board the Ship Glide the Borneo which is Still abroad, He's a wise man who persuade to be Intimately Acquainted with King George Sweat And when here to carry a bundle of Slaves in his packet whom he held a most there were twenty Ladies from his Brother Captiun and some from his Son, Our present King whom for to revive what they had Sent to the Cape of Good Hope, and Left Some of those Letters with him there, But the Brusoning was that the Princes Sophia Dyed about Six months before she sent him the last Letters

66: A man that would tell us Such Bose Absurditys without any Colour, Ground, or reason will never Stick to fraine a Storey for your Honr when there was a foundation to goe upon and when he was Sure he had men so his own mind to work upon that would not Stick at Swearing to any Circumstance which he told them might help them to their wages

67: We hope your Honr will Pardon this Freedom and not believe that we Shall over Encourage Cruelty much more be Guilty of it, and therefore we will not presume even to Justifye our Selves tho' we to much in the right any further then to Say that what now we perceive your Honr don't approve of Shall not be don nor Suffered to be don wod

68: As to Mr Bovells Complaints we pray your Honr to Look over our Consultation Books on Wednesday the 3 Day of Octobr Anno 1715, And on Tuesday the 1 of June Anno 1716, and if by that we presume you wth deputy Satisfyed, And we must Say we don't think the Govern: has been Rigid nor Severe to any, and that the people here have none of them any reall cause to Complain, But if they do Complain now what will they

The Council added that at the first hearing the men were very drunk, so that it thought the ship in great danger of being cut out of the road, and as it never saw more impudent fellows than they were, it did think that in that case very proper to discourage so much boldness. If such kind of complaints met with too much regard, it would encourage them to go further, and when mutinous sailors once began they did not know when to leave off.

62: It was Captain Osborne's opinion that they would carry the ship away in the night time, and the Council all feared the same.

63: They had stolen a thousand pounds out of the ship, which the Council thought it impossible to have been done without the knowledge of the first or second mate and the gunner or boatswain.

64: The first mate Hannah, though the Council took him for as bad a rogue as any, yet in his examination, which he swore to, and also signed it with his hand, he did positively declare upon his oath against all those whom the Council punished, and said he took them for great rogues and believed they had designs to break away with the ship, as would appear if the Honourable Court would please to look over that examination.

65: The Council thought it knew the fomenting of this complaint came from one Bartholomew Swartz, a German who was none of the best behaved men, the man who had once been to have been appointed the Honourable Court's supercargo on board the Borneo, which was still abroad. The Council was a man who took some pains to be intimately acquainted with King George's order when there to carry a bundle of slaves in his packet, when behind, and there were twenty letters from the Court's captain and some from his son, the present King George, before the Borneo, that they had sent to the Cape of Good Hope, and left some of those letters for him there. The Council understood now that the Princess Sophia died about six months before she sent him the last letters.

66: A man that would tell such gross absurdities without any colour, ground or reason, would never stick to frame a story for the Honourable Court when there was a foundation to go upon, and when he was sure he had men to his own mind to work upon, that would not stick at swearing to any circumstance which he told them might help them to their wages.

67: The Council hoped the Honourable Court would pardon this freedom, and not believe it would ever encourage cruelty, much more be guilty of it, and therefore it would not presume even to justify itself, who never so much in the right any further than to say that what now it perceived the Honourable Court did not approve of should not be done nor suffered to be done.

68: As to Mr Powell's complaints, the Council asked the Honourable Court to look over its consultation books on Wednesday the 5th day of October 1715, and on Tuesday the 12th of June 1716, by which it would presume it was fully satisfied. The Council must say it did not think the Governor had been rigid nor severe to any, and that the people at St Helena had none of them any real cause to complain. But if they did complain now, what would they [...]

Interpretations

The charge that a thousand pounds could not have been stolen from the ship without the knowledge of the senior officers reveals the Council reasoning from rank to complicity. The theft sat at the root of the whole Eagle Galley affair set out in the despatch of 6 July 1715, where the conspiracy grew from the embezzlement of the Court's money on the outward voyage. Naming the first and second mate and the gunner or boatswain as necessarily privy shows the Council building its case on who held the access that such a theft required.

The reliance on Hannah's sworn and signed examination, even while judging him a rogue, shows the Council bound by its own rules of evidence. A statement taken on oath and subscribed by the witness carried weight as a document the Court could review, whatever the Council thought of the man, the same standard of proof that governed the Swartz libel inquiry in the despatch of 6 July 1715, where it declined to punish without a witness. The reference to the examination invited the Court to test the record for itself.

The attribution of the complaint to Bartholomew Swartz ties this clamour back to a known agitator the Council had already marked. He was the failed supercargo of the Borneo laid with the scandalous libel against the Council in the despatch of 6 July 1715, judged a strong suspicion next to a proof. Pointing to him here let the Council recast the Eagle Galley men's complaints as the work of a practised troublemaker rather than a genuine grievance.

The citation of two dated consultation entries against Mr Powell's complaints shows the consultation book serving as the Council's defence of record. By referring the Court to its proceedings of 5 October 1715 and 12 June 1716, the Council answered a charge with a documented trail rather than mere assertion, the same audit function the numbered packets and overlapping despatches served across the 1716 letters.

Speculations

The Council chose to discourage the Eagle Galley men's complaints firmly rather than give them a hearing, judging that too much regard would embolden mutinous sailors. The decision managed a defined risk, since Captain Osborne and the Council alike feared the ship would be carried off in the night. Treating the drunken clamour as a danger to be checked, not a grievance to be weighed, was the course that protected the road while the men remained on the island.

The Council answered the charge of cruelty by disclaiming any wish to justify itself, choosing submission to the Court's view over a defence of its own conduct. The stance managed a conflict it could not safely win at a distance, since the Court had signalled disapproval and the Council depended on its favour. Conceding that whatever the Court did not approve would not be done left the Council clear of the charge without admitting the punishments themselves were wrong.

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doe when we fall this Labour of blacks wages to tin doe pence ☞ Day wch if the Blacks Intended doe arrive will not belong then your Honr Soud believe to hear of all our faults and a great Deal more then ever wodd or Sayd, and we have been told ove Selves that if Govern: Roberts had not Sotten the Blacks work from two Shilling to Eighteen pence ☞ day he hod never had the Genrall Complaint Signd against him

69: As to a Shaloop that touch here from Antigua is true in part she alsoe an Antigua Shalloop but belongs to the Cape of Good Hope and is Imployd by them on the Coast of Guinea on the Ivory trade in Buying teeth which they make great Proffit of to Surrett and other parts of India and about twelve months Sined called here she had Some Beef and Candles and Arrack on board which the Gentn at the Cape thought wood turn to good Acco here We did buy at every Cheap rate some Beef and Candles of them for your Honr Acco but they came here to make a market and to get many Expecting a high price which they did not need wth for we gave them but 25 ☞ hund: for Beef in Cask ready Salted, and shull bought Datch Soap, at five pence ☞ pound; and no arrack we asked them for, befl Stones which they Sayed they would bring Some time when they came of the African Coast for which we Should a paid them in Plate or money for they wont take our bills, But we are informd that Slaves Yeilding a better Price at the Cape Made here and that Shalloop never returning again makes us not Expect ever to See them any more, and our Govern: was alwayes of that opinion for we think they Called here only to See what they coud doe and finding no money to be gott at this poor place they have don if at once

70: We are Confirmed in that opinion because Genrall Aislebie told us when he was at the Cape that that Shalloop which had last year Coleched here had been Onlerg there and was gone again for Ivory which is at present their Cheifest trade, So that there is no further reason to Expect they having gott nothing by us before will come again

71: The Gentlemen at the Cape have another Vessell of one Hundred Tons with two Comandees are English and another Dutch, but most of the Men are English but this vessell we have never Seen she alsoe trades on the African Coast for Ivory

72: As to our Drawing Bills we have indeed Drawn severall but Considering the Goods we have bought for them We do not Question but to make it appear in a short time to your Honr Satisfactions that the Iyland has been less Expensive to you Since our Arrivals then it has been in any one year for four years before and we hope as Soon as we have Blacks Eno' to make the Expences yet very much less but never So litle as in Govern: Roberts time because a few fortifications needs less repair and a less Garrison to Defend them than larger works much do

The Council added that when it fell, the labour of slaves came to twelvepence a day, except where the slaves intended did arrive. It would not belong to the Honourable Court, but be done through the Council's own fault, and a great deal more than ever was added or said. The Council had been told of itself that Governor Roberts had not fallen the slaves' work from two shillings to eighteen pence a day, but he had never had the general complaint signed against him.

69: As to a shallop that touched at St Helena from Antigua, it was in part a shallop and an Antigua shallop, but it belonged to the Cape of Good Hope and was employed by them on the coast of Guinea on the ivory trade, in buying teeth, which they made great profit of to Karaick and other parts of India, and about twelve months since called at St Helena. She had some beef and candles and arrack on board, which the gentlemen at the Cape thought would turn to good account at St Helena. The Council did buy at a very cheap rate some beef and candles of them for the Honourable Court's account, but they came here to make a market and to get many expecting a high price, which they did not need with, for the Council gave them but twenty-five pounds for beef in cask ready salted, and she had bought Dutch soap at seven pence a pound, and no arrack, the Council asked them for the best flavour, which they said they would bring some time when they came off the African coast, for which it should be paid them in plate or money, since they would not take Court bills. The Council was informed that slaves yielded a better price at the Cape than at St Helena, and that shallop never returning again made it not expect ever to see them any more, and the Governor was uneasy at that opinion, for the Council thought they called there only to see what they could do, and finding no money to be got at this poor place, they had done it at once.

70: The Council was confirmed in that opinion, because General Aislaby told it that when he was at the Cape, that shallop, which had last year touched at St Helena, had been lately there and was gone again for ivory, which was at present their chiefest trade, so that there was no further reason to expect they, having got nothing by it before, would come again.

71: The gentlemen at the Cape had another vessel of one hundred tons, with two commanders, one English and another Dutch, but most of the men were English. This vessel the Council had never seen. She also traded on the African coast for ivory.

72: As to the Council's drawing bills, it had indeed drawn several, but considering the goods it had bought for them, it did not doubt to make it appear in a short time to the Honourable Court's satisfaction that the island had been less expensive to it since its arrival than in any one year for four years before. It hoped, as soon as it had slaves enough to make the expenses yet very much less, but never so little as in the Governor's policies' time, because a few fortifications needed less repair and a less garrison to defend them than larger works much do.

Interpretations

The shallop from the Cape reveals a regional ivory trade that bypassed St Helena as a market. A shallop was a small open vessel for coastal and inter-island work, and the teeth named here were elephant tusks bought on the Guinea coast and carried for great profit to the Indian markets. The Council read the single call and the failure to return as proof the island had no money to draw such traders, the same finding that ran through the coin reform and the want of plate and specie noted across the despatches.

The refusal of Court bills in payment exposed the limit of the island's credit at a distance. The Cape traders would take only plate or money for their arrack, not bills drawn on the Court in London, since paper payable in England was worth little to men trading on the African coast. This is the same problem the coin policy addressed by the Kent of 26 January 1716, where the Council punched a Company mark on imported money to keep it in local circulation, the bill being useless to a departing trader.

The comparison of slave prices at the Cape and at St Helena shows the island losing labour to a better market. Slaves fetched more at the Cape, so traders carried them there rather than to St Helena, which deepened the labour shortage the Council pressed in its repeated requests for 200 slaves since paragraph five of the despatch of 12 November 1714. The Council read the shallop's departure as confirmation that St Helena could not compete for the men it needed.

The argument that fewer fortifications cost less to hold ties the expense of the station to the scale of its defences. The Council set its frugality against the works built in earlier administrations, holding that a smaller fort needed less repair and a smaller garrison, the same case against over-building run through the fortification thread. The promise to make the island cheaper still once it had slaves enough bound the labour demand to the financial account the Court watched.

Speculations

The Council read the shallop's single visit and failure to return as proof that St Helena could not hold a trader for want of money, and chose to record the loss rather than try to draw such ships back. The judgement managed a constraint it could not lift, since the island had no plate or specie to match the Cape and its bills were refused. Citing General Aislaby's independent report from the Cape, that the same shallop had since gone for ivory, let the Council close the matter on outside testimony rather than on its own disappointed hope.

The Council tied its promise of further savings to the arrival of more slaves, choosing to frame the labour demand as the route to lower cost rather than as a standing burden. The argument anchored a request the Court had often heard to the financial account it watched most closely, since slaves bought once would cut the hired and wage charges year on year. Setting the saving against the expense of earlier administrations gave the Court a measure by which to judge the present Council's frugality.

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73: As to the people of this place we are all well and at Quiett now Since we got rid of the Eagles men they meddee Conkivance for all their pretended Honesty to pirate away the Shalloop when she was here but her Sudden Sailing hindred it and we knew not of it till five months afterwards, then they made anew Tfary to Steal a Small Ship that was weakly mannd which we Discovered as will appear by our Consultations therein and have fully broke the Neck of any Such Designs for the o future by Sending Off the Ringleaders those that were Sailors Home and their Spies & Supra Cargoe to Bencoolen he being no Sailor

74: This fact cant be denyed because the whole when Discovered has been Confest by them unless the Subscribing the agreement in blood, they owned nothing to be written but in Jink

75: And William Gwyn who was the test of the Eagles men has left behind him a paper, all of his own working which was brought to us by his Landlord, wherein he Acknowledges the whole design but we have troubled your Honr too much on this matter for they are Certainly all rogues, and Great ones too Notwithstanding their boasted Honesty & Clamours at Home

76: And tho' at the time we wrote to your Honr about Alexander Adair, and the rest of his Associates we had no more then Circumstantiall Evidence against them, we are now Credibly informd by Capt John Martin Comander of this Ship Queen that Some of them Gang Particularly Daniel Burges is actually now at St Augustines for Madagascar with the Pyrates

77: Where when they had been Victualled here the Ship Eagles Crew Intended to have gone had not we prevented them

78: But now we can tell your Honr with a great Deal of Satisfaction that if we had a bigger Company of Such men as the Eagles were (as we hope we never Shall) there is So much Care and precaution taken that nothing Dangerous Can Inrise

79: We are in great want of Soldiers here and when your Honr do send men abroad if they be only Soldiers and no more it is better for the men because tis Healthyer to be at St Helena than in other parts of India

80: By the September Ships we will send your Honr the Generall Indent of Stores wanted here

Fourthly as to your Honr Buildings and Fortifications

73: As to the people of St Helena, the Council found them all well and quiet now since it had got rid of the Eagle Galley men. They made a contrivance, for all their pretended honesty, to break away with the shallop when she was here, but her sudden sailing hindered it, and the Council knew nothing of it till five months afterwards. Then they made a new design to steal a small ship that was weakly manned, which the Council discovered, as would appear by its consultations on the matter, and had fully broken the neck of any such designs by sending off the ringleaders, those that were sailors home, and their fellows to Bencoolen, the Princess Sophia being no sailor.

74: This was the better believed, because the whole, when discovered, had been confessed by them, since the subscription, being the agreement in blood, they owned nothing to be written but in ink.

75: William Gwyn, who was the last of the Eagle Galley men, had left behind him a paper, all of his own writing, which was brought to the Council by his landlord, in which he acknowledged the whole design. The Council would not trouble the Honourable Court too much on this matter, for they were certainly all rogues, and great ones too, notwithstanding their boasted honesty and clamours at home.

76: Although at the time the Council wrote to the Honourable Court about Alexander Adair, and the rest of his associates, it had no more than circumstantial evidence against them, it was now credibly informed by Captain John Martin, commander of the present ship the Queen of Peace, that some of that gang, particularly Daniel Burges, was actually now at St Augustine's for trade, or rather with the pirates.

77: Where, when they had been victualled at St Helena, the Eagle Galley crew intended to have gone, had not the Council prevented them.

78: But now the Council could tell the Honourable Court, with a great deal of satisfaction, that if it had a bigger company of such men as the Eagle Galley were, as it hoped it never should, there was so much care and precaution taken that nothing dangerous could ensue.

79: The Council was in great want of soldiers, and when the Honourable Court did send men abroad, if they were only soldiers and no more, it was better for the men, because it was healthier, to be at St Helena than in other parts of India.

80: By the September ships the Council would send the Honourable Court the general list of stores wanted at St Helena.

Fourthly, concerning the Honourable Court's buildings and fortifications.

Interpretations

The blood subscription marks the conspiracy as a deliberate binding of the plotters against betrayal. The men owned only what was written in ink and not the paper signed in blood, the oath sworn on 3 March 1716 in which each pricked his arm and subscribed in his own blood to stand by the rest, recorded in the Council letters by the Nathaniel of 10 May 1716 and the Mary of 22 May 1716. Confessing the ink while denying the blood shows the men trying to separate ordinary association from the sworn compact that proved intent.

The dispersal of the ringleaders by destination ties the punishment to a judgement about future danger. The sailors were sent home and their fellows to Bencoolen, since a man bred to the sea could turn pirate while a landsman could not, the same reasoning that kept William Murfey from Bencoolen for fear he might turn pirate in the Council letter by the Nathaniel of 10 May 1716. William Gwyn was the last of the Eagle Galley men, his confessing paper the evidence that closed the case, his information on the lost treasure carried home by the Cardigan of 26 December 1715.

The report of Daniel Burges at St Augustine's confirms the Council's fear that such men drifted into piracy once at large. St Augustine's Bay in Madagascar was a known resort of pirates, and Captain Martin's intelligence that one of the gang now lay there gave the Council outside confirmation of the danger it had read in the conspiracy. The same concern for seditious men in the labour pool ran through the Eagle Galley conspiracy set out in the despatch of 6 July 1715.

Speculations

The Council sorted the conspirators by trade before deciding where to send each, choosing to ship the sailors home and the landsmen to Bencoolen. The arrangement managed the specific risk that a seaman set loose in the East could turn pirate, while a man with no sea skill could not. Distributing the ringleaders across separate destinations also broke the cabal as a body, since the compact depended on the men staying together to act.

The Council offered the report of Daniel Burges at St Augustine's as vindication of its earlier action against Alexander Adair on circumstantial evidence alone. Citing Captain Martin's independent intelligence let the Council answer any doubt that it had punished men without proof, since one of the gang had since proved the danger by joining the pirates. The choice turned a weak evidentiary case into a justified precaution, anchored to outside testimony the Court could weigh.

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81: We Shall now Say but little thereto we haveing done nothing worth Mentioning for this ten weeks past because of Unloading the four Ships and the Excessive hard rains that have kept the People from their work but Since the four Ships went we Employde the Blacks in Getting things ready against we have fair weather and fell to work in In our next we Doubt not but to be able to tell your Honr of a great Deal of Work which is now almost Finnished but untill it is quite done we are unwilling to trouble your Honr with Accounts in part

82: The last year haveing very Small quantities of Pitch and Tarr and most of the shipping haveing mett with bad weather and requireing a great Deal the Govern: Ordered that the Gun Carriages on the Line Should not be Tarrd and this year none Comeing by the Catherine we are reduced to Great Streights for want of Tarr for the Carradiges will be Split and Rotted with the Sun for want of a good Cost of Tarr to preserve them the Great rains haveing washed them almost white

83: We intend to do them over with Some of the Linseed Oyle tho' that wont do half So well but nothing Else is to be had where else we hope your Honr will Send us by the next Ship Such a quanity of Pitch and Tarr and blacking and proper bruches as may Effectually Serve thatrip and Supply your Shipping for the future

84: The people tell us that since the time of Govern: Poirier they have not known Such rainy Seasons to hold So long, So that we have a great Prospect of a good Year, and that the Island will improve it Self if Such Seasons do Continue and for your Honr will find by the monthly Accounts Entered in our Consultation Books that our Stock of Cattle is Considerably Enlarged So that we Shall refuse buying any more in a Small time

85: As to yams we hope we have now done buying them tho' perhaps we Shall Some times buy Suchers that is Small yam plants to Set in some of yr grounds as all the planters of one time or other Doe among them Select

We are Honble Srs Yr Honr most Hum: and faithfull Servants

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Matt Bazett Edwd Byfeld

Union Castle St Helena Aug the 12 1716

Honble Srs

86: Herewith comes John Islando's Bill of Exchedraun on his fol: for 35..15..wch ☞ pay to yr Honr twenty one days aftt Sight

87: Alsoe comes Capt Jno: Martins first Bill of Exch for the Sume of 113..19..3¼ drawn on and pay to yr Honr 21 days after Sight

88: Capt Kesar has adoosed he has been at Eighteen pounds first of Our bills of Exch because his manconcoming for Litle to be but 35..9..9 wch other fore we pray yr Honr will pay Capt Kesar the Said Eighteen pounds as is his due

We are Yr Honr most Humb: & faithfull Servants

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Matt Bazett Edwd Byfeld

81: The Council would now say but little here, having done nothing worth mentioning these ten weeks past, because of unloading the St George and the excessive hard rains that kept the people from their work. Since the St George went, the Council employed the slaves in getting things ready against it had fair weather, and fell to work. In its next, it did not doubt to be able to tell the Honourable Court of a great deal of work, which was now almost finished, but until it was quite done it was unwilling to trouble the Honourable Court with accounts in part.

82: The last year having very small quantities of pitch and tar, and most of the shipping having met with bad weather and requiring a great deal, the Governor ordered that the gun carriages on the line should not be tarred. This year none coming by the Catherine, the Council was reduced to great straits for want of damar for the carriages, which would be split and rotted with the sun for want of a good coat of tar to preserve them, the great rains having washed them almost white.

83: The Council intended to do them over with some of the linseed oil, though that went but half so well, but nothing else was to be had, where else the Council hoped the Honourable Court would find it by the next ships such a quantity of pitch and tar and blacking, and proper brushes, as might effectually serve St Helena and supply the shipping for the future.

84: The people told the Council that since the time of Governor Poirier they had not known such rainy seasons to hold so long, so that there was a great prospect of a good year, and that the island would improve itself, if such seasons would continue, and the Honourable Court would find by the monthly accounts entered in its consultation books that its stock of cattle was considerably enlarged, so that it would refuse buying any whole in a small time.

85: As to yams, the Council hoped it had now done buying them, though perhaps it should sometimes buy such, that it was small yam plants to set in ground of four or five hundred, as all the planters of one time or other did among them sold.

Union Castle, St Helena, 12 August 1716.

The Council subscribed itself the Honourable Court's most humble and faithful servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield.

86: With the present letter came John Island's bill of exchange, drawn on Mr Fife for £35 15s 0d, payable to the Honourable Court twenty-one days after sight.

87: Also came Captain John Martin's first bill of exchange for the same, the sum of £113 17s 7½d, drawn on [...] and payable to the Honourable Court two days after sight.

88: Captain Kesar had advised that he had been at eighteen pence each. Because his money came to little, to be but £35 9s 0d of the Council's bills of exchange, and therefore it begged the Honourable Court would pay Captain Kesar the £353 9s 0d as his due.

The Council subscribed itself the Honourable Court's most humble and faithful servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The order not to tar the gun carriages exposes the safety cost of the pitch and tar shortage at a fortification. Tar protected the timber carriages against splitting and rot in the sun and rain, so the want of it left the line's guns on mountings that the great rains had washed white and would soon decay. This is the precise gap the naval stores reserve was meant to close, pressed across the 1716 letters by the Kent of 26 January 1716 and the Desbouverie and Heathcote of 15 June 1716, and the substitution of damar and then linseed oil shows the island making do with inferior coatings for want of the proper store.

The promise to defer a full account of work until it was finished shows the Council declining to send partial returns. The ten weeks lost to unloading the St George and the hard rains had stalled the building programme, so the Council held back any account in part until it could report completed work, the same discipline of the verified statement it applied to the deferred inventory earlier in this correspondence.

The remark that the enlarged cattle stock would soon end the need to buy beef ties the provisioning account to the recovery of the herd. The Council had found the herd reduced to nil productive stock at the handover in paragraph four of the despatch of 12 November 1714, and the monthly accounts now showed it considerably enlarged. A self-supplying herd would close the fifth quarter beef fraud and the dependence on planter purchases that ran through the provisioning thread.

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The Capt haveing refused to Signe his Bills, and given his reasons in Writing with acknowledgement that he has had all the Particulars he is Charged with all We have Protested against him in your Honr Names, a Copy of the Complaint or Refusall with our Answer And our Protest comes Inclosed herewith by your Honr Most faithfull & Obedient Servants

Isaac Pyke Geo: Hardell Matt Bazett Edwd Byfeld

Island St Helena August yr 12 1716

List of the Pacqd ☞ Ship Queen Capt John Martin Comander August the 18 1716

1: Generall Letter Sent apart, dated 12 Aug 1716 2: Copy of Genll dated 4 June 1716 to ffort St George 3: Copy of Genll dated Do day to Bombay 4: Copy of Genll dated Do to Bengaller 5: Copy of Genll Do to Bencoolen by the Catherine Capt Jno: Hunter 6: Capt Wottons receipt for the large Packt 7: Capt Wottons receipt for the Small Pacht 8: Capt Folons receipt for his large Pacht 9: Capt Folon receipt for the Small Pacht 10: Capt Hunters receipt for three Pack to wch Genll ffort St George Bombery & Bengr dated 4 July 1716 11: Capt Hunters rect for the Pacht to Bencoolen dated Ditto 12: Copy of Consultations from June 12 1716 to the 8 Augt following inclusive 13: Serjant Southen Letter to the Hon Court of Directors 14: John Blunts first Bill of Exch for 35..15.. ☞ pay to the Hon Comp drawn on his Sthero 15: was designd the 14 of Capt Martins bills of Exch wch he refusd Signing 16: Ship Queens Acco in the Stove Books 17: Copy of Govern: and Coun: Letter to Capt Martin

Copy of the Acknowledgmt for Goods recd out of the Boxes Aug 17 1716

Margin Notes:

Enclose in yr Genll Letters

The captain, having refused to sign his bills, gave his reasons in writing, with an acknowledgement that he had had all the particulars he was charged with. The Council enclosed for the Honourable Court a copy of the complaint or refusal, with its answers, and its protest, subscribing itself the Honourable Court's most faithful and obedient servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield, at the island of St Helena, 12 August 1716.

A list followed of the packet by the ship Queen of Peace, Captain John Martin commander, 18 August 1716:

Number 1. General letter sent apart, dated 12 August 1716.

Number 2. Copy of the letter dated 4 June 1716 to Fort St George.

Number 3. Copy of the letter dated the same day, to Bombay.

Number 4. Copy of the letter dated the same, to Bengal.

Number 5. Copy of the letter to Bencoolen by the Catherine, Captain John Hunter.

Number 6. Captain Wootton's receipt for the large packet.

Number 7. Captain Wootton's receipt for the small packet.

Number 8. Captain Tolson's receipt for his large packet.

Number 9. Captain Tolson's receipt for the small packet.

Number 10. Captain Hunter's receipt for three packets to Fort St George, Bombay and Bengal, dated 4 July 1716.

Number 11. Captain Hunter's receipt for the packet to Bencoolen, dated the same.

Number 12. Copy of the consultations from June 1716 to the 8 August following inclusive.

Number 13. Secretary Southern's letter to the Honourable Court of Directors.

Number 14. John Blunt's first bill of exchange for £35 15s 0d, payable to the Honourable Company, drawn on Mr Fife.

Number 15. Was designed the first of Captain Martin's bills of exchange, which he refused signing.

Number 16. The Queen of Peace's account in the store books.

Number 17. Copy of the protest and Council's letter to Captain Martin.

[margin against Number 13: enclosed in the general letter]

The list closed with a copy of the acknowledgement for goods received out of the boxes, dated 17 August 1716.

Interpretations

The captain's refusal to sign his bills, set against his written acknowledgement that he had received all the particulars charged, shows the protest machinery working at the point of dispute. By recording his refusal and reasons alongside the Council's answers and its formal protest, the Council fixed the disagreement on paper for the Court to judge, the same documentary defence run through the bill of lading enforcement programme since the despatch by the St George of 1 December 1715. Item 15 of the manifest, the bill he declined to sign, preserved the unsigned instrument itself as evidence.

The numbered packet manifest gave India House a recoverable audit trail, each enclosure entered so a missing item could be traced at the far end. The list bound together copies of the four homeward letters, the captains' receipts for each packet, the consultations and the disputed bills, the same overlapping practice run through the documentary protection programme across the 1716 letters by the Kent, the Thistleworth and the Desbouverie and Heathcote. The captains' separate receipts for large and small packets fixed the chain of custody on the named masters Wootton, Tolson and Hunter.

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Honble Srs ☞ Catherine

1: By your Ship Catherine Capt Hunter Comand which Arrived here on the 17 of June last and Sailed hence for Bencoolen on the 5 of July following We received your Honr Generall Letter and Orders which was dated the 14 March Anno Dom 1715, Since which time We did our Selves the Honr of Writing to you by the Queen which Letter bore severall dates as follows viz: the 12, & 18 of Augt last Anno Dom 1716

2: We hope in our last letters your Honr Directions have been Observed which if it prove to your Satisfaction we Shall Continue it for the future

3: As to your 3 & 4 Parragraph We will take due Care to Observe those Instructions

4: To the 5 Parragra Sryeu: tis doing but not yet Finnished but because we would make this Letter as Concise as Possible be pleased to See our Consultation Dated the 21 february 1715/6 and Compare it Consultation of yr 7th Aug 1716 where your Honr May pursue that Book is Sett as a Task which when Finnished the Writer will have leave to goe for England and we take that to be Such a Spure to it that no Subservice will be wanting to Compleat it, It might indeed be done in much less time if we had not So much business in the Secretaries Office But Mr Tairfe who is the Person that writes it out is very often Imployed in other parts of your Honr business

5: As to the 6 Part We have made three Boxes that Contain all the Books and Papers of the Secretrs Office which was reaad and overlsoght and in our Consultation of the 2 Octobr last your Honr will See a List of them and in what Order they were found the Secretaries office is but a Garrett and Rains in which we should not Mention here but that tis alwayes the So doe to be having very often repaired it and Cannot make it better but hope when yr Honr Shall please to Send us out a good Houf Carpenter that we Shall att Building the new Store Houfe make a better Conveniancy for the Secretary And in the mean time Care Shall not be wanting Strictly to overlook whatever Lofses we Shall have Occasion to Signe

6: This Letter and others for the future Shall be Written under the Generall heads as Directed

7: As to the 8 We acknowledge severall of our letters have been long and Sometimes the Same thing wee repeated which we Shall as So done as we Can but Sometimes upon occasion of such we have Written on a Generall head if we find it not So fully Express and now alsoe then if we have another Hint that we think will make the Matter we conu of plainer or be a better Argument to Shew the Usefullness or Necessity of what we write

Honourable Sirs, by the Catherine.

1: By the ship Catherine, Captain Hunter commander, which arrived at St Helena on the 17 of June last and sailed from St Helena for Bencoolen on the 5 of July following, the Council received the Honourable Court's general letter and orders, which was dated the 14 March 1716. Since that time the Council wrote to the Honourable Court by the Queen of Peace, which letter bore several dates, namely the 12 and 18 of August last 1716.

2: The Council hoped that in its last letters the Honourable Court's directions had been observed, and if that proved to the Court's satisfaction, it should continue it for the future.

3: As to the Honourable Court's third and fourth paragraphs, the Council would take due care to observe those instructions.

4: To the fifth paragraph, the Council's reply was doing but not yet finished. Because it would make the present letter as concise as possible, the Court was asked to be pleased to look over the Council's consultation dated the 21 February 1716, and compare it with the consultation of the 7 August 1716, where the Honourable Court might perceive that the book was set as a task, which when finished the writer would have leave to go for England, and the Council took that to be the true answer to it, that no deliverance would be wanting to complete it. It might indeed be done in much less time, if the Council had not so much business in the secretary's office. But Mr Fife, who was the person that wrote it out, was very often employed in other parts of the Honourable Court's business.

5: As to the sixth paragraph, the Council had made three boxes that contained all the books and papers of the secretary's office, which was now done well enough, and in consultation of the 2 October last the Honourable Court would see a list of them, and in what order they were found. The secretary's office was but a barred and rainy place, which the Council should not mention here, but that it would always hope it would be better, but hoped, when the Honourable Court should please to send out a good house carpenter, that the Council would, at building the new storehouse, make a better convenience for the secretary. As to the secretary's aid, in the meantime care should not be wanting strictly to overlook whatever boxes the Council should have occasion to sign.

6: The present letter, and others for the future, should be written under the general heads as directed.

7: As to the eighth paragraph, the Council acknowledged that several of its letters had been long, and sometimes the same thing repeated, which it should, as seldom as it could, but sometimes, upon occasion, what it had written on a general head, if it were not fully expert, and now also, if it had another head that it thought would make the matter the more of pleasure, or be a better argument to show the usefulness or necessity of what it wrote [...]

Interpretations

The consultation book set as a task, with the writer to have leave for England once it was finished, reveals a clerk's discharge made conditional on completing the record. The Council referred the Court to its consultations of 21 February 1716 and 7 August 1716 to show the arrangement, and the delay turned on Mr Fife being drawn off to other Company business. Tying the man's release to the finished book gave the Council a lever to ensure the record was completed before he left the island.

The three boxes holding the secretary's books and papers show the Council securing the official record against a poor building. The office was a barred and rainy place, so the books were boxed and listed in the consultation of 2 October, with the hope of a better fitting once a house carpenter built the new storehouse. This sits with the want of a carpenter pressed since the departure of Cleeve and Maynard, and the care to overlook every box before signing kept the documentary chain intact.

The acknowledgement of long and repetitive letters answers a direct instruction from the Court to write under general heads. The Council conceded the fault while defending the occasional repetition as a means of pressing the usefulness or necessity of its requests, the same tension between brevity and a full record that ran through the deferred replies and overlapping despatches of the 1716 correspondence.

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about we hope your Honr will Excuse such a repetition it being Sometimes that Occasions those repeating to Save Writing the whole over again, for your Honr who are the best Judges of Writing we believe will Allow that it requires much more time to Write a Short Letter then a Long one if it Contain many Articles Especially, and those to be all decly Express, but we will Endeavour to Wast as litle of your Honr times as we Can with Long and Unnecessary accounts and Mention those things only which Appear to us to be of greatest Consequence

8: As to your Honr Recd we hope you'l approve of the present Consultations and Duplicates we have Sent of late and Shall Continue Sending as you have Directed Yet as our Copying Work is wrote by whom we Can gett We feast there will be words too often wrong Spelt but yet as Seldome as we Can help it, the Consultations are pode Stitcht or tacht together & foliod

9: As to the 10 11 & 12 Par: your Honr will find our Consultations Book to be now much Longer then they ever were formerly the Secrt bring them up every week, and the foregoing Consultations are read and Approved of, and Usually Signd by those present and it Contains the prices Sett on Goods Sold, Answers and Protests with the Capts the Gunners Acco monthly Acco of Plantations & Generall Table and the yearly Acco of Rents Revenues and Stocks in So much that we sometimes think our Consultations, Orders &c tho' but of Trifling matters are as long as in Some other Factories where their Dealings Account So Exceed times

Fifthly Concerning Shipping here or in India

10: There has Arrived here Since our Generall Letter by the St George last yeare those which follow

Decembr the 12 arrived the Ships Cordigan Capt Richd Grainger Comander from Bengall, who Sailed hence the 27 of the same month

The 28 of the Said December arrived the Kent Capt Lawrence Minter Comand: from Madrass, and Saild hence the 10 Jevry following

The 11 February 1715/6 arrived the Thistleworth Capt Daniell Small Comand: from Bombay and Sailed hence the 22 of the same month

The 28 of Said Febr: Arrived the Duke of Cambridg Capt Edward Aeland Comander from Bombay with Genrall Aislebie Capt Hanmore and Mr Courtney Passengers who Sailed hence the 14 March following

The 9 Aprill 1716 Arrived the Nathaniell Capt Jonath Negus Comander from Mocha and Bombay with Mr Henry Steffield Supra Cargoe who Sailed hence the 18 May following

On the 2 May Arrived two French Ships Named the two Crowns and the Brittiard Under Comand of a Monsr De Du Maine, from

The Council hoped the Honourable Court would excuse such repetition, it being sometimes that occasions those repeating to save writing the whole over again. As the Honourable Court were the best judges of writing, the Council believed it would allow that it required much more time to write a short letter than a long one, if it contained many articles equally, and those to be all duly expressed. The Council would endeavour to waste as little of the Honourable Court's time as it could with long and unnecessary accounts, and mention those things only which appeared to it to be of greatest consequence.

8: As to the Honourable Court's [...] paragraph, the Council hoped the Court would approve of the present letter and consultations and duplicates it had sent of late, and should continue sending as it had directed. Yet, as its copying work was scarce by whom it could get, the Council feared there would be words too often wrong spelt, but yet, as seldom as it could help it, the consultations were now stitched or tacked together and folioed.

9: As to the [...] paragraph, the Honourable Court would find its consultation book to be now much longer than it ever was formerly. The secretary brought them up every week, and the foregoing consultations were read and usually signed by those present, and it contained the prices set on the Court's goods, answers and protests with the captains, the gunner's accounts, the monthly accounts of plantations and General Table, and the yearly account of cattle, revenues and stocks, so much that the Council therefore thought its consultations and orders better than out of trifling matters, as large as in some other factories where their dealings amounted to several times the Council's.

Thirdly, concerning shipping at St Helena and in India.

10: There had arrived at St Helena, since its general letter by the St George last year, those which followed.

The 23 of December arrived the ship Cardigan, Captain Richard Grainger commander, from Bengal, who sailed from St Helena the 26 of the same month.

The 28 of the said December arrived the Kent, Captain Lawrence Minter commander, from Madras, and sailed from St Helena the 26 January following.

The 11 February 1716 arrived the Thistleworth, Captain Daniel Small commander, from Bombay, and sailed from St Helena the 24 of the same month.

The 28 of the said February arrived the Duke of Cambridge, Captain Edward Arnold commander, from Bombay, with General Aislaby, Captain Hanmore and Mr Courtney as passengers, who sailed from St Helena the 14 March following.

The 9 April 1716 arrived the Nathaniel, Captain Jonathan Negus commander, from Mocha and Bombay, with Mr Henry Sheffield as supercargo, who sailed from St Helena the 10 May following.

On the 2 May arrived two French ships named the Two Crowns and the Brilliard, under command of Monsieur Du Demain, from Pondicherry.

Interpretations

The Council's defence of its long consultation book reveals the record itself as the measure of careful government. The book now held the prices set on the Court's goods, the protests with the captains, the gunner's accounts, the monthly plantation and table accounts and the yearly account of cattle, all read and signed by those present each week. Setting this against the practice of larger factories whose trade ran several times greater, the Council argued that the fullness of its record matched the diligence the Court required, the same audit discipline run through the documentary protection programme of the 1716 letters.

The stitching, tacking and folioing of the consultations shows the physical securing of the record for transmission. With copying labour scarce and spelling errors likely, binding and numbering the leaves fixed the order of the pages so that no part could be lost or displaced in transit, the same protection the numbered packet manifests gave to the homeward letters.

The arrivals list at paragraph 10 forms the catalogue of shipping the Court relied on for its intelligence of the season. Each entry fixes the ship, master, origin and the dates of arrival and departure, the Cardigan of 23 December, the Kent of 28 December, the Thistleworth of 11 February 1716, the Duke of Cambridge of 28 February with General Aislaby aboard, and the Nathaniel of 9 April. The list let the Court track its homeward and outward bottoms against the dates already recorded in the despatches by the Kent of 26 January 1716 and the Nathaniel of 10 May 1716.

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Polli: Cherry, who both Sailed hence the 5 of the Same month

The 5 May 1716 Arrived the Ship Desbouverie Capt Thomas Wootton Comander from Fort St David and Sailed hence the 16 June following

On the 11 of May came in an Ostender called the St Matthew who we obliged to Sail the Same day as by Consultation of the 12 that month to which Consultation we pray your Honr to be referred and that you'l please to Send us Instructions for our behaviour in any Such Like Case

The 16 of Said month Arrived the Mary Capt Richd Holden Comand from Madrass and the Cape last, who Sailed hence the 22

On the 28 May Arrived the Heathcote Capt Joseph Folson Comand from Brengall who Sailed hence in Company wth Capt Wootton & Capt Fitzhigh the 16 June 1716

June the 10 Arrived the Derby Capt William Fitzhugh Comander from Bengall (and the Cape last) who alsoe Sailed the 16 Said month

On the 17 June 1716 Arrived the Katherine Store Ship Capt John Hunter Comand: from England who Sailed hence the 5 July following

July the 11 Arrived here an Ostender called the Charles Galley Matthias Gerrebrant Comand: from severall Places in Iridia (please to See Consultation of the 17 of the Said Month) who Sailed the same day, this Ship being on the Same Account as the St Matthew

On the 13 of August Last Arrived the Ship Queen Capt John Martin Comand from Bombay (but the Cape last) and Sailed hence the 18 of the Said Month That Ship wanted Sundry Necessaries & Stores &c which we Supplyd her with But the Capt wont away and paid for Nothing, and therefore have Protested against him, a Copy of which is Entred in our Consultation of the 18 Augt Last 1716

We heard that the Brittish March: Capt Thomas Gilbert for Mochas was at the Cape of Good Hope and Sailed thence the 2 Aprill 1716

We gave your Honr an Acco of the Catherine Capt Jno: Hunter Comander in our 2 Cor: by the Ship Queen We Expected the Rochester and the Borneo from Bencoolen, The Great Catherine from the fort of Mallabarr The Anrabela from Bengall we have been told may alse be Expulsd, The following Account we have now received from the Present Comonander

March the 13 1715/6 the Catherine Sailed from Bombay Arrived at Telicherry

The Council continued its account of the French ships from Pondicherry, which both sailed from St Helena the 5 of the same month.

The 5 May 1716 arrived the ship Desbouverie, Captain Thomas Wootton commander, from Fort St David, and sailed from St Helena the 16 June following.

On the 11 of May came in an interloper called the St Matthew, which the Council obliged to sail the same day, as by its consultation of the 11 of that month, to which consultation it asked the Honourable Court to refer, and that the Court would please to send the Council instructions for its behaviour in any such like case.

The 16 of the said month arrived the Mary, Captain Richard Holden commander, from Madras and the Cape last, who sailed from St Helena the 22.

On the 28 May arrived the Heathcote, Captain Joseph Tolson commander, from Bengal, who sailed from St Helena in company with Captain Wootton and Captain Fitzhugh the 16 June 1716.

June the 10 arrived the Derby, Captain William Fitzhugh commander, from Bengal and the Cape last, who also sailed the 16 of the said month.

On the 17 June 1716 arrived the Catherine store ship, Captain John Hunter commander, from England, who sailed from St Helena the 5 July following.

July the 11 arrived at St Helena an interloper called the Charles Galley, Matthias Gerrebrant commander, from several places in India. The Council asked the Honourable Court to see its consultation of the 17 of the said month, by which she sailed the same day, this ship being on the same account as the St Matthew.

On the 13 of August last arrived the ship Queen of Peace, Captain John Martin commander, from Bombay, last from the Cape, and sailed from St Helena the 18 of the said month. That ship wanted sundry necessaries and stores to be supplied her with, but the captain went away and paid for nothing, and therefore the Council had protested against him, a copy of which was entered in its consultation of the 18 August last 1716.

The Council heard that the Britannia, Captain Thomas Gilbert commander, for Mocha, was at the Cape of Good Hope and sailed from there the 2 April 1716.

The Council gave the Honourable Court an account of the Catherine, Captain John Hunter commander, in its [...] letter by the Queen of Peace. The Council expected the Rochester and the Borneo from Bencoolen, the great Catherine from the coast of Malabar, and the Arabella from Bengal, which it had been told might also be expected.

The following account the Council had now received from the present commander. March the 13, 1716, the Catherine sailed from Bombay and arrived at Telicherry [...]

Interpretations

The two interlopers turned away on the day they arrived show the monopoly enforced by denying foreign and unlicensed traders the use of the island. The St Matthew on 11 May and the Charles Galley on 11 July were both made to sail at once, the Council referring the Court to its consultations of those dates and pressing again for instructions on how to treat such shipping. This is the same difficulty raised in the letter by the Queen of Peace, where the Council asked to be neither wanting nor too forward against ships whose legal standing it could not itself determine.

The protest against Captain Martin of the Queen of Peace fixes the dispute over unpaid stores on the record. The ship wanted sundry necessaries, which the Council supplied, but the captain sailed without paying, so the Council entered its protest in the consultation of 18 August 1716. This follows the protest machinery run through the bill of lading enforcement programme, where the carrier was held answerable on paper for what the island could not recover at sea.

The arrivals catalogue and the list of expected ships served the Court as its running intelligence of the season's traffic. The entries fix each ship, master, origin and the dates of arrival and departure, while the ships looked for, the Rochester and the Borneo from Bencoolen, the great Catherine from Malabar and the Arabella from Bengal, let the Court anticipate the bottoms still to round the Cape, the same forward reporting the Council supplied in the shipping intelligence of earlier despatches.

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Aprill the 5th 1716 Sailed from Tellicherry & Anchord at Calicutt

May the 5th Sailed from Calicut

22 Arrived at Madrass

29 Came in the King William Capt Winter from England

July yr 3 Came in the Prince Frederick Capt Martin from Do

Augt yr 2 Came in the Greanthain Capt Collet from Do

9 Came in the Stanhope Capt Cutt from Persia

13 Came in the King George Capt Lewis from London

27 Came in the Cordonell Capt Mauvyn from Bencoolen

Sept yr 3 the Catherine Sailed from Madrass

March 8th Capt Teison in the Ship Wadder Sailed from Mocha August the 18 1715

In the 1 Par: of our Genrall Letter by the Duke of Cambridge Said 6, 7, 8 & 9 Par: of Ours by the Nathaniel to your Honr We gave the Account we have had of foreign Ships abroad to which we Crave Reference the other Notices in all our Letters Since the St George was here being Contained in the foregoing Account of the Arrivall & departure of Shipping here

11: We thank your Honr for the Accounts of Shipping Returning Home and Sent out mentioned in your 14, 15, 16, 17 Par: of your Letter

12: In the 2 Par: of our last by the Ship Queen We gave your Honr an Account of our Dispatch of the Catherine Store Ship bound to Bencoolen and for the particulars thereof please to See our Consultation dated July the 10

13: As to the 20 Par: We must again pray yr Honr to look over our reasons for Altering the Deviation Sune for Ships bound to St Helena, which you'l see in our 25 ☞ 200 Par: by the St George and our Consultations of the 15 & 16 of Octobr Anno Dom 1715 will Shew the rocall Sort of place the Crane Stands in by which it may appear that although the Crane is now fixed and thoroughly repaired and the way to it made Good, So that when Goods are Landed they may with Ease time and Trouble be brought away Yet all the difficulties areseing by the high Surfs remain, and the two dangerous Rocks Mentiond in our Consultation of the 15 Octobr 1715 (which be pleasd to See) that lye against the Crane are Immoveable by any Ordinary force and tho' the Catherine Ship fifteen days together or Inderly fair weather which Seldome happens, Yet if she had had three Boats Loard more to have Unloved a week longer would not have don it for the day that she Sailed, We had Vast great Surfes again which held above a week So that our Small Boats Could not goe out a fishing, and the bridge that is

The Council continued its account of the Catherine from the present commander.

April the 5, 1716, she sailed from Telicherry and anchored at Calicut.

March the 5 [...] she sailed from Calicut.

The 22 she arrived at Madras.

The 29 came in the King William, Captain Winter, from England.

July the 30 came in the Prince Frederick, Captain Martin, from England.

August the 2 came in the Grantham, Captain Collett, from England.

The 9 came in the Stanhope, Captain Cutt, from Persia.

The 13 came in the King George, Captain Lewis, from London.

The 27 came in the Cardonnel, Captain Mawson, from Bencoolen.

September the 3 the Catherine sailed from Madras.

Captain Tolson, in the ship Wadder, sailed from Mocha, August the 18, 1715.

11: In the 1st and 2nd paragraphs of the Council's general letter by the Duke of Cambridge, and the 6, 7, 8 and 9 paragraphs of others by the Nathaniel, the Council gave the Honourable Court the account it had of foreign ships abroad, to which it craved reference. The other notices in all its letters since the St George was at St Helena were contained in the foregoing account of the arrival and departure of shipping at St Helena.

11: The Council thanked the Honourable Court for the accounts of shipping returning home, mentioned in its 14, 15, 16 and 17 paragraphs.

12: In the 2nd part of its last letter by the Queen of Peace, the Council gave the Honourable Court an account of its despatch of the Catherine store ship, bound to Bencoolen, and for the particulars asked the Court to see its consultation dated July the 10.

13: As to the 20 paragraph, the Council must again ask the Honourable Court to look over its reasons for allowing the deviation fine for ships ordered to St Helena, which the Court would see in its 25 and 26 paragraphs by the St George, and its consultations of the 4 and 15 of October 1715, which would show the immovable sort of place the crane stood in. By this it might appear that, although the crane was now fixed and thoroughly repaired and the way to it made good, so that when goods were landed they might with ease and little trouble be brought away, yet all the difficulties arising from the high surges remained. The two dangerous rocks mentioned in the consultation of the 4 October 1715, which the Court would be pleased to see, that lay against the crane, were immovable by any ordinary force. The Catherine lay fifteen days together, with tolerably fair weather, which seldom happened, yet if she had had three boats loading more, to have unloaded a week longer, would not have done it, since on the day that she sailed the Council had very great surges again, which held above a week, so that its small boats could not go out a-fishing, and the bridge that was mentioned [...]

Interpretations

The Council's defence of the deviation fine turned on the physical impossibility of the ten-day unloading term at the island. By referring the Court to its earlier paragraphs by the St George of 1 December 1715 and its consultations of 4 and 15 October 1715, the Council built a documented case that the crane stood in an immovable place, hemmed by two rocks no ordinary force could shift. The Catherine lay fifteen days in tolerably fair weather and still could not have been cleared faster, which answered the protest entered against her commander for not unloading in ten working days.

The crane and the surges reveal the working limit on St Helena as a landing place. A crane fixed and repaired, with the way to it made good, still could not beat the high surges that stopped even the small boats from fishing, so the island's value as a victualling and refit station rested on conditions it could not control. This sits with the naval stores reserve argument that ready supply would draw ships to call, since the difficulty of landing was the standing obstacle to that trade.

The cross-referencing of paragraph numbers and dated consultations shows the Council answering the Court's letter point by point against its own record. Each reply ties a paragraph of the Court's instruction to a paragraph or consultation of the Council's, so the Court could test the answer against the proceedings, the same audit discipline run through the documentary protection programme of the overlapping 1716 despatches.

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mentioned in your Honr 30 Para: is a great Conveniancy for Carrying up of Goods after they are Landed but no help to the Landing of them because Yes 36 Yards nearer to the fort than the Crane is this bridge being formerly built over a Small Cove the Sea had a Passage quit under it but the Timber of the bridge being decayed and we haveing more to repair it withall the Govr built a Large Wall of 16 foot thick, 54 foot long, and 23 foot high of Lime & Stone to keep out the Sea and we have filled the Cove up with Earth and Hove at last 500 tonns of Loey Rocks into the Sea against it to break of the force of the Surfes which in Short Sue are very great and as this place when built with wood formaly was Calld a bridge It Still is So called tho' at Present it Looks more litle at whose every Common Map or Draft of St Helena Old fort & Vatley Describes this place and Shews it to be within the Crane and in the body to the 200 & altering this place

14: As to the 21 We have Protested against Capt Hunter in the Same manner as we did against Capt Mauvyn for not Unloading in ten Working Days as in Consultation of the 26 June 1716

15: As to the 23 We take your Honr to be rightly informd that the Accounts of the Comanders of Ships &c are made up at the Stores and the Credit given them is Such as they gett from the Inhabitants for Goods Sold to them for which the Said Inhabitants are Debited by the Accomptant and Capt Brozett, and for the future all Such Accounts Shall be Examined in Councill and signed by the Accompt or Storekeeper

16: As to the 24 We Govern: knowing that the Govern: Orders was the reason do Cause Strangers to their Ports to Observe Such Orders that he published them here and is very glad to find they were Acceptable to your Honr

17: Your Honr directions to Charge the Capt Debtors for what is Consignd here and delivered Shoat Shall be Observed with Such Moderation as we hope will be Acceptable on both Sides and we will be very Particular in the first Instance we make of that kind that we may have your Honr Approbation in Case is be to your minds or your farther directions in Case any part of your Said Orders Should be Misunderstood by us

18: Your 26 Par: Shall be Observed as well as Possible we Can nor one Shall goe on board to trade if we know it As to the Publick Market we bigan one here but Cannot goe on with it without money for they who have Credit in your Honr Stores will Expect and do Demand Hat Credit to pass And when the Comanders doe bring Goods on Shoar they Sell to any body and it do Sometimes Occasion very great difficulties to the Storekeeper and Accompt: to Adjust their Matters

The Council continued its account of the bridge mentioned in the Honourable Court's paragraph, which was a great convenience for carrying up goods after they were landed, but no help to the landing of them, because it lay more to the fort than the crane. This bridge, being formerly built over a small cove, the sea had a passage quite under it, but the timber of the bridge being decayed and one raising more to repair it without the Governor built a large wall of 16 feet thick, 54 feet long and 23 feet high, of lime and stone, to keep out the sea, and the Council filled the cove up with earth and threw at least 500 tons of large rocks into the sea against it, to break the force of the surges, which in such surges were very great. As this place, then built with wood, was formerly called a bridge, it was still called so at present, though it looked more like a wall, although every common map or draft of St Helena described this place and showed it to be within the crane and in the body to the Governor's wharf, or landing place.

14: As to the 21 paragraph, the Council had protested against Captain Hunter in the same manner as it did against Captain Mawson, for not unloading in ten working days, as in its consultation of the 26 June 1716.

15: As to the 23 paragraph, the Council took the Honourable Court to be rightly informed that the accounts of the commanders of ships were made up at the stores, and the credit given them was such as they got from the inhabitants for goods sold to them. For this the inhabitants were debited by the accountant and Captain Bazett, and for the future all such accounts should be examined in council, and signed by the accountant or storekeeper.

16: As to the 24 paragraph, the Governor, knowing that such orders were the reason that he published them at St Helena, was very glad to find they were acceptable to the Honourable Court, since they caused strangers to observe such orders in their port.

17: The Honourable Court's directions to charge the captains debtor for what was consigned to St Helena and delivered short should be observed, with such moderation as the Council hoped would be acceptable on both sides. The Council would be very particular in the first instance it made of that kind, so that it might have the Honourable Court's approbation, in case it was to the Court's mind, or its further directions, in case any part of the orders should be misunderstood by the Council.

18: The Honourable Court's 26 paragraph should be observed as well as the Council could. As to the public market, the Council knew it, since it began one at St Helena, but could not go on with it without money, for they who had credit in the Honourable Court's stores would expect and demand to have credit there. When the commanders did bring goods on shore, credit to pass, and when they sold to anybody, it did sometimes occasion very great difficulties to the storekeeper and accountant to adjust their matters [...]

Interpretations

The Governor's wall reveals a substantial engineering response to the surges that stopped the landing of goods. The decayed timber bridge over the cove was replaced by a lime and stone wall 16 feet thick, 54 feet long and 23 feet high, the cove filled with earth and 500 tons of rock thrown against it to break the surges. Though still called a bridge from its former form, it now served as the Governor's wharf, a fixed defence against the sea that the crane and the small boats could not master, the same landing difficulty pressed in the deviation fine and the protests against the unloading term.

The order to debit captains for goods consigned and delivered short is the formal version of the bill of lading enforcement programme pressed since the despatch by the St George of 1 December 1715. The Council promised to apply it with moderation and to send the first such case for the Court's approval, treating the new rule cautiously so that a misreading would not sour relations with the masters on whom the island depended.

The handling of the commanders' accounts reveals the credit system that bound ship's captains, planters and the store together. A captain's account was made up at the stores from the credit he got by selling goods to the inhabitants, who were then debited by the accountant and Captain Bazett, with every such account now to be examined in council and signed by the accountant or storekeeper. This was the very leakage the private trade thread sought to control, where goods bought on Court credit were resold for fresh store credit, pressed since the despatch of 6 July 1715.

The difficulty of the public market exposes the limit of a cash economy at the island. The Council had begun a market but could not sustain it without money, since those holding store credit demanded the same credit at the market, and the captains' sales on shore drove the storekeeper and accountant into tangled reckonings. This is the same shortage of specie behind the coin policy of the Kent of 26 January 1716, where the want of circulating money frustrated every attempt to put trade on a cash footing.

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in the Short time they May, for their Acco are Always the Last thing they doe

19: As for the Grevious Complaints from the Planters your Honr will we fear never be freed from them for they are a People that Complain of every thing and every body even of one another, and yet frequently doe those very things that they Complain of others for the Constant Complaint here is of the Dearness of every thing at the Stores and Yet if they Spare any Goods to one another they will not be Contented wch double the Proffit that your Honr take but as for Goods being Ingrosbed by the Govern: or any, for him it never has been nor Shall be done here but on the Contrary every man upon the Place has the Same Liberty as the Govern: himself as your Honr may perceive if you please to look over our Consultations of the 12 of September 1715, and we think no body with Trieth Can Say but that Justice has been Impartially Administred in this as well as in other Cases tho' we have found difficulty Sometimes in doing it

And a faithfull and Exact Account of the Tryalls are Transmitted to your Honr that you be perfectly Acquainted is all our Proceeding & therein we will Always use Such Moderation as Shall be Proper for yr Support and Authority of this troublesome Govern: The people here are Pevvish and Vexatious and Some of them Turbulent And to Pattisfie every body is in Some Cases Impossible But the Govern: goes by a few Short Rules as he would be done by and persuadeing Peace among the Contending Parties (which if they Comply with Inds the Suit otherwise the Law takes it Course And they are all Lawyers here Mr Cowell and Cason Thomson and Richd Swallow Plnk are Usually the Directors of the People on one Side or other of Every Contention, but this Last Article we did not know of till very lately, however we should be Contented of all the People knew as much as they (tho' perhaps it might Create some times more Vexatious Disputes) yet we resolve and hope none truly Can Say otherwise but that we have done Equall right among them we are Sure we have Endeavoured it and Shall Always So doe

20: As to time in Considering your Honr Letter we have not Written any thing but wth great Care, and reach a Letter as your Honr Sonds us Consisting of many Parts wch required due Consideration and often times for all Books to be overlookt Calculated, and Sometimes alwayes to be made and to answer every part Par: by Par: is more then we Can doe on a Sudden it ofter requireing Many Consultations and to do what we can it will require time for we must Overlook what we have Wrote before and be Cautious in Saying nothing too rashly because we find we have Sometimes had Different Opinions

The Council continued that in the short time they had, their accounts were always the last thing they did.

19: As for the previous complaints from the planters, the Council feared the Honourable Court would never be freed from them, since they were a people who complained of everything and everybody, even of one another, and yet frequently did those very things that they complained of in others. The constant complaint at St Helena was of the dearness of everything at the stores, and yet, if they spared any goods to one another, they would not be content to double the profit that the Honourable Court took. As for goods being engrossed by the Governor or any, for him it never had been nor should be done at St Helena, but on the contrary, every man upon the place had the same liberty as the Governor himself, as the Honourable Court might perceive, if it pleased to look over the Council's consultations of the 12 September 1715. The Council thought nobody with truth could say but that justice had been impartially administered at St Helena, as well as in other cases, though it had found difficulty sometimes in doing it.

The Council transmitted a faithful and exact account of the trials to the Honourable Court, so that it might be perfectly acquainted with all the Council's proceedings, and would always use such moderation in them as should be proper for the support and authority of this troublesome government. The people at St Helena were peevish and vexatious, and some of them turbulent, and to satisfy everybody was in some cases impossible, but the Governor went by a few short rules as he would be done by, and persuading peace among the contending parties where they would comply with him, otherwise the law took its course. They were all lawyers at St Helena. Mr Powell and Cason, Thomas Wrangham and Richard Swallow, Blunt, were usually the directors of the people on one side or other of every contention, but this last article the Council did not know of till very lately. However it should be content if all the people knew as much as they, though perhaps it might create some occasional disputes. Yet the Council resolved, and hoped none truly could say otherwise, but that it had done equal right among them, and it was sure it had endeavoured it, and should always do so.

20: As to time in considering the Honourable Court's letter, the Council had not written anything but with great care, and since a letter as the Honourable Court sent it, consisting of many heads, required due consideration, and often times several books to be overlooked, calculated, and sometimes always to be made, and to answer every part the Court sent, which was more than the Council could do on a sudden, it required many consultations and to do what it could. It would require time, since the Council must overlook what it had written before, and be cautious in saying nothing too rashly, because it found it had sometimes had different opinions [...]

Interpretations

The Council's account of the planters reveals the social difficulty of governing a small settler community jealous of price and profit. The standing complaint was the dearness of the stores, yet the planters took the same or greater profit when they traded among themselves, and the Council read their grievances as the habit of a people who complained of one another while doing the same. The denial that the Governor engrossed goods answers the charge laid against the former Governor Bouchier, who was accused of buying everything at near double price in the despatch by the St George of 1715.

The naming of the planters who led every contention shows the Council marking the agitators behind the complaints. Mr Powell, Cason, Thomas Wrangham, Richard Swallow and Blunt were identified as the directors of the people on one side or other of each dispute, the same practice of laying a complaint to a known troublemaker seen in the attribution of the Eagle Galley clamour to Bartholomew Swartz in the despatch of 6 July 1715. The remark that they were all lawyers at St Helena marks a litigious community quick to turn every grievance into a contention.

The defence of impartial justice ties the Council's authority to the record of its trials. By transmitting a faithful account of every trial and referring the Court to the consultation of 12 September 1715, the Council answered the charge of partiality with a documented trail, the same audit function the consultation books and numbered packets served across the 1716 correspondence. The Governor's method of going by a few plain rules and persuading peace, with the law taking its course where men would not comply, set out the practical workings of government at the island.

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of things our Selves and have been changed our own Judgements upon proof of better Experience or reasons not foreseen and would be Oftener So if we Should too Suddenly Sett down to answer your Honr Letters as Soon as we received them and this Letter Particulary to make it the Joynt answer of us all please to See our Consultations of 31 July the 8 and 13 of August 1716 but hope now we have Answerd it to your Honr Satisfaction

21: As to the Eagles men we will not trouble your Honr with Repetitions haveing Mentioned it at Large from the 59 to the 66 Para: of our Letter by the Queen, and tho' we did not need of your Honr Approbation in that matter So well as in the Case of the Cardonells Passengers yet we thought those two Sort of People deserved a very Different Treatment

22: We thank your Honr for fixing the Price of Beef to twenty five Shillings ☞ hundred and desire it may always hold at that Price

23: We bought two Long Boats one out of the Desbouverie for thirty Pounds the other out of the Queen for Sixteen Pound being a bigger and a better boat which will do very well for above a year

24: As to your Honr 31 Para: about the Nine Hatts wanting amounting to £5..6..6 the Storekeeper for the future Shall always Indorse the Bill of Loadma and Mention what is Short Delivered but in this Case the Storekeeper Sayse finding the Box the Hatts Came in to be Entire and whole on the Out Side he look it by the Invoice Contents but when he came to Open the Box found those Nine Hates wanting of the Acco Mentioned in your Honr Invoice

Secondly Concerning Goods & Stores received from England or East India

25: The severall Articles of Goods Mentioned in our Large Indent Sent home last Year by the St George we believe were Eno' to Load two Large Ships So farr as they are Usually Laden Outward bound, But did hope your Honr would have Sent a Large Old Ship to be broken up here which would have Saved a great Expence of freight and have been Usefull in all its Parts as we tryed to Make Appear to your Honr in our 38 Parr: of Our Letter by the St George to which Shall Please to give us leave to refer you and Shall therefore add nothing farther on that head now than to assure your Honr that Such a ship would be of mighty Advantage to us here

The Council continued that it had sometimes changed its own judgements upon proof of better experience, or for reasons not foreseen, and would do so oftener. So if it should too suddenly sit down to answer the Honourable Court's letters as soon as it received them, and the present letter in particular, to make it the joint answer of all of them, the Court was asked to see the Council's consultations of 31 July, the 8 and 18 of August 1716, but the Council hoped now it had answered it to the Honourable Court's satisfaction.

21: As to the Eagle Galley men, the Council would not trouble the Honourable Court with repetitions, having mentioned it at large from the 59 to the 66 paragraph of its letter by the Queen of Peace, and though it did not meet the Honourable Court's approbation in that matter, so well as in the case of the Cardonnel passengers, yet it thought those two sorts of people deserved very different treatment.

22: The Council thanked the Honourable Court for fixing the price of beef at twenty-five shillings per hundred, and asked that it might always hold at that price.

23: The Council bought two longboats, one out of the Desbouverie for thirty pounds, the other out of the Queen of Peace for sixteen pounds, the former being a bigger and a lesser boat, which would do very well for above a year.

24: As to the Honourable Court's 31 paragraph, about the nine hats wanting, amounting to £5 6s 6d, the storekeeper for the future should always endorse the bill of lading and mention what was short delivered, but in this case the storekeeper, finding the box the hats came in to be entire and whole on the old side, took it by the invoice contents, but when he came to open the box, found those nine hats wanting of the account mentioned in the Honourable Court's invoice.

Secondly, concerning goods and stores received from England or East India.

25: The several articles of goods mentioned in the Council's large list, sent home last year by the St George, the Council believed were two to load two large ships, so far as they were usually laden outward bound. The Council did hope the Honourable Court would send a large old ship to be broken up at St Helena, which would have saved a great deal of freight and have been itself in all its parts, as the Council tried to make appear to the Honourable Court in its 38 paragraph of its letter by the St George, to which the Court was asked to refer. The Council should therefore add nothing further on that head now, than to assure the Honourable Court that such a ship would be of mighty advantage at St Helena.

Interpretations

The case of the nine missing hats reveals the precise rule for charging a carrier with a short delivery. Because the box came ashore entire and whole on the old side, the storekeeper first took the contents by the invoice, then found the hats short on opening, so the standing instruction for the future was to endorse the bill of lading with what was short. This is the documentary defence of the bill of lading enforcement programme pressed since the despatch by the St George of 1 December 1715, where the carrier was held answerable for what arrived short, and the rule here closes the gap of a sound box that proved deficient within.

The proposal to send out an old ship to be broken up at St Helena shows the Council seeking timber and ship's materials at the island's own want. A vessel broken up would yield the planks, fastenings and stores the island lacked, saving the freight of carrying them out separately, the same scarcity behind the standing requests for timber and naval stores run through the 1716 letters. The reference to the earlier argument by the St George of 1 December 1715 marks this as a settled proposal pressed again.

The fixing of the beef price at twenty-five shillings the hundred ties the provisioning account to a rate the Court itself set. The Council had exposed the fifth quarter beef fraud, a 25 per cent overpayment to the planters, at paragraph four of the despatch of 12 November 1714, and a fixed price closed the room for such overcharging. The wish that it always hold at that rate shows the Council seeking a stable basis for the largest standing charge in the victualling account.

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26: As to the 33 & 34 Parra: if you please to look over our Consultations of the 27 September 1715 You will See the Prices of Goods that Came in the Cardonnell and in our Consultation of the 31 July 1716, the Prices of those goods that came in the Catherine And our Consultations are Sent Home Usually by every Ship and as Duplicates with Each part Signed And the Goods and Stores Reed from India are now also Entored as you will See by Our Consultations of yr 8 & 29 May & 10 & 15 June Last 1716, wch Shall be continued

27: To the 35 par: It is with a great Deal of Reluctancy if we Say We cant do wt yr Honr have been pleased to Order as mentiond in yr Honr 35 par: by yr Rochester to us & in Ours to yr Honr by yr Susana par: the 25 for if We Sett One of yr Writers in the Storeck do it & wch take up all his time & We Shall want him there the Planters cant doe it tis for Soldiers We have too few here but what is Worse None of yr can writ a leible hand So yt when We wanted a Steward for the Fort We were Obliged to take Jno: How from yr plant: house in the Country to be Steward at the Fort non of the Garrison being able to writ a tolerable hand as aforesaid As to the Bills yr Honr were pleased to Send We have circulated abt half of them & when you think fitt should be glad to have more & with them some ten Shilling Bills as well as twenty & forty Shillings for now the people begin to like them & take them Currantly tho' We have had some difficulty to establish them in their good Opinions as yr Honr will See by Our Consst: of yr 31 Janr & 27 feb 1715/16 We have Also yr Fanams which were pleased to Send Us to the Value of One Hundred pound, these We esteem most Usefull to Us because 30 to weigh abt One Ounce goes for Seven Shillings & Six pence & We Shall never keep any Mony here that does not goe with Us for more then it is worth, We have every

26: As to the 33 and 34 paragraphs, if the Honourable Court pleased to look over the Council's consultations of the 27 September 1715, it would see the prices of goods that came in the Cardonnel, and in its consultation of the 31 July 1716 the prices of those goods that came in the Catherine. The Council's consultations were sent home usually by every ship, and duplicates with each part signed, and the goods and stores received from India were now also entered, as the Court would see by the consultations of the 8 and 29 May and the 10 and 15 June last 1716, which should be continued.

27: As to the 35 paragraph, it was with a great deal of reluctancy that the Council said it could not do what the Honourable Court had been pleased to order, as set out in the Court's 35 paragraph by the Rochester to the Council, and in the Council's letter to the Honourable Court by the Susanna, paragraph 25. For if the Council sold one of the Court's writers in the storehouse, it would take up all his time, and it should want him there, where the planters could not do it. As for soldiers, the Council had too few at St Helena, but what was worse, none of them could write a legible hand, so that when it wanted a steward for the fort, it was obliged to take John How from the Honourable Court's plantation house in the country to be steward at the fort, none of the garrison being able to write a tolerable hand, as set out before. As to the bills the Honourable Court was pleased to send, the Council had circulated about half of them, and when the Court thought fit, it should be glad to have more, and with them some ten shilling bills as well as twenty and forty shillings, since now the people began to like them and took them currently, though the Council had had some difficulty to establish them in their good opinions, as the Honourable Court would see by the Council's consultations of the 31 January and 27 February 1716. The Council had also the fanams, which were ordered to be sent to it to the value of one hundred pounds, which it esteemed most useful, because thirty of them weighed about one ounce and went for seven shillings and sixpence, and the Council should never keep any money at St Helena that did not go away for more than it was worth. The Council had every one [...]

Interpretations

The paper bills now taken currently mark the success of a money reform the Council had pressed against early resistance. The bills of ten, twenty and forty shillings were a local paper currency the Council circulated to relieve the want of coin, and the request for smaller ten shilling notes shows the system reaching down to everyday transactions. The difficulty of establishing them in the people's good opinion, recorded in the consultations of 31 January and 27 February 1716, ties this to the coin policy of the Kent of 26 January 1716, where the want of circulating money frustrated trade.

The fanams sent to the value of one hundred pounds reveal a deliberate choice of coin that would stay on the island. A fanam was a small South Indian coin, thirty weighing about an ounce and passing for seven shillings and sixpence, and the Council valued it precisely because money worth less abroad than at St Helena would not be carried off by departing ships. This is the exact principle of the coin policy pressed by the Kent of 26 January 1716, where the dollar was held at six shillings and imported money punched with a Company mark so it would have no value to a leaving captain.

The refusal to spare a writer for the storehouse reveals the shortage of literate men that crippled the island's administration. A writer sold to the planters would be lost from the stores where he was needed, and no soldier of the garrison could write a legible hand, so the Council was forced to bring John How from the country plantation to serve as steward at the fort. This labour gap sits with the garrison manpower shortage pressed by the Cardigan of 26 December 1715 and the wider want of skilled men run through the artificer recruitment thread.

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One of the Spanish bitts yett by Us, all of the Copper pice but they are not So acceptable to Our people because of their Unusual Shape & indeed unhandsomeness, We wish yr Honr would Send Us some English farthings & half pence to goe for half pence & pennys here wch would be both profitable & Usefull to Us, only We desire they may be Coined at One time (or all of One Date) to prevent any quantities being brought over privatly, We have computed all Our Stock of that nature wch is in four hundred pounds in Bills, One hundred pounds Bitts, One hundred pounds Fanams & One hundred pounds Copper pice amounting in yr whole to Seven hundred pounds but yr pay of Our Garrison in One Year amounts to about Twenty foure hundred pounds & the Ordinary & Usual expence of Labouring hands & workmen is about the Same Sum So yr unless We had Eno' either to pay either yr Garrison or Working people for One Year or to pay both for a Half a Year will not be Sufficient to Circulate amongst them all but We have made an Order that none of yr Haberdashery now come over Shall be trusted & So of divers other things except those wch yr Honr will See by Our Consult: of yr 10 July 1716, but this way yr writing work is not Lessened because all those Small Articles are entored down One way or another to those who have Credit in yr Stores

28: Yr Honr directions in yr 36 par Shall be carefully Observed & as to yr 37 par We are very glad to hear that yr Honr have had thoughts of Sending Us a bulky Ship filled with Stores & Gruff Goods to would be extreamly usefull here & is much wanted but yt We may not be too prolix in this Letter please to consider Our thoughts therein wch We have mencond at Larg in Our Letter

The Council had every one of the Spanish bits left by it, all of the copper pice, but they were not so acceptable to its people because of their unusual shape and indeed their unhandsomeness. The Council wished the Honourable Court would send it some English farthings and halfpence to go for halfpence and pennies at St Helena, which would be both profitable and useful to it, only it desired they might be coined all at one time, or all of one date, to prevent any quantities being brought over privately. The Council had computed all its stock of that nature, which was four hundred pounds in bills, one hundred pounds in bits, one hundred pounds in fanams and one hundred pounds in copper pice, amounting in the whole to seven hundred pounds. But the pay of its garrison in one year amounted to about twenty-four hundred pounds, and the ordinary and usual expense of labouring hands and workmen was about the same sum, so that unless the Council had enough either to pay the garrison or the workmen for one year, or to pay both for half a year, it would not be sufficient to circulate among them all. The Council had made an order that none of the haberdashery now come over should be trusted, and so of divers other things except those the Honourable Court would see by the Council's consultation of the 10 July 1716, but this way the writing work was not lessened, because all those small articles were entered down one way or another to those who had credit in the stores.

28: The Honourable Court's directions in its 36 paragraph should be carefully observed, and as to its 37 paragraph, the Council was very glad to hear that the Honourable Court had had thoughts of sending it a bulky ship filled with stores and gruff goods, which would be extremely useful at St Helena, and much wanted, but that the Council might not be too forward, in the present letter it asked leave to consider its thoughts on the matter, which it had mentioned at large in its letter [...]

Interpretations

The breakdown of the island's money stock exposes the structural problem of a currency too small to circulate. The whole stock of seven hundred pounds, four hundred in bills, one hundred each in bits, fanams and copper pice, fell far short of the twenty-four hundred pounds a year the garrison cost, with as much again for the labouring hands. The Council's reckoning showed it could not pay even one body for a year, which is the precise want of circulating money behind the coin policy of the Kent of 26 January 1716 and the difficulty of sustaining the public market.

The request that English coin be sent all of one date reveals a guard against private importation undercutting the currency. If the coin were dated alike, any quantity brought over privately would be detected, the same control as the punching of a Company mark on imported money in the coin policy of the Kent of 26 January 1716. The preference for English farthings and halfpence over the Spanish bits and copper pice rested on shape and acceptability, the foreign coin disliked by the people for its unusual form.

The order against trusting the haberdashery and other goods shows the Council tightening credit against the leakage that drained the London account. By refusing credit on these goods, the Council sought to limit the store debt that the private trade thread identified as the drain on the Court, pressed since the despatch of 6 July 1715. The admission that the writing work was not thereby lessened, since every small article still had to be entered to those with store credit, shows the administrative cost of running an economy on credit rather than cash.

A gruff good was a coarse or bulky commodity of low value for its size, such as iron, lead, timber or cordage, the heavy stores that filled a ship's hold. The Council welcomed a bulky ship filled with such goods because they were exactly the materials the island lacked and the proposal to break up an old ship had sought to supply, the same scarcity of stores and timber pressed through the 1716 correspondence.

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by the St George par yr 38 & 39 ☞ & Ouc 25 pae in this Letter & whon ever yr Honr Shall please to Send Us Such a ship We will take care yt every thing be Husbanded to yr best advantage

29: Our Computation of 70 Leagers of Arrack ☞ ann for yr Use of yr Island is from what We have Observed to be Vented amongst yr people by yr Severall Storehouses here but now We Shall Oblige all to buy arrack from yr Honr Storehouse & be carefull to whom We trust it We hope to make fifty doe the Number of families on this place are indad too much diminished We wish We had hovety or thirty families more We could find provisions for them if ten or twelve families were people Used to Husbandry We could help them to Land & Settle them in tolerable good plantations & if ten or twelve more were Tradesman such as Carpenters, Bricklayers Masons or Stone Cutters We Should have employ ment Eno' for them for We gave yr Honr Acco last Year by the Cardigan in yr Article of Timber in the Indent of betwen families yt wanted to build their Houses & now it amounts to 20 that have yr Same occasions So that all those trades men would be Sure not to want employm either in yr Honr affairs or by yr planters & for the Residue & remainder of that 30 familys We wish them to be Gardners & We could give to each of them in the Valley near yr Foot four Acres of good Land fitt to be Employed in Gardening & that is more then Eno' if well lookt after to take Up all their time In times past We believe the Inhabitants of yr place

The Council referred the Honourable Court to its letter by the St George, paragraphs 38 and 39, and the Court's 25 paragraph in the present letter, and whenever the Honourable Court should please to send the Council such a ship, it would take care that everything be husbanded to the Court's best advantage.

29: The Council's computation of seventy leaguers of arrack a year, for the use of the island, was from what it had observed to be vented among the people by the several storehouses at St Helena, but now it should oblige all to buy arrack from the Honourable Court's storehouse, and be careful to whom it trusted it. The Council hoped to make fifty. The number of families on St Helena was indeed too much diminished. The Council wished it had forty or thirty families more. It could find provisions for them, if ten or twelve families were people bred to husbandry. The Council could help them to land and settle them in tolerably good plantations, and if ten or twelve more were tradesmen, such as carpenters, bricklayers, masons or stone cutters, it should have employment enough for them. The Council gave the Honourable Court an account last year, by the Cardigan, in its article of timber, in the list, of fourteen families that wanted to build their houses, and now it amounted to twenty that had the same occasions, so that all those tradesmen would be sure not to want employment, either in the Honourable Court's affairs or in those of the planters. As for the residue and remainder of that thirty families, the Council wished them to be gardeners, and it could give to each of them in the valley near the fort four acres of good land, fit to be employed in gardening, and that was more than enough, if well looked after, to take up all their time. In times past the Council believed the inhabitants of St Helena did [...]

Interpretations

The plan to make all buy arrack from the Court's storehouse reveals a move to convert a private trade into a Company monopoly. The Council had reckoned the island's yearly consumption at seventy leaguers from what the several private storehouses vented, and now meant to channel that whole trade through the Court's store, careful whom it trusted with credit. This directly serves the private trade thread pressed since the despatch of 6 July 1715, where the islanders' dealing in ship's goods undercut the store, and the control of arrack sales sat at the centre of the pricing reforms.

The settlement scheme ties population recovery to defence and revenue through a deliberate mix of trades. The Council wanted thirty or forty more families, ten or twelve bred to husbandry, ten or twelve tradesmen such as carpenters, bricklayers, masons or stone cutters, and the rest gardeners given four acres each in the valley near the fort. This is the artificer recruitment programme joined to the settlement policy, pressed since paragraphs 62 to 63 of the despatch of 12 November 1714 and again by the Catherine of 4 July 1716, the families preferred so that labour would be tied to the island by land and household.

The growth from fourteen families wanting houses, recorded by the Cardigan of 26 December 1715, to twenty now shows a documented and rising demand for building trades. The Council used the figure to prove that incoming tradesmen would never want employment, either in the Court's work or the planters', the same case for skilled hands run through the artificer thread. The four acres offered to each gardener fixed a holding small enough to be worked by one family yet enough to fill its time, tying the land grant to the labour it required.

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did not Spend a quarter So much Arrack as 70 Leag but yr miserable devastation they then made by distilling Arrack from pottatoes is too Sencibly felt now by every One on yr place, their wast & destruction of Wood was So great, yt if they had not been hindred from distilling yr Island would have been entirely barren before this time for yr Mountainy parts of yr Island being Subject to hard Gusts & Squalls of Wind & Rain wherever yr Wood is cutt off Weather breaks & washes away yr Soil till the Naked Rocks appeare & all those things that Used to flarish under yr Lee of such a Shade are blasted & destroyed by yr high Winds So yt not yr mountains only but the plains & Valleys too have ben dashoyed by Cutting Up the Wood from the Upper ground please give Us Leave to make Some instance thereof (Viz) when yr Mountains at yr Upper end of this Valley were yr Fort Stands, were coverd wt Trees yr Vally it Self abounded with most Kinds of fruit Usual in Such Lattitudes So that yr Honr Garden in yr Vally (wch for 6 Years last past has been entirely barren) was then lookt upon by most people to be as feuitfull a Spot of ground as any in yr whole World Lary Groves of Orange Lemon Trees be great So close & thick as to Yield a Shade from the Sun on yr hottest days & all yr branches bending down with Fruit tbut Since the Wood was Suffered to be Cutt down & yr yr Foggs have not been defended from yr Gardens & yr Winds to rage empetuously from yr hollow yr breakings of yr mountainstopps have not been restraind by those trees wch Used to be a Shelter to this Vally all yr Fruits have been blighted & destroyed or if any few have grown they have been incrusted over with a black & unwholsome Sury as if coverd with Soot wch is occasiond by yr Foggs yt fale down yr Vally, but is Used to be kept off by yr Shade of Trees above, yr Hills & yr is now tho' too late evident to Us by an Experine made in Wr Pissells plantation, this predecessors like the rest of the good Husbands cutt down all yr Wood yt was about the

The Council continued that the inhabitants in times past did not spend a quarter so much arrack as the seventy leaguers a year, but the miserable devastation they then made by distilling arrack from potatoes was too plainly felt now by everyone on St Helena. Their waste and destruction of wood was so great that, if they had not been hindered from distilling, the island would have been entirely barren before this time. The mountainous parts of St Helena were subject to hard gusts and squalls of wind and rain, so that wherever the wood was cut off, the weather broke and washed away the soil till the naked rocks appeared, and all those things that used to flourish under the shade of each were blasted and destroyed by the high winds, if not by mountains. Only the plains and valleys too had been destroyed by cutting up the wood from the upper ground.

The Council asked leave to give an instance of it. When the mountains at the upper end of the valley where the fort stood were covered with trees, the valley itself abounded with most kinds of fruit usual in such latitudes, so that the Honourable Court's garden in the valley, which for six years past had been entirely barren, was then looked upon by most people to be as fruitful a spot of ground as any in the whole world. The large groves of orange and lemon trees grew so close and thick as to yield a shade from the sun on the hottest days, all their branches bending down with fruit. Since the wood was suffered to be cut down, and the fogs had not been defended from the gardens, and the winds rage impetuously from the hollow breakings of the mountain tops, not restrained by those trees that used to be a shelter to this valley, all the fruits had been blasted and destroyed, or, if any few had grown, they had been encrusted over with a black and unwholesome furze, as if covered with soot, which was occasioned by the fogs that fell down the valley. But this used to be kept off by the shade of trees above, and the hills, and it was now too late evident to the Council by an experiment made in Mr Powell's plantation. His predecessors, like the rest of the good husbands, cut down all the wood that was about the house [...]

Interpretations

The account links the loss of woodland directly to soil erosion and the failure of cultivation, a clear environmental diagnosis. Where the wood was cut from the mountains, the hard gusts and rain washed the soil to the naked rock, and the loss of shelter exposed the valleys to wind and fog that blasted the fruit. This explains the barrenness of the Court's garden in the valley over six years past, and ties the woodland policy to the island's value as a victualling station that depended on its gardens.

The destruction of wood by distilling arrack from potatoes reveals a private trade whose suppression carried an environmental purpose beyond the control of drink. The Council framed the ban on distilling as preventing the island from becoming entirely barren, the wood being burnt as fuel for the stills, which joins the arrack monopoly of the Court's storehouse to the preservation of the timber the fortification and building programme needed. This sits with the woodland enclosure proposed at Dead Wood and the Great Wood in the despatch of 12 November 1714.

The instance of Mr Powell's plantation serves as a documented experiment proving the link between felling and blight. By pointing to a specific holding where the predecessors had cut all the wood about the house, the Council offered the Court evidence from the field rather than mere assertion, the same method of building a case from particular observation seen in the field surveys of the fortification and water course programme.

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House because was nearest & least trouble to fetch So that yr Gentlemen yt came here in Shipping Seeing yr house Stand in So forlorn a Mannor on a Hill called it yr Stark naked, they had a Larg Lemon Garden below the House but when yr Wood was cutt away yt Used to Shelter them they left bearing Fruit & yr Trees themselves yt had been So often blighted by the Winds (those being plants that grow best when Shelterd) they Died away many of their Branches being Sinunk & Burnt Up, But when yr Law was made here for every One to plant Trees Mr Cowell also planted and filled yr Hill behind & abt his House & they haveing Since throve are become So good a Shelter as well as Ornament that he has a fine Lemon Garden now again Sprung up from yr roots of Old Trees & Some Also Trees planted & they bear plenty of good fruit & this is further evident by another plantation formerly Bowmans Now belonging to Mr Cowell where all yr Pum Wood Trees have been cutt away & there is below them a great parcel of Lemon Trees at least 600 in Number that for want of their former Shelter do now bear no fruit

30: We wish the people were not So Sottish as to overlook their Interest but as many of them were always So We find it very hard to Alter them As to the healthynep of yr place We believe yr Same thing We have alledged for yr decay of Trees has in a great measure attributed towards diseasing yr boddy too, for We have some times a pestilent Sulphdricins Air comes down yr Valleys by which divers have gott Sudden Sicknesses & particularly One Pippin Wells & Mr Galloe have lost each an Eye by Such a Sudden blast We have endeavoured to lett the people know, yr Govr having often told them So, that he will ever discourage Drunken Vice & that yr Sober & industrious people whether high or Low Shall always

The Council continued that the wood was cut about the house because it was nearest and the least trouble to fetch, so that the gentlemen who came to St Helena in shipping, seeing the house stand in so forlorn a manner on a hill, called it the stark naked, where they had a large lemon garden below the house. When the wood that used to shelter them was cut away, they left bearing fruit, and the trees themselves, that had been so often blighted by the winds, these being plants that grew best when sheltered, died away, many of their branches being shrunk and burnt up. But when the law was made at St Helena for everyone to plant trees, Mr Powell also planted and filled the hill behind and about his house, and they having since thriven, were become so good a shelter, as well as an ornament, that he had a fine lemon garden now again sprung up from the roots of old trees, and some also newly planted, and they bore plenty of good fruit. This was further evident by another plantation, formerly Bowman's, now belonging to Mr Powell, where all the gumwood trees had been cut away, and there were below them a great parcel of lemon trees, at least six hundred in number, that for want of their former shelter now bore no fruit.

30: The Council wished the people were not so foolish as to overlook their interest, but as many of them were always so, it found it very hard to alter them. As to the healthiness of St Helena, the Council believed the same thing it had alleged for the decay of trees had in a great measure contributed towards the diseasing of the body too, since it had sometimes a pestilent sulphurious air come down the valleys, by which divers had got sudden sicknesses, and particularly one Pippin Wells and Mr Gallop had lost each an eye by such a sudden blast. The Council had endeavoured to let the people know, the Governor having often told them so, that he would ever discourage drunken vice, and that the sober and industrious people, whether high or low, should always receive [...]

Interpretations

The replanting law and the recovery of Mr Powell's lemon garden reveal a deliberate reforestation policy enforced by statute. The order requiring everyone to plant trees turned the diagnosis of erosion and blight into action, and Powell's restored garden, sprung from old roots and new planting, served as the proof that shelter could be recovered. This is the practical answer to the woodland destruction set out in the preceding account, tying the planting law to the island's gardens and its value as a victualling station.

The contrast of the two Powell plantations works as a controlled demonstration of cause and effect. One hill replanted bore fruit again, while the former Bowman's, stripped of its gumwood, left six hundred lemon trees barren for want of shelter, the two cases set side by side to prove the link between cover and fruiting. The same method of building a case from particular holdings appeared in the earlier instance of felling and blight.

The claim that the loss of trees harmed the people's health as well as the soil extends the environmental argument to the body. The Council attributed sudden sicknesses, and the loss of an eye by Pippin Wells and Mr Gallop, to a pestilent sulphurous air coming down the unsheltered valleys, linking deforestation to disease. This sits with the wider mortality concern run through the despatches, where the garrison's health was a standing anxiety, and it gave the replanting policy a further justification beyond cultivation.

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receive most favour from him please to See our Consultherton of yr 7 Febr 1714/15 & 12 Sept 1715 & 5 Octr 1715 &c

31: We thank yr Honr for yr Liberty of buying Arrack at 4 ☞ gallon or under We hope it will turn to a good account, but We Shall never connive at Sottishness to encourage yr Consumption

32: What was written to yr Honr in yr 76 & 77 par by Susana was too true tho' We mencond therein but twe Warehouses or understorehouses because the there were four or five there was but two of Note yt dealt for considerable Value wch were the Parsons Wife & Mr Cowell but We hope We have cured their Selling Arrack or Brandy by Setting a Duty of twelve pence ☞ gallon upon it tho' had no good measure, restrained it already tho' notivout complaints of pretended hardships & difficulties wth no Doubt yr Honr will hear of for each of them who gott mony by Selling of Smoky liquors weakly argued it was for yr good of yr Publick, but yr Govern: is of Opinion yt tis better to allow all yr people of the Island to Sell Arrack than yr Parson (tho' tis his Wife & not he himself) but yett because she Shall not have real cause to Complain, We have layed yr Duty of 12 pma ☞ gallo upon all in General So We doubt not will be a good restriction but as to other matters We doe not at present hinder their Selling Such irregularities being best cured by degrees but it is Our Opinion that yr Island will thrive yr best when every body is kept to their proper Business So We hope in a Short time to come to

33: As to yr 41 par of yr Honr Letter yr Goods mesnd in Our 76 & 77 par were Indian Goods & the 20 peices of blew Linnen Cloth We Sent Home by yr St Geo were for a Muster to Shew the bagnos of them We thought & We Sent but One peice it might Look as if We had pickd out a bad peice & not Sould them as they rose, but when We Sond any more Such bad Samples Shall Send but One peice and we as well as We can with the rest

34: As to yr Honr Directions in yr 42 par We will take care it be Observed & yr Same to yr 43, And Shall

The Council continued that the sober and industrious people should always receive most favour from the Governor, and asked the Honourable Court to see its consultations of the 7 February 1715, the 12 September 1715 and the 5 October 1715.

31: The Council thanked the Honourable Court for the liberty of buying arrack at four shillings a gallon, or under, which it hoped would turn to a good account, but it should never connive at tippling houses to encourage the consumption.

32: What was written to the Honourable Court in the 76 and 77 paragraphs by the Susanna was too true. The Council meant by it the duty on the warehouses or understorehouses, since there were four or five, when there were but two of note that dealt for any considerable value, which were the parson's, the parson's wife's and Mr Powell's. The Council hoped it had cured their selling arrack or brandy by setting a duty of twelvepence a gallon upon it, though it had no good measure. The Council restrained it already, though, without complaints of pretended hardships and difficulties, with which no doubt the Honourable Court would hear of, for each of them who got money by selling strong liquor weakly argued it was for the good of the public. But the Governor was of opinion it was better to allow all the people of the island to sell arrack than the parson, though it was his wife and not he himself, but yet, because she should not have real cause to complain, the Council had laid the duty of twelvepence a gallon upon all in general. The Council did not doubt it would be a good restriction, but as to other matters it did not at present hinder their selling, such irregularities being best cured by degrees. But it was the Council's opinion that the island would thrive best when everybody was kept to their proper business, and it hoped in a short time to come to it.

33: As to the 41 paragraph of the Honourable Court's letter, the goods meant in the Council's 76 and 77 paragraphs were Indian goods, and the twenty pieces of blue linen cloth the Council sent home by the St George were for a sample, to show the badness of them. The Council thought, and sent but one piece, that it might look as if the rest were picked out, a bad parcel, and not took them as they rose, but when the Council sent any more such bad samples, it should send but one piece, and trust the rest. The Council did as well as it could.

34: As to the Honourable Court's directions in its 42 paragraph, the Council would take care it be observed, and the same to the 43, and should [...]

Interpretations

The twelvepence duty on arrack reveals a tax used to suppress private dealing rather than to raise revenue. By laying the duty on all sellers in general, the Council curbed the trade of the few understorehouses that dealt in strong liquor, chiefly the parson's, his wife's and Mr Powell's, without naming any one for punishment. This serves the arrack monopoly and the private trade thread pressed since the despatch of 6 July 1715, and the choice of a general duty over a targeted ban shows the Council managing a politically delicate suppression.

The handling of the parson's wife's liquor trade exposes the Council steering around the sensitivity of acting against a clergyman's household. Rather than forbid the parson alone, which would single out the church, the Council laid the duty on everyone so that his wife should have no real cause to complain, while privately holding that anyone but the parson might better sell arrack. This reveals the social constraint of governing a small community where the minister's standing made a direct prohibition awkward.

The twenty pieces of blue linen sent home as a sample of bad goods reveal the technique of returning defective stock as physical evidence. The Council sent the cloth to show the badness of the Court's consignments, and the resolve to send but one piece in future, trusting the rest, shows it guarding against the suspicion that a bad parcel had been picked out to misrepresent the whole. This follows the return of defective stock as evidence run since the despatch by the St George of 1 December 1715, where unusable blue cloth and old arms were returned as exhibits.

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be as frugal as Possible in the Generall Charges As We hope will appeare to yr Honr if you please to look over Our Consultations of yr 28 Aug 1716 & 23 Octobr foll where We have at Our Govr request brought the Genrall Table to a Sett allowance not to be Exceeded & Shall be Lessened when conveniently it may

35: The Inhabitants here do alwsays complain of the price of every thing & We believe they alwsays will do So, Yet We know well Eno' they are convinced in their Own minds they are well Used because they never buy any thing out of Ships from England So cheap & So cause what soer they barter or Exchange with One another of yr Nature they'l demand a double price for, is is when those Sorts in yr Stores are gone

36: We will take care to Observe yr Honr direction in yr 44 & 45 par & for yr future who ever calls over the List of yr Packett as it is putt up Shall Sign yt List

37: As to the 46 par tho' We think it extreamly necessary to build the Store houf at the Capt & according to yr Honr Approbation Yett We have not begun it for want of proper Workmen & good hands but We have fully repaired yr Old Store houfe wch was So bad yt We could not defer it longer & as Soon as We have Workmen & more hands We will Sett effectually abt it, When We arrivd here We paid forty pound yarm rent for houses to putt your Honr Goods in but now We have So encurged it yt We have no place & have room to Stow away more goods & We have run up these places Slightly because We intend them to Serve noe longer then till yr New Store houf is built & tho' We are Sencible Our demands was Larg mencond in Our Genll Indent by yr St George Yet We hope yr Honr will not think

The Council continued that it would be as frugal as possible in the general charges, as it hoped would appear to the Honourable Court, if it pleased to look over the Council's consultations of the 24 August 1716 and the 2 October following, where the Council had at the Governor's request brought the General Table to a set allowance, not to be exceeded, and it should be lessened whenever it conveniently might.

35: The inhabitants of St Helena always complained of the price of everything, and the Council believed they always would do so. Yet it knew well enough they were convinced in their own minds they were well used, because they never bought anything out of ships from England so cheap and good. Whatever they bartered or exchanged with one another, of whatever nature, they would demand a double price for, if it were when those sorts in the stores were gone.

36: The Council would take care to observe the Honourable Court's directions in its 44 and 45 paragraphs, and for the future, whoever called over the list of the packet, as it was put up, should sign the list.

37: As to the 46 paragraph, though the Council thought it extremely necessary to build the storehouse at the castle, according to the Honourable Court's approbation, yet it had not begun it for want of proper workmen and good hands. But it had fully repaired the old storehouse, which was so bad that it could not defer it longer, and as soon as it had workmen and more hands, it would set effectually about it. When the Council arrived at St Helena, it paid forty pounds a year farm rent for houses to put the Honourable Court's goods in, but now it had so enclosed it that it had no place and had room to stow away more goods. The Council had run up these places slightly, because it intended them to serve no longer than till the new storehouse was built, though it was sensible its demands were largely mentioned in its large list by the St George, yet it hoped the Honourable Court would not think [...]

Interpretations

The set allowance for the General Table reveals a formal cap imposed on the establishment's running costs. By bringing the table to a fixed allowance not to be exceeded, recorded in the consultations of 24 August 1716 and 2 October 1716, the Council answered the standing charge that St Helena was an expensive station, the same frugality pressed earlier in this correspondence. The General Table was the common board at which the Company's servants were fed at the Court's charge, and fixing its cost set a ceiling on a major item of the provisioning account.

The signing of the packet list by whoever checked it shows the audit trail tightened at the point of despatch. Requiring the checker to sign fixed personal responsibility for the contents of each packet, closing the gap a missing enclosure might open, the same documentary discipline run through the numbered packet manifests and the captains' receipts across the 1716 letters.

The saving of forty pounds a year in farm rent reveals the storehouse programme justified by a direct cost. The Council had paid that rent for hired houses to store the Court's goods, and by enclosing its own space it removed the charge, the practical economy set against the want of workmen that stalled the new storehouse at the castle. This ties the building programme to the artificer recruitment thread, where the lack of skilled hands held back every fortification and storehouse project.

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it to be too Larg when We have enformed You that there was Used in making Sheds abt yr Store houfe above 300 Deal Boards besides part of yr Store houfe it Self that We have new Coverd with Deals

38: Mr Bazell Sayeth he is very Sorry yr Honr Should interpret his Answer on Acct of yr Arrack Cask & Out in Govr Bouchers time to undecency & an manelynefs to yr Honr wch is both against his duty & inclination Knowing he is bound by all maner of Obligacons to have an inward respect & all thought & Outward Civil expressions always to yr Honr & for his further Apology about yr Arrack Says that as Soon as it was Sount out yr Govr being in yr Country call imediatly all yr Officers then at yr Gort to See yr truth & yr maner of yr Lakage & gave their testimonys accordingly & faith further he did desire Mr Brown to acquaint yr Govr of it, he that day going up into yr Country wch dont doubt but he ded & yr deuse of yr Leakidg a great many months before he calld him to Acct for it But he was winded to cavil & quarell with him on any Small Acct whatever & further sayth there was an Acct of yr quantity of Gallons So Leakt Out in it is mencond in yr tons of yr 4 of April 1714, he prays yr Honr to peruse

39: To yr 48 yr Wine & Europe Liquors bought by the Govr Out of yr Rochester was 8 Cheks of Wine & 4 of Beer wch holds Out abt 4 bottles a day for One Year

40: To yr 49 We can make no other Answer then to acknowledg there was a Mistake in the Inventory it was brought by yr Accomptant & Store keeper wth cal of yr Packett was made Up & therefore not Examined by yr rest of yr Councill & that it went by the Frederick was brought in the Same maner We made inquiry now abt it & find it was wholly written by One Jos: Thomlinson who told yr Govr he had forgott what he wrote but was a faired he had

The Council continued that it hoped the Honourable Court would not think its demands too large, when it had advised the Court that there was used in making sheds about the storehouse above 300 deal boards, besides part of the storehouse itself, which the Council had now covered with deals.

38: Mr Bazett was very sorry that the Honourable Court should interpret his answer on account of the arrack leaked out in Goa Bouchier's time to indecency, and inappropriately to the Honourable Court, since it was both against his duty and inclination, knowing he was bound by all manner of obligations to have an inward respect, and he thought he had used civil expressions always to the Honourable Court. For his further apology about the arrack, he said that as soon as it was found out, the Governor being in the country, called immediately all the officers then at the fort to see the truth and the manner of the leakage, and they gave their testimonies accordingly. For his further satisfaction, he did desire Mr Cronon to acquaint the Governor of it, that the very day he went up into the country he did not doubt but he advised the Governor of the leakage a great many months before he called him to account for it. But he was inclined to cavil and quarrel with him on any small account whatever, and further said there was an account of the quantity of gallons so leaked out, as it is mentioned in the tons of the 4 of April 1714, which he asked the Honourable Court to see.

39: To the 48 paragraph, the wine and Europe liquors bought by the Governor out of the Rochester were eight chests of wine and four of beer, which held out about four bottles a day for one year.

40: To the 49 paragraph, the Council could make no other answer than to acknowledge there was a mistake in the inventory. It was brought by the accountant and storekeeper, and it was brought up and therefore not examined. The packet was made up, and the rest of the Council, and that it went by the Frederick, was brought in the same manner. The Council made inquiry now about it, and found it was wholly written by one Joseph Thomlinson, who told the Governor he had forgot what he wrote, but was afraid he had [...]

Interpretations

Mr Bazett's defence over the leaked arrack reveals the Council policing its own members against the charge of disrespect to the Court. He answered an accusation that his earlier account was indecent or improperly worded, insisting he had observed the truth by calling the fort officers to witness the leakage and notifying the Governor at once. This sits with the Council acting as a court over its own, seen in the Tovey assault matter of 18 May 1716, where office gave no shield against accountability.

The dated account of the leaked arrack from April 1714 shows the documentary record reaching back to fix a quantity in dispute. By referring the Court to the gallons recorded at the time, Mr Bazett answered a present charge with a contemporary measurement rather than later assertion, the same reliance on the dated consultation entry run through the audit discipline of the 1716 correspondence.

The admission of a mistake in the inventory exposes the weakness of a record made up without examination. The Council conceded the fault, traced it to the accountant and storekeeper and to one Joseph Thomlinson who wrote it out and forgot its contents, the same failure of an unverified document seen in the uninvoiced haberdashery valued by guess. The candour in naming the clerk and tracing the error shows the Council preferring to own a fault on the record than to leave the Court with a figure it could not stand behind.

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a true Copy there of wch on Examining the Governours found yt the Acct in his fair & foul book to be 4874..16..9¼ & yr other to be 4875.. 3 ½ tt So that instead of One there must needs be three of the Accounts wrong of those Sent home before as Appears by yr Honr Letter being One of them 4467..12..9 ½ tt & yr other 4578.. 6 tt So 9 ¼ But We will take care that for yr future nothing of that mans writing Shall be So blindly put up or Sent away without due Examination & See that they & their Copys left here agree

But as Our writing both in the Secretares office & in yr Stores is greatly increased being more then four times as much as it was formerly We want hands, Mr Bazett Says he could very well dispence & find work Eno' for three men besides himself and Capt Hardell the Accomptant Says he works two more & canot perform all that Service & wthp the Books in Such a manor as is Usual amongst Merchts without more help & tho' they make a pretty good Shift at yr Secretary Office now, Yet if any of them Should be Sick We Should be wanting there also but with four more hands to assist yr Accomptant & Store keeper they Say they could Answer all your Honr Orders & Send home all expected Books & writings

41: As to yr former part of yr Honr 50 par We have made Some Answer in yr foregoing part of this Letter par yr 27 & have given Some reason why the mony we have is not Eno' to Circulate in yr place but for yr remaining part of this par We acknowledge yt yr Honr have made a right Judgmt in yr matter as to yr three great Articles of yr expence tho' Severall others may come in under yr head or Title of contingencys

The Council continued that, examining the Governor's account, it found a true copy of it. In his fair and foul book the account stood at £4,874 16s 9¼d, and the other at £4,875 3s 8½d, so that instead of one there must needs be three of the accounts wrong of those sent home before, as appeared by the Honourable Court's letter, being one of them £4,467 12s 9¼d and the other £4,578 6s [...]d. But the Council would take care that for the future nothing of that man's writing should be so blindly put up or sent away without due examination, and would see that they and their copies agreed.

The Council added that its writing, both in the secretary's office and in the stores, was greatly increased, being more than four times as much as it was formerly, so that it wanted hands. Mr Bazett said he could very well dispense with and find work enough for three men besides himself, and Captain Haswell the accountant said he wanted two more and could not perform all that service and keep the books in such a manner as was usual among merchants without more help. Though they made a pretty good shift at the secretary's office now, yet if any of them should be sick, the Council should be wanting there also. But with four more hands to assist the accountant and storekeeper, they said they could answer all the Honourable Court's orders and send home all expected books and writings.

41: As to the former part of the Honourable Court's 50 paragraph, the Council had made some answer in the foregoing part of the present letter, paragraph 27, and had given some reason why the money it had was not enough to circulate at St Helena. But for the remaining part of this paragraph, the Council acknowledged that the Honourable Court had made a right judgement in the main, as to the three great articles of its expense, though several others might come in under the head or title of contingencies [...]

Interpretations

The discrepancy between the fair and foul book figures reveals the danger of an unexamined account sent home. The Governor's two versions differed by several shillings, and comparison with the Court's letter showed three of the earlier accounts wrong, so the Council promised that nothing of that clerk's writing would in future be sent without checking the copy against the original. This continues the failure of the unverified record traced in the inventory error of Joseph Thomlinson, and the practice of agreeing a copy to its original is the basic safeguard of a financial record kept at a distance from its audit.

The plea for more clerks ties the administrative burden directly to the growth of the island's business. The writing had increased fourfold, with Mr Bazett asking for three men and Captain Haswell the accountant for two more to keep the books in the manner usual among merchants. The risk that sickness would leave the offices unmanned shows a clerical establishment stretched too thin, the same want of literate hands behind the bringing of John How from the country to serve as steward, and joined to the wider artificer and manpower shortage of the 1716 correspondence.

The three great articles of expense, acknowledged against the contingencies, reveal the Court and Council agreeing on the structure of the island's costs. The garrison pay and the labouring hands had each been reckoned at about twenty-four hundred pounds a year earlier in this letter, and the recognition that lesser charges fell under contingencies shows the financial account organised into principal heads for the Court's review, the same discipline of the structured statement run through the consultation books.

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& tho' We have been very Industrious & frugal to prevent an increase of expence Yet for Our first Year We believe it has rather exceeded than been left then the former years because at Our Arrival We found very little Stock before hand So yt We were Obliged to buy every thing We eat or Used at a Dear rate at least One third part more than the present price & in Some cases Double yr now price We were alsoe Obliged to buy in Cattle of every Kind for enlarging yr Live Stock at yr Plantation House wch is considerably increasd do if you please to compare yr Acct at Our first arrival here with the present Acct wch is as follow

8 July 1714 Neat Cattle Vizt 1 Decembr 1716

Bulls 8 July 1714: 7 1 Decembr 1716: 3

Cows 8 July 1714: 17 1 Decembr 1716: 61

Bullocks 8 July 1714: 5 1 Decembr 1716: 10

Steers 8 July 1714: 12 1 Decembr 1716: —

Yearlings 8 July 1714: 8 1 Decembr 1716: 36

Calves 8 July 1714: 2 1 Decembr 1716: 64

Total 8 July 1714: 60 1 Decembr 1716: 177

Sheep Vizt

Ewes 1 Decembr 1716: 49

Wethers 1 Decembr 1716: 34

Lambs 1 Decembr 1716: 24

Rams 1 Decembr 1716: 1

Total 8 July 1714: 3 1 Decembr 1716: 108

Goats Vizt

Ewes 1 Decembr 1716: 180

Wethers 1 Decembr 1716: 20

Ewe kidds 1 Decembr 1716: 80

Ram ditto 1 Decembr 1716: 69

Rams 1 Decembr 1716: 1

besides in this Vally 1 Decembr 1716: 400

Total 8 July 1714: None 1 Decembr 1716: 750

The Council continued that, though it had been very industrious and frugal to prevent an increase of expense, yet for its first year it believed the charge had rather exceeded than fallen below the former years. At its arrival it found very little stock beforehand, so that it was obliged to buy everything it ate or used at a dear rate, at least one third part more than the present price, and in some cases double the now price. The Council was also obliged to buy cattle of every kind for enlarging the live stock at the plantation house, which was now considerably increased, as would appear if the Honourable Court pleased to compare the account at its first arrival with the present account, which was as follows.

A comparison of the live stock followed, between 8 July 1714 and 1 December 1716.

Neat cattle:

Bulls 7, against 3

Cows 17, against 61

Bullocks 5, against 10

Steers 12, against none

Yearlings 8, against 36

Calves 2, against 64

Total 60, against 177

Sheep:

Ewes [...], against 49

Wethers [...], against 34

Lambs [...], against 24

Rams [...], against 1

Total 3, against 108

Goats:

Ewes [...], against 180

Wethers [...], against 20

Ewe kids [...], against 80

Ram ditto [...], against 69

Rams [...], against 1

Besides in this valley [...], against 400

Total none, against 750

Interpretations

The paired stock count reveals the recovery of the herds as the measure of the Council's husbandry over the period from 8 July 1714 to 1 December 1716. The neat cattle rose from 60 to 177, the sheep from 3 to 108, and the goats from nothing to 750, the figures set side by side to prove the increase to the Court. This answers the finding at the handover, recorded at paragraph four of the despatch of 12 November 1714, that the herds were reduced to nil productive stock, and ties the rebuilt live stock to the promise that a self-supplying herd would soon end the need to buy beef.

The admission that the first year's charge exceeded former years exposes the hidden cost of inheriting a depleted establishment. With little stock beforehand, the Council had to buy everything dear, at a third or double the later price, and to buy breeding cattle to rebuild the herds, so the very investment that would bring future frugality raised the present expense. This sets the apparent overspend against the long recovery shown in the stock figures, the same argument that the island would grow cheaper once its own stock and labour were secured.

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Hoggs Vizt

Sows 1 Decembr 1716: 7

Shoats 1 Decembr 1716: 15

Barrows 1 Decembr 1716: 3

Piggs 1 Decembr 1716: 24

Boars 1 Decembr 1716: 1

Total 8 July 1714: 23 1 Decembr 1716: 50

Poultry Vizt

Geese 1 Decembr 1716: 36

Turkies 1 Decembr 1716: 50

Dunghill fowls 1 Decembr 1716: 74

Ducks 1 Decembr 1716: 11

Total 8 July 1714: None 1 Decembr 1716: 171

42: To these Accts of Live Stock may be added Several other expences for enlarging of yr Honr plantats to prevent buying Yams for yr future wch for yr Number of Blacks We now have needs not to be nor yett for forty more tho' if We have the Number of Blacks We have desired in Our Several Letters (Vizt) by yr Susana Aurungzeb, Avarilla, St George, Kent & Thistleworth, We Shall then want Some Yams unless We yett improve or enlarge yr Plantations wch may be done well Eno' tho' nothing is to be done here without Charges but We can Say now wth Some Satisfaccon that yr Honr have 900.000 Yams growing in yr plantats & however 300.000 yt is fitt to digg & by yr time that those are Spent yr rest will be fitt for Use, & yett it is now 18 Months Since We bought any Yams So that yr Charges of yr present Year will be greatly Lessened & almost reduceable to those three to be Sure to

The stock count continued.

Hogs:

Sows 7

Shoats 15

Barrows 3

Pigs 24

Boars 1

Total 50, against a former 23

Poultry:

Geese 36

Turkeys 50

Dunghill fowls 74

Ducks 11

Total 171, against a former none

42: To these accounts of live stock might be added several other expenses for enlarging the Honourable Court's plantations, to prevent buying yams for the future. For the number of slaves the Council now had, it needed not to do so, nor yet for forty more, though if it had the number of slaves it had desired in its several letters, namely by the Susanna, the Aurangzeb, the Averilla, the St George, the Kent and the Thistleworth, the Council should then want some yams, unless it improved or enlarged the plantations, which might be done well enough, though nothing was to be done at St Helena without charges. But the Council could say now, with some satisfaction, that the Honourable Court had 900,000 yams growing in the plantation. Whereas 300,000 yams was filled to dig, and by the time those were spent, the rest would be fit for use. Yet it was now eighteen months since the Council bought any yams, so that the charges of the present year would be greatly lessened, and almost reducible to those three, to be sure to [...]

Interpretations

The yam reserve of 900,000 growing plants reveals a deliberate buffer built to free the island from buying provisions. With 300,000 ready to dig and the rest maturing as those were spent, the Council had staggered the crop so that supply would be continuous, and eighteen months had passed since it last bought yams. This answers the slave ration of fifty pounds of yams a week set at paragraph five of the despatch of 12 November 1714, and ties the provisioning self-sufficiency to the labour supply, since the reserve sufficed for the present slaves and forty more but not for the full number the Council had requested.

The listing of the six letters that carried the slave requests shows the Council marshalling its own record to press a standing demand. By naming the Susanna, the Aurangzeb, the Averilla, the St George, the Kent and the Thistleworth, the Council demonstrated how often and how consistently it had asked for slaves, the same labour shortage run since the request for an additional 200 at paragraph five of the despatch of 12 November 1714. The point bound the provisioning question to the labour question, since a larger force would consume the yam reserve and require the plantations enlarged.

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those four General heads because now We begin to leave off buying of Cattle too, We acknowledg We have changd Our minds as to Settlefs farthings & pice but now We have Left off doubting & considering wch would be best We crave leave to Say farthings & half pence of yr English Coin would be best of all but China pieces better then pice, We have indeed in the 6 par of Our Letter by yr Aurengzebe & in yr 44 par of Our Letter by yr St George, 8 par by yr Hanover & 10 by yr Avarilla given the best reasons We could why Dollers thould goe at Six Shillings We are convinced that it would mightily contribite to yr Advantage of this place & We hope before yr Honr Interest more than any bodys to permit their going here again at Six Shillings

43: As to yr 51 par to prevent bad Trans fons We in Our Consultations of yr 21 Decr 1714 & 27 of March 1716 Resolvd to transfer only in Consultations wch We think will effectually cure it don yr 25 of March next Shall begin that method

But as to yr good effects of any of Our Rules or Orders made in Consultations We flatter Our Selves that they will be Like good Seed that will in due time bear Fruit tho' We must own tis much easier to make good Orders than to enforce an exact Observance of them

We will only Instance yr Order We made against yr irregularities yt proceeded from every Ones takeing yr Liberty to Sell arrack wch We think We have effectually restraind by Setting a Duty of 12 pence ☞ gallon, therefore but tho' it has done a great deal of good to yr people & advantagious to yr Honr Yet it has created Us the Govr especially Several enemies But tho' We had much rather (if posible) have all the Peoples good will than Ill will, Yet We Shall content Our Selves

The Council continued that the charges would be reducible to those four general heads, because now it began to leave off buying cattle too. The Council acknowledged it had changed its mind as to pieces of eight, farthings and pice, but now, having left off doubting and considering which would be best, it asked leave to say that farthings and halfpence of the English coin would be best of all, though China pice were better than pice. The Council had indeed, in the 6 paragraph of its letter by the Aurangzeb, in the 44 paragraph of its letter by the St George, in the 8 paragraph of its letter by the Hanover, and in the 10 paragraph by the Averilla, given the best reasons it could why dollars should go at six shillings. The Council was convinced it would mightily contribute to the advantage of St Helena, and it hoped, before the Honourable Court's interest, more than anybody, to permit their going at six shillings.

43: As to the 51 paragraph, to prevent bad transfers, the Council in its consultations of the 21 December 1714 and the 27 March 1716 resolved to transfer only, in the consultation which it thought would effectually cure it, as it was done on the 25 of March. It should begin that method.

The Council added that, as to the good effects of any of its rules or orders made in consultation, it flattered itself they would be like good seed that would in due time bear fruit, though it must own it was much easier to make good orders than to enforce an exact observance of them.

The Council would only give an instance of the order it made against the irregularities that proceeded from everyone taking the liberty to sell arrack. By setting a duty of twelvepence a gallon, it thought it had effectually restrained it, but though it had done a great deal of good to the people, and was advantageous to the Honourable Court, yet it had created the Governor, especially, several enemies. Though the Council would much rather, if possible, have all the people's goodwill than their ill will, yet it should content itself with [...]

Interpretations

The coin policy on the six shilling dollar reveals a precise rate set to keep money on the island. The Council marshalled four earlier letters, by the Aurangzeb, the St George, the Hanover and the Averilla, to press that dollars pass at six shillings, the same principle pressed in the coin policy of the Kent of 26 January 1716, where a higher rate would let outward ships carry off the coin, the dollar being worth above twenty per cent more at Madras. The preference for English farthings and halfpence over the disliked foreign bits and pice completes the reform toward a small currency that would circulate and stay.

The transfer reform answers the abolished custom of absorbing private bad debt into the Company store credit. The resolutions of 21 December 1714 and 27 March 1716, to transfer only by the method begun on 25 March, continue the abolition of the transfer-of-bad-debts custom set out at paragraph three of the despatch of 12 November 1714. This was the mechanism by which private bad paper had been loaded onto the Court's account, and confining the practice closed a standing drain on the store.

The admission that the arrack duty made the Governor enemies reveals the political cost of enforcing a reform against private interest. The Council conceded that an order good for the people and the Court still bred resentment among those who profited from selling liquor, and its remark that good orders are easier made than enforced shows a candid grasp of the limit of authority. This sits with the private trade thread and the naming of the litigious planters who led every contention, the suppression of the understorehouse arrack trade falling hardest on those it named.

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that happy Resolution of dealing Honrly & Just with all men & pursueing our duty by endeavouring yr Improvement of this place without regard to Self Interest & mind designing peoples private ends knowing that whatsoever We doe We must goe thro' evil as well as good Report

Nothing Shall be wanting in Us to gett in yr Debts We can tho' We fear wt We Sayd in Our 31 par of Our Letter ☞ yr Susana to yr Honr was too true & that One third of those Debts will produce you nothing, But

We have now fully Secured Trees Debt here by Obliging him to give bond for yr Ballance our reason was as follows, He had married the Wd of One Griffitts late Secretary here whose circumstances were Such as those people called Wealthy but he has run So far thro' it that in case yt in case of his Wives Death We were enformed all that belongd to him would not half pay yr Honr Debt We have hitherto treated yt man in all other respects with too great indulgence, but Since he has been forced to pay his Debt We are informd he makes it his Study when Sober to raise & invent all kind of Calumny yt & Slanderous Lyes abt Us & We doubt not but he has troubled yr Honrs wt some of them, But as We are convinced yr Honr will give no Incouragmt to things of this Nature So we'll take care to lett him know his faults & yt We will not Suffer Our Selves to be traduced unjustly

44: The 52 par We will Answer as Soon as We can & Capt Hardell yr Accomptant has yr Govr & yr Orders to Answer yr 53 & 54 wch Shall come home to yr Honr wt speed as done

3dly touching yr Honr Servants Military or Civil, yr Accots of St Helena in General & also of Slaves, Cattle & Revenue

The Council continued that it would content itself with that happy resolution of dealing honestly and justly with all men, and pursuing its duty by endeavouring the improvement of St Helena, without regard to self-interested or ill-designing people's private ends, knowing that whatsoever it did, it must go through evil as well as good report.

Nothing should be wanting in the Council to get in what debt it could, though it feared what it had said in the 31 paragraph of its letter by the Susanna to the Honourable Court was too true, that one third of those debts would produce nothing. But the Council had now fully secured Mr Greville's debt at St Helena, by obliging him to give bond for the balance. Its reason was as follows. He had married the widow of one Griffith, late secretary at St Helena, whose circumstances were such as those people called wealthy, but he had run so far through it that, in case of his wife's death, the Council was informed all that belonged to him would not half pay the Honourable Court's debt. The Council had hitherto treated the man, in all other respects, with too great indulgence, but since he had been forced to pay his debt, it was informed he made it his study, when sober, to raise and invent all kind of calumny and slanderous lies about it, and the Council did not doubt but he had troubled the Honourable Court with some of them. But as it was convinced the Honourable Court would give no encouragement to things of this nature, it should take care to let him know his faults, and that it would not suffer itself to be traduced unjustly.

44: The Council would answer the 52 paragraph as soon as it could, and when Captain Haswell the accountant had the Governor's orders to answer the 53 and 54 paragraphs, which should come home to the Honourable Court as soon as done.

Thirdly, concerning the Honourable Court's servants, military or civil, the accounts of St Helena in general, and also of slaves, cattle and revenue.

Interpretations

The securing of Greville's debt by bond reveals the Council guarding a doubtful credit against the death of the wife whose estate underlay it. He had married the widow of the late secretary Griffith, a woman reckoned wealthy, but had so wasted the estate that his own goods would not half pay the Court if she died, so the bond fixed the obligation on him directly. This is the debt classification at work, the recoverable set apart from the desperate, the same threefold division of the £7,500 11s 4d owed to the Company set out at paragraph three of the despatch of 12 November 1714.

The reference to one third of debts producing nothing ties the present recovery to a standing assessment of bad paper. The Council had divided the island's debts into desperate, recoverable and good in the despatch of 12 November 1714, and Greville's case shows it converting a doubtful sum into a secured one before the security could vanish. The bond was the legal instrument that pinned a personal liability where an estate might fail.

The handling of Greville's slanders reveals the Council answering a traducer through the Court rather than by direct reprisal. He spread calumnies after being forced to pay, and the Council, confident the Court would give no countenance to such tales, chose to let him know his faults while defending its own name. This follows the pattern of laying complaints to known agitators, seen with Bartholomew Swartz in the despatch of 6 July 1715 and the litigious planters named earlier in this letter.

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45: To yr Honr 55 par yr Govr has according to yr Honr Orders caused to be Entred in yr Consultation Books Sometimes when proper Accounts have not been brought in nor other writings duely dispacht but Since then We think all the Secretarys business has been dispatched done & his fair Consultation Books kept Up, Mr Byfeld has been here now a considerable time he came over a Writer in yr Honr Service but on yr Death of Mr Mastborne he being a very Sober man We had occasion for his Assistance in Council & therefore admitted him We hope not to yr Honr dislike but Notwithstanding We have kept him to Copying yr Stores in yr Same manor as at first & he has all along been an Assistant to Mr Bazett, To his care We left of late the makeing Out of Such Bills of Exchange as We had occasion to draw upon yr Honr He makes Out yr Monthly Acco for yr General Table & has the charge of Cloathing the Blacks besides his ordinary business at yr Store house So that he has not been without imployment wch we think deserves yr Honr incouragment

46: As to Fred peticion agst Tho: Alexander as We enter all peticions So We entred yt but We refused his first peticion because of yr indecency of his Expressions he haveing called yt last Govr Renegado therein We afterwards found yt he had not Such cause of Complaint as he pretended for there was his writings for yr Land engrossed & ready to be Signd which Land belonged to his predecessor Danl Griffith Deceased & the writings were made Out in his Childrens name as Usual & had been engrossed in parchment a Year before Our arrival on this Island but he refused to take yt in yr names of his Wives

45: To the Honourable Court's 55 paragraph, the Governor had, according to the Court's orders, caused entries to be made in the consultation books at times when proper accounts had not been brought in, nor other writings duly despatched. But since then, the Council thought all the secretary's business had been despatched and done, and his fair consultation books kept up. Mr Byfield had been at St Helena now a considerable time. He came over as a writer in the Court's service, but on the death of Captain Mashbourne, he being a very sober man, the Council had occasion for his assistance in council, and therefore admitted him, which it hoped would not be to the Honourable Court's dislike. Notwithstanding, the Council had kept him to copying the stores in the same manner as at first, and he had all along been an assistant to Mr Bazett. To his care the Council had of late left the making out of such bills of exchange as it had occasion to draw upon the Honourable Court. He made out the monthly accounts for the General Table, and had the charge of clothing the slaves, besides his ordinary business at the storehouse, so that he had not been without employment, which the Council thought deserved the Honourable Court's encouragement.

46: As to Frederick's petition against Thomas Alexander, as the Council entered all petitions, so it entered it, but it refused his first petition because of the indecency of his expressions, he having called the late Governor a renegade in it. The Council afterwards found he had not such cause of complaint as he pretended, for there were his writings for the land engrossed and ready to be signed, which land belonged to his predecessor Daniel Griffith, deceased. The writings were made out in his children's name, as usual, and had been engrossed in parchment a year before the Council's arrival at St Helena, but he refused to take them in the names of his children [...]

Interpretations

The promotion of Mr Byfield reveals the Council filling a vacancy in its own number from the writing staff. He came as a writer, was admitted to council on the death of Captain Mashbourne for his sobriety, yet kept to copying the stores, making out the bills of exchange and the General Table accounts, and clothing the slaves. This continues his record as a young man chosen fifth in council on Mashbourne's death, named in the despatch of 6 July 1715, and shows the island drawing its administrators from the few literate men it had, the same shortage of writing hands pressed throughout this letter.

The rejection of Frederick's first petition for its indecent words reveals the Council policing the form as well as the substance of complaints. By refusing a petition that called the late Governor a renegade, the Council held petitioners to civil expression before it would receive their suit, the same standard seen in Mr Bazett's defence against the charge of indecent language to the Court. The petition was the formal instrument by which a subject brought a grievance before the Council, and its form was a condition of its hearing.

The engrossed writings in the children's names reveal a settled conveyancing practice for protecting an inheritance. The land of the deceased Daniel Griffith had been drawn up in parchment in his children's names a year before the Council arrived, the usual method of securing a family estate, and Frederick's refusal to take it so was the true matter behind a petition dressed as a grievance against Thomas Alexander. To engross was to write out a legal deed in its final fair form, and the children's names on the parchment fixed the descent of the property.

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Children & desired they Should be new drawn & Granted to him wch was yr reason of his being So Angry wth the Secretary he alledging yt One Jno: Robinson had taken a few Lots in his Own & not his Childrens names & that he ought to have yr same favour yr Robinson has had, All yt We need say of Frees is his desiring the Childrens Land in his Own name is Unjust but he is a man of a deservedly bad Character & merrets no regard to what he Sayes as to Mr Alexander he always when he is below (wch is or Should be half his time) writes in yr Secrt Office

47: We have had & duly considered yr Orders for good Governmt encourageing Industry promoting yr Selfare of yr people discountenanceing Vice Lewdness & quarels & hope We have not been wanting in Our Duties herein Notwithstanding any reflections yt have been made on yr Govr by a parcel of bad people Out of yr Eagle, wch We think We have troubled yr Honr Eno' abt in Our Letter by yr Ship Queen par 59, 60 & 66 & Reflection of any of yr Council promoting Litrandes for yr Sake of Frees We believe to be false & groundless

48: As to Gabriel Powel We desire yr Honr to look over our Cons: books of Wendsday yr 5 Octr 1715 & yr Tuesday yr 12 June 1716, & by compairing them together yr Honr will perceive he had but little cause to writ to England, but We believe & know yt many of these people when Led by their own passions or others persuasions would write against there Own father

49: As to buying Mr Frees Yams, We did Sake of him till yr Overseer of yr Blacks complained they were not good & made yr blacks Sick as yr Latter par of refuse of a Larg parce of Yams will do, But Shall Say no more of this being Loth to trouble yr Honr

The Council continued that Frederick desired the writings should be newly drawn and granted to him, which was the reason of his being so angry with the secretary, he alleging that one John Robinson had taken a new lease in his own and not his children's names, and that he ought to have the same favour Robinson had had. All the Council needed to say of Frederick was that his desiring the children's land in his own name was unjust, but he was a man of decidedly bad character, and it had no regard to what he said. As to Mr Alexander, he always wrote in the secretary's office when he was below, which he was or should be half his time.

47: The Council had received and duly considered the Honourable Court's orders for good government, encouraging industry, promoting the welfare of the people, and discountenancing idleness and quarrels, and it hoped it had not been wanting in its duties in these matters. Notwithstanding any reflections that had been made on the Governor by a parcel of the people out of the Eagle Galley, which the Council thought it had troubled the Honourable Court enough about in its letter by the ship Queen of Peace, paragraphs 59, 60 and 66, any reflection that any of the Council promoted lawsuits for the sake of fees, the Council believed to be false and groundless.

48: As to Gabriel Powell, the Council asked the Honourable Court to look over its consultation books of Wednesday the 5 October 1715 and the 12 June 1716, and by comparing them together, the Honourable Court would perceive he had but little cause to write to England. But the Council believed and knew that many of those people, when led by their own passions or others' persuasions, would write even against their own fathers.

49: As to buying Mr Frederick's yams, the Council took of him till the overseer of the slaves complained they were not good and made the slaves sick, as the latter parcel of refuse of a large parcel of yams would do. But it should say no more of this, being loth to trouble the Honourable Court [...]

Interpretations

The dispute over the lease in the children's names reveals the Council holding a settled conveyancing rule against a self-interested claim. Frederick wanted the land drawn in his own name, citing John Robinson's new lease as a precedent, but the Council judged his claim unjust, since the children's names secured the descent of the estate. This continues the engrossed parchment of the preceding paragraph, where the deceased Daniel Griffith's land had been written in the children's names a year before the Council arrived, and shows the Council resisting a precedent that would have stripped the inheritance from the heirs.

The denial that any councillor promoted lawsuits for fees answers a specific charge of corruption carried home by the Eagle Galley men. By referring the Court to its letter by the Queen of Peace, paragraphs 59, 60 and 66, the Council tied the accusation to the discredited clamour of men it had already marked as rogues, the same defence by the record run through the documentary discipline of this correspondence. The remark that such people would write even against their own fathers casts the complaints as the work of passion or persuasion rather than genuine grievance.

The yams that made the slaves sick reveal the provisioning standard set by the welfare of the labour force. The overseer's complaint that the refuse of a large parcel was unfit, and the Council's ceasing to buy on that ground, ties the purchase decision to the slave ration and its quality, the same care seen in the refusal of Mr Lee's yams in the letter by the Queen of Peace. The slaves' health was a charge on the provisioning account, since sick labour could not do the work the island required.

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So much abt Such a Sottish good for nothing fellow as Free is

50: To yr 6 par Be pleased to See Our Cons: of yr 3 of Aug 1714 & Our Genll Lett: to yr Honr ☞ Susaha par yr 66 & as We came here to improve yr Island So as to make it fitt for refreshmt of Shipping, We were to have Severall Gardners of whom no more then One came on board & yr One Dyed as Soon as We gott here Howson a Garoa intended for Govr Collett desired yt he might Stay here but was refused because We knew yr Honr intended him for Bencoolen but when Our Gardner dyed, he would not Stay with Us un yt We complied wth his terms wch Our necessity Obliged Us to doe yr Gardner of yr place being Sick of his Sickness & also Dyed So yt We were then quite destitute & to be here without a Gardiner is almost as bad as not to be here at all & in yr Streights We then were We could not do otherwise yn wt We did, but by yr Honr last Orders We have Sent him away & are now without a Gardner except a Black fellows of yr Govr & One Hueman a very ignorant thievish fellow, yr Joynd some part of his time to a Gardner in Southwark & then came here a Soldr, who we make a very Sorry Shift with, & We have Sent away Jno: Maynard yr Carpenter tho' We have not any One who knows how to repair a boat wch is a very great Inconvenience to Us, We have also Sent away Mr Jno: Blount who toke his passage on board the Kath: for Bencooln & Andras

51: As to Joseph Thomlinson how well he behaved himself when Govr Roberts gave him his Certificate, We cant tell in Our 49 par by yr St Geo We declined Speaking in his comendations on Acct of his great Degeneracy (if ever he had been good) yr Carson he bur wch yr Govr lately to give his Sont a good Character the Govr offerd him to Send what he wrote in case

The Council continued that it would say no more about such a foolish, good for nothing fellow as Frederick was.

50: To the Honourable Court's paragraph, the Court was asked to see the Council's consultation of the 3 of August 1714, and its general letter to the Honourable Court by the Susanna, paragraph 66. As the Council came to improve the island, so as to make it fit for the refreshment of shipping, it was to have several gardeners, of whom no more than one came on board, and that one died as soon as it got to St Helena. Howson, a gardener intended for Governor Collett, desired that he might stay at St Helena, but was refused, because the Council knew the Honourable Court intended him for Bencoolen. But when the Council's gardener died, he would not stay with it unless it complied with his terms, which its necessity obliged it to do, the gardener of the place being sick of its sickness and also dying so. The Council never thought quite dashtuke to be at St Helena without a gardener, which was almost as bad as not to be there at all, and in the straits it then was, it could not do otherwise than it did. But by the Honourable Court's last orders, the Council had sent Howson away, and was now without a gardener, except a black fellow of the Governor's, and one Sturman, a very ignorant, thievish, idle man, who spent some part of his time as a gardener in Southwark, and then came to St Helena as a soldier, with whom the Council made a very sorry shift. The Council had sent away Mr John Maynard the carpenter, though it had not any one who knew how to repair a boat, which was a very great inconvenience to it. It had also sent away Mr John Blunt, who took his passage on board the Catherine for Bencoolen and Madras.

51: As to Joseph Thomlinson, the Council could not tell how well he behaved himself when Governor Roberts gave him his certificate. The Council declined speaking in his commendation, on account of his great degeneracy, if ever he had been good. The parson, being asked by the Governor lately to give his son a good character, the Governor offered him to send what he wrote in the certificate [...]

Interpretations

The succession of failed gardeners reveals the island's improvement programme crippled by the loss of its skilled men. Of several gardeners intended, only one came and he died on arrival, the resident gardener fell sick and died, and Howson, meant for Bencoolen, would stay only on his own terms until the Court's order sent him away. This leaves the island with a slave of the Governor's and the worthless Sturman, the same want of skilled hands run through the artificer recruitment thread, and ties the gardening failure directly to the island's value as a victualling station for shipping.

The departure of Maynard the carpenter exposes a critical gap in the island's self-maintenance. With no one left who knew how to repair a boat, the Council named the loss a very great inconvenience, the same removal recorded with regret in the letter to Bencoolen by the Catherine of 4 July 1716, where Maynard was sent on by the Court's order. The boat repair want sits with the rebuilding of the drawbridge and the reliance on the sickly Swallow, the wooden trades stripped from the island at the moment they were most needed.

The refusal to commend Joseph Thomlinson ties back to the inventory error he had made. The Council declined to vouch for the man whose unexamined writing produced the mistaken account traced earlier in this letter, and would not speak to his character on the strength of an old certificate from Governor Roberts. This shows the Council guarding its own word, unwilling to lend a recommendation to a clerk whose work it had found unreliable.

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were true or at Jos: Thomlinson Should write of him self in case it were true but as to Our Selves We canot say he is either diligent or Faithfull but yr Govr is unwilling to have him discharged till We can be Supplyd with Some better hands because he is of Some Service to writ at yr Stores least things there Should be more backward then they are

52: These Sums of mony mencond in yr Honr 64 par have been placed to their Accounts in yr Stors & yr Honrs had due Credit for them, & now Mr Mastbornes fifty pounds is discharged

53: To yr 65 par Serg Southen has written himself to yr Honrs & when he is Out of Debt he Shall be charged yt for yr Honrs have paid his Wife for her Support wt wch more you Shall hereafter think fitt to Order

54: We are Sorry yr Artificers mencond in Our Lett: to yr Honr could not be procured We are at great Loss for want of them wch makes our little business goe on Slow & heavily As to a Surgeon We have One Jos: Du May who was Surgions Mate in yr Cardigan Capt Grainger he is a Skillfull Sober man but as We have Used to have two We wish We had So now & that One of them might be One yt has been bred an Apothecary, As to a Carpenter there are now arrived good for any thing unless yr Chief Carpenter of a Ship & those will not Stay here on Our terms We want very much for House Carpenters & for One who is Used to build Boats As for Mr Cleeve We doe all believe he was very well treated here but as for any quarrel be the Govr & him the whole Suggestion We believe to be untrue & groundless

55: The Accots We have given in Our Lists of Blacks Entred in our Cons: of yr 24 Janr 1715/6 & mencond

The Council continued that the certificate were true, or that Joseph Thomlinson should write of himself, in case it were here. But as to the Council itself, it could not say he was either diligent or faithful, but the Governor was unwilling to have him discharged till the Council could be supplied with some better hands, because he was of some service to write at the stores, since otherwise things there should be more backward than they were.

52: Those sums of money mentioned in the Honourable Court's 64 paragraph had been placed to their accounts in the stores, and the Honourable Court had due credit for them, and now Mr Mashbourne's fifty pounds was discharged.

53: To the 65 paragraph, Secretary Southern had written himself to the Honourable Court, and when he was out of debt, he should be charged the £10. The Honourable Court had paid his wife for her support, and what more it should hereafter think fit to order.

54: The Council was sorry that the artificers mentioned in its letters to the Honourable Court could not be procured. It was at a great loss for want of them, which made its little business go on slow and heavily. As to a surgeon, the Council had one, Joseph Du May, who was the surgeon's mate in the Cardigan, Captain Grainger. He was a skilful, sober man, but as the Council had used to have two, it wished it had so now, and that one of them might be one who had been bred an apothecary. As to a carpenter, there were no good for anything, now arrived, unless the chief carpenter of a ship, and those would not stay at St Helena on the Council's terms. It wanted very much a house carpenter, and one who was used to build boats. As for Mr Cleeve, the Council did all believe he was very well treated at St Helena, but as for any quarrel between the Governor and him, the whole suggestion it believed to be untrue and groundless.

55: As to the accounts the Council had given in its lists of slaves, entered in its consultation of the 24 January 1716, were mentioned [...]

Interpretations

The retention of the unsatisfactory Thomlinson reveals the Council forced to keep a poor clerk for want of any better. Unable to call him diligent or faithful, the Governor still would not discharge him until better hands arrived, since even his flawed writing kept the stores from falling further behind. This is the same constraint that kept the sickly Swallow at the carpentry and brought John How from the country to the fort, the chronic shortage of literate and skilled men forcing the Council to make do with the men it had.

The case of Joseph Du May ties the want of a second medical man to the request for an apothecary. He was a skilful and sober surgeon, formerly mate of the Cardigan, but the Council had been used to two and wished one might be bred an apothecary, the same plea pressed in the Council letter by the Nathaniel of 10 May 1716, where his likely loss was the ground for asking an apothecary. The point was to separate the dispensing of medicine from a single failing man, so the garrison would not be left without medical provision.

The defence of Cleeve's treatment answers a charge carried home of a quarrel with the Governor. The Council insisted Cleeve had been well used and the suggestion of any quarrel was untrue, the same denial of a planted grievance seen with the Eagle Galley men and Greville's slanders. Cleeve had left for Bencoolen after the Council declined to pay him as a foreman, set out earlier in this correspondence, and the Council here guarded the Governor's name against the complaint that followed his departure.

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Our Letters by yr Kent of yr 20 Janr par 6 & 3 par of the 24 feb foll: ☞ yr Thistleworth, may Serve to Shew yr great need We have of Such hands & yr Unss We would putt them to & wt Number would prevent Our hireing Blacks at 18 ☞ day & nothing but makeing them planters will do it, Such a List as that by yr Kent of yr Janr Last We Sent home, Shall goe now again, they are all of them kept Constantly to Some business or other & So Shall be according as they are capable

56: As to Mr Powells petit & wt he Aßerts abt yr Honr plantat tis not yr Honr Interest but his Own he Aims at wch may Appeare by considering yr Man, He is at present yr most Wealchy of all yr planters & reputed to be worth 5000 tt he posesses abt 300 Acres of Land in his Own or others names & has a great Stock of Cattle all of his Own getting or by marrying of Several Wives as he has lately done Howsons Wid: but So Miserable in his Living yt few of even yr poorest here, will Meanne & yr way of him & Some other planters are to go abt yr Honr Crops & plantat & See how their Stock is, & if You are likly to want Yams then they are, & if yr Honr have Eno' not to buy, then they are at a Stand or perhaps Sometimes fall & yr Same for Cattle So yt it behoves Us to keep a good Stock of every thing before hand or else it must be Dear & We believe he is rather Sorry that yr plantat are in So good Order then yt they are Out of Order, wt ever he may pretend, for he was One of those who mett Carne & yr other Planters at Our first Arrival as yr Govr was enformed by One James Greenrue another planter who Shott wt them, & we sn they came to a Resolution not to furnish yr Honr Compa wth any breeders not So much as a Laying Hen (as they expreft it,) least this New Council as they calld Us, Should gett Stock Eno' to fale the price & not be Obliged to them

The Council continued that its letters by the Kent of the 20 January, paragraph 6, and the 23 paragraph of the 24 February, both by the Thistleworth, might serve to show the great need it had of such hands. The want of them would prevent the Council hiring slaves at eighteen pence a day, and nothing but making them planters would do it. Such a list as that by the Kent of January last, sent home, should go now again. They were all of them kept constantly to some business or other, and should be employed according as they were capable.

56: As to Mr Powell's petition, and what he asserted about the Honourable Court's plantation, it was not the Court's interest but his own aims, as might appear by considering the man. He was at present the most wealthy of all the planters, and reputed to be worth 5,000, and possessed about 300 acres of his own, and in his own or others' names, and had a great stock of cattle, all of his own getting, or by marrying several wives, as he had lately done. Hookwood did so, but so miserable in his living, of few of even the poorest at St Helena, the meaner. If a way of him and some other planters were to go about the Honourable Court's principal plantation, and see how their stock was, and if the Court were likely to want yams, then they might buy, but if the Honourable Court had enough not to do so, then they were at a stand, or perhaps sometimes fell, and the same for cattle. So that it behoved the Council to keep a good stock of everything beforehand, or else it must be dear, and the Council believed he was rather sorry that the Court's plantations were in so good order than if they were out of order, whatever he might pretend. For he was one of those who met Carne and the other planters at the Council's first arrival, as the Honourable Court was informed by one James Greenare, another planter who stood with them. They came to a resolution not to furnish the Honourable Company with any breeders, not so much as a slaying ewe, as they expressed it, lest this new Council, as they called it, should get stock enough to fall the price, and not be obliged to them.

Interpretations

The portrait of Mr Powell reveals the Council exposing the self-interest behind a planter's petition to the Court. The wealthiest planter, worth 5,000 and holding about 300 acres, he was charged with serving his own aims while pretending to speak for the Court's interest, and the Council read his discontent at the good order of the Court's plantations as a wish to keep it dependent on his supply. This continues the engrossing pattern named since paragraph 48 of the despatch of 12 November 1714, where a few wealthy planters held the land and the stock that gave them leverage over the establishment.

The planters' resolution not to furnish breeders reveals an organised attempt to keep the Company dependent by withholding stock. By refusing to sell even a breeding ewe, the planters meant to stop the new Council building a herd that would free it from buying at their price, the very leverage the rebuilt live stock in this letter was meant to break. This was the combination the Council had set itself against from its arrival, recorded with the engrossing and the price control of the despatch of 12 November 1714, and it explains why the Council pressed so hard to make the island self-supplying.

The reasoning that a good stock kept beforehand was the only guard against dear prices ties the provisioning policy to the planters' market power. When the Court's plantation had enough, the planters could not force a sale, and prices held or fell, so the Council's whole husbandry served to deny them the scarcity they relied on. This is the economic mechanism behind the yam reserve and the cattle recovery set out earlier, the self-supplying establishment built precisely to escape the planters' combination.

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The Plantat are now very well lookt after every thing is a regular as in Capt Mashbornes life time, but then We Bought all Our Butter & a great Deal of Our provisions of Mr Cowell, now We have a good Stock of Our own & buy very little & hope in a Short time more to buy Nothing for yr Us of Fort or Genll Table of yr Planters no more than Yams wch We have not done of Late & as long as We can make yr Honr plantat Supply Us without buying & have Stock Eno' to comand a reasonable price at Markett for Supply of yr Honr Shipping We hope We need not mind wt Such Carpers Say, As to his Blacks We believe he has no more then 17, but all healthy working Blacks & very hard they are worked too, And as to Supplying of 3 or 4 Ships a Year it is So far true that his Stock of Cattle being near as Larg as yr Honr is, he may Supply yr Ships with as much Beef as We can doe, But as he is a great trader in Sundry goods & takes provisions of his Customers for them where he cant gett Store Credit he may for Ought We know Some time Supply more Ships

57: But it is not We think proper for Us on yr Honr behalf to do in regard to yr Cattle as Powell does he exactly follows yr Steps of Hoskison his predecessor & goes from place to place abt yr Island & Wherever he Seeson yr Wast Land a patch of good grafs he imediatly turns in So many Cattle as he thinks can live a week upon it & So keeps a Larg drove from place to place abt yr Island for Instance he went to a place called Tomstone Wood & Seeing that to be Green & frush he imediatly putt in 50 head of Cattle wch will presently destroy it all, but then he'll carry yth to some other place, for tho' he would

The Council continued that the plantations were now very well looked after, everything as regular as in Captain Mashbourne's lifetime. But then the Council bought all its butter and a great deal of its provisions of Mr Powell, whereas now it had a good stock of its own, and bought very little, and hoped in a short time to buy nothing for the use of the fort or the General Table of the planters, no more than yams, which it had not done of late. As long as the Council could make the Honourable Court's plantations supply it without buying, and have stock enough to command a reasonable price at market for the supply of the Court's shipping, it hoped it need not mind such carpers as Mr Powell. As to his slaves, the Council believed he had no more than 28, but all healthy slaves, and very hard they were worked too. As to the supplying of three or four ships a year, it was so far true that his stock of cattle, being near as large as the Honourable Court's, he might supply the ships with as much beef as the Council could. But as he was a great trader in sundry goods, and took provisions of his customers for them, where he could not get store credit, he might, for aught the Council knew, sometimes supply more ships.

57: But the Council did not think it proper, on the Honourable Court's behalf, to do as Powell did, with regard to the cattle. He exactly followed the steps of Howson his predecessor, and went from place to place about the island, and wherever the season had washed the land a patch of good grass, he immediately turned as many cattle as he thought could live a week upon it. So he kept a large drove from place to place about the island. For instance, he went to a place called Tombstone Wood, and seeing that to be green and fresh, he immediately put in 50 head of cattle, which would presently destroy it all, but then he would carry them to some other place. For though he would [...]

Interpretations

The contrast of the Court's husbandry with Powell's grazing reveals two opposed methods of managing pasture on a small island. The Council kept its stock on its own plantations in good order, while Powell drove a herd from place to place, putting fifty head on a patch of fresh grass at Tombstone Wood until it was destroyed, then moving on. This exposes the depletion of common grazing as the cost of the planters' free-ranging stock, set against the settled cultivation the Council pressed, and ties to the woodland and soil concerns run through the earlier environmental account in this letter.

The reckoning of Powell's 28 slaves, worked very hard, measures the labour behind the wealthiest planter's operation. The Council noted his stock of cattle near as large as the Court's, which let him supply ships with beef, but his trade in sundry goods and his taking provisions in payment gave him a further reach the store could not match. This is the private trade the Council sought to curb, where a planter dealt outside the store credit system, the same leakage pressed since the despatch of 6 July 1715.

The Council's refusal to graze as Powell did reveals a deliberate choice of sustainable management over short-term yield on the Court's behalf. Where Powell exhausted each patch and moved on, the Council would not strip the Court's pasture the same way, a husbandry that protected the land for the future against the planters' practice of using it up. This sits with the whole improvement programme, the long view of stock and soil set against the planters' immediate profit.

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complain of yr least injury from others he has no regard to the wrong he does Other people in thus engrossing the comonadge to himself he being a man of a Lazy but not a good Conscience

As to his Blacks tho' 7 are Young Yett all are Usefull he has no fortification to make nor no repairs & but litle fencing work in comparison to what yr Honr have he has noe Lyme kilns nor Stone Works & noe Officers & people to Maintain as yr Honr have & consequently in proportion must gett more, He always of late goes Out in fair Weather to gett Salt or fish in Such dangerous places yt most other people decline going to & where is So much exposed yt abt a month agoe being in great danger he was forced to comply wth One Wrarg than another Planter & give him about Load of Rocksalt computed to be 2200 wet to help him off, in Short for Labour & Industry for endureing hardships & living meanly & for Cruelty in exacting hard Labour both Sunday & Working days from all his Slaves under penalty of the Severest kinds of punishm: there is none Like Gabriel Powell on this Island

58: As to yr Planters who are, Wealthy engrossing the posessions of yr poorer men it most true but it helps to depopulat yr place So that We could Wish rather to have more familys come on then any to goe off that the Number of Inhabitants may be Once more as Larg as formerly, but for yr future We will take care that all those who have not their due Number of yr Kit Men to compleat yr Militia of the place Shall be restrained from making any farther purchases

59: Altho' We think no Law in yr World can be more necessary for yr good of this place than that Lately made in Govr Roberts time for planting of Wood & tho' We have in this Letter par yr 29 attributed Most of Our Miseries & present evils to yr devastations made by Cutting down the Wood, Yet Since We have been here We have not put that Law in Execution tho' We see it So greatly

The Council continued that, though Powell complained of the least injury from others, he had no regard to the wrong he did other people in thus engrossing the common range to himself, he being a man of a lazy but not a good conscience.

As to his slaves, though they were young, yet all were useful. He had no fortification to make, no repairs, and but little fencing work in comparison to what the Honourable Court had. He had no lime kilns nor stoneworks, and no officers and people to maintain as the Honourable Court had, and consequently in proportion must get more. He always of late went out in fair weather to get salt or fish in such dangerous places that most other people declined going to, and where there was so much exposed that about a month ago, being in great danger, he was forced to comply with one wreck than another. The Council gave him about [...] load of rock salt, computed to be 2,200, wet, to help him off with it. In short, for labour and industry, for enduring hardships and living meanly, and for cruelty in exacting hard labour both Sunday and working days from all his slaves, under penalty of the severest kinds of punishment, there was none like Gabriel Powell on this island.

58: As to the planters who were wealthy, engrossing the possessions of the poorer men, it was most true, but it helped to depopulate the place, so that the Council could wish, rather than have more families come over, that any to go off, that the number of inhabitants might be once more as large as formerly. But for the future, it would take care that all those who had not their due number of able-bodied men to complete the militia of the place should be restrained from making any further purchases.

59: Although the Council thought no law in the world could be more necessary for the good of St Helena than that lately made in Governor Roberts' time for planting of wood, and though the Council had in this letter, paragraph [...], attributed most of its mischiefs and present evils to the devastations made by cutting down the wood, yet since it had been at St Helena, it had not put that law in execution, though it saw it so greatly needed [...]

Interpretations

The catalogue of Powell's character reveals the Council building a documented case against the planter who had petitioned the Court. His engrossing of the common range, his harsh use of his slaves on Sunday and working days alike, and his reckless pursuit of salt and fish in dangerous places, were set out to discredit the man behind the complaint, the same method of marking an agitator seen with Bartholomew Swartz in the despatch of 6 July 1715. The note that he had no fortification, lime kilns or stoneworks to maintain answered his claim to supply ships as cheaply as the Court, since his costs were far lower.

The proposed restraint on purchases by under-armed planters reveals a militia-preservation policy enforced through landholding. By barring those who lacked their due number of able-bodied men from buying more land, the Council tied property to the obligation of defence, the same anti-engrossing remedy pressed since paragraphs 48 to 49 of the despatch of 12 November 1714, where the concentration of land in few hands left the island feebly defended. The militia was the body of armed inhabitants on whom the island's defence depended beyond the small garrison.

The admission that the replanting law had not been enforced reveals the gap between good orders and their execution. The Council held the wood-planting law of Governor Roberts' time the most necessary at the island, yet conceded it had not put it in execution despite the evident need, the same candour about the difficulty of enforcement seen with the arrack duty earlier in this letter. The reason lay in the shortage of hands that stalled every programme, the labour want that ran through the whole correspondence.

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neglected because We employ yr peoples Spare Blacks at the Works & till We Shall be Able to discharge yt & employ only Our Own Blacks at yr Works twolle be to too Sevear yt not Unjust for Us to enforce them to an Obedience of it, But We pray yr Honr to read over Our Consult of yr 1 Octr 1716, wherein it will appear what New Contracts We have Lately made with One Ind: Long & Sade to Lett Us have Yr Opinions therein

60: As to the Cultivating of Vins We Wish We had Some more for only 7 of those wch came by the Cardonnell did grow, We believe Some brought from yr Cape of Good Hope might doe We have by the care of Govr Harrison been pretty well Supplyed of Late with Seeds, of other Sorts from yr Cape of Good Hope

61: After all We wonder yt Such a Man as Mr Powell Should be So modest in his Acct of yr Honr Plantations, We thought he would have made a more formidable Story to Answer his purpose for he has given Out here that he expecks by the assistance of One Mr Richd Mead & Mr Burroughs who were wt Hoskisons, to have yr Charge of your Honr plantations here as Hoskison had & We doubt not but he'l Serve yr Honr as well as He did

Fourthly Touching Fortifications Buildings and Garrison Stores

62: As to your Honr 73 Parr: about buildings doubtless those are most Necessary that will Protect the Ships in the Road which those we have will Indifferently doe But formerly there was a platform which is Represented in most of the Common

The Council continued that the law was neglected because it employed the people's spare slaves at the works, and till it should be able to discharge them, and employ only its own slaves at the works, it would be too severe, if not unjust, to enforce on them an obedience to it. But the Honourable Court was asked to read over the Council's consultation of the 1 October 1716, where it would appear what new contracts the Council had lately made with one Indian Long and others, and the Court was asked to send its opinions on the matter.

60: As to the cultivating of vines, the Council wished it had some more, for only two of those which came by the Cardonnel did grow. It believed some brought from the Cape of Good Hope might do. The Council had, by the care of Governor Harrison, been pretty well supplied of late with seeds of other sorts from the Cape of Good Hope.

61: After all, the Council wondered that such a man as Mr Powell should be so modest in his account of the Honourable Court's plantations. It thought he would have made a more formidable story to answer his purpose, for he had given out at St Helena that he expected, by the assistance of one Mr Richard Mead and Mr Burroughs, who were the Howsons' relations, to have the charge of the Honourable Court's plantations at St Helena, as Howson had, and the Council did not doubt but he would serve the Honourable Court as well as Howson did.

Fourthly, concerning fortifications, buildings and garrison stores.

62: As to the Honourable Court's 73 paragraph about buildings, doubtless those were most necessary that would protect the ships in the road, which those the Council had would do indifferently. But formerly there was a platform which was represented in most of the common drafts [...]

Interpretations

The non-enforcement of the replanting law turns on the entanglement of the people's slaves with the Court's works. The Council employed the planters' spare slaves at its fortifications, so it could not justly compel those same planters to plant wood until it had labour of its own, the new contracts with Indian Long recorded in the consultation of 1 October 1716 marking a move toward that independence. This ties the woodland policy directly to the labour shortage and the demand for the Court's own slaves run through the whole correspondence.

The cultivation of vines and Cape seeds reveals the agricultural programme drawing on the standing collection from passing ships. Only two vines of the Cardonnel's consignment grew, and the Council looked to Cape stock as more likely to thrive, supplied of late through Governor Harrison's care, the same opportunistic gathering from homeward shipping pressed in the letters by the Catherine of 4 July 1716. Cape seed suited the dry ground better than Indian or European stock.

The exposure of Powell's design on the Court's plantations reveals the true aim behind his complaints. He had given out that he expected, with the help of the Howsons' relations Mead and Burroughs, to take charge of the Court's plantations as Howson had, so his disparagement of their good order served a bid to manage them himself. This completes the case against Powell built through the preceding paragraphs, the petition and the carping shown to spring from private ambition rather than the Court's interest.

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☞ Catherine

Drafts of the Old Fort & Valley and Called the West Battery which is now wholy Demolished and no Guns are there tho' altogether as Usefull now as formerly that Battery tis very Proper to be rebuilt and it will be no Great Charge

63: The two half Bastions at the East & West End of the Line are Alsoe very Proper & Necessary and in a Short time one of them at least must be done at the East End because we frequently fear its faling as we have Mentioned Particularly in our Consultation of the 8 August 1714 But these two half Bastions when ever they are done will be Chargeable Work

64: And the Wall of the Moat between the Halfe Moon and Sea is of Great Consequence to be repaired it haveing fallen down in two Years after it was built and has Lain So about Seven Years the Wall was about nine foot thick of Stone and Mild morter which being So near the Sea that the high Surfs go all over it when ever it is repaired that Wall ought to be twelve foot thick built Alfoe with good Lime Morter and severall Large Rocks ought to be hove in between that and the Sea to break of the Force of the Waters that beat against it and the Remaining of this which is about fourteen Rod long will be Expensive

65: We mentioned in our Letter by The Disbouverie & Heathote par: the 11 of a great Parcell of Rocks that fell down the Day that the Mary Sailed hence and Demolished one End of the Old Line and Damaged the draw bridge So that the Draw bridge (when we have a Carpenter to do it) must be new built and to Prevent Such an Accident for the future we think tis very Proper to remove it about 20 foot farther from those Rocks but this work we believe will not be very Expensive The fort at Prantses Called King Williams Fort Mentioned in our Consultation of the 19 July 1715 wants to be rebuilt and So dos the Platform below it that being a place of Consequence and the Charge will not be great

66: The platform proposed by Govern: Roberts to be Built at Ruports on the East Side of the Bay which we have

The Council continued that the platform was shown in the drafts of the old fort and valley, and called the West Battery, which was now wholly demolished, and no guns were there, though altogether as useful now as formerly. That battery was very proper to be rebuilt, and it would be no great charge.

63: The two half bastions at the east and west end of the line were also very proper and necessary, and in a short time one of them at least must be done at the east end, because the Council frequently feared its falling, as it had mentioned particularly in its consultation of the 8 August 1714. But these two half bastions, whenever they were done, would be chargeable work.

64: The wall of the moat between the half moon and the sea was of great consequence to be repaired, it having fallen down two years after it was built, and had lain so about seven years. The wall was about nine feet thick, of stone and mild mortar, which, being so near the sea, the high surges went all over it. Whenever it was repaired, that wall ought to be twelve feet thick, built also with good lime mortar, and several large rocks ought to be hove in between it and the sea, to break off the force of the waters that beat against it. The repairing of this, which was about fourteen rods long, would be expensive.

65: The Council mentioned in its letter by the Desbouverie and Heathcote the 11 of a great parcel of rocks that fell down the bay, that the Mary sailed thence and demolished one end of the old line, and damaged the drawbridge. So that the drawbridge, when the Council had a carpenter to do it, must be new built, and to prevent such an accident for the future, the Council thought it very proper to remove it about 20 feet farther from those rocks, but this work it believed would not be very expensive. The fort at Bank's, called King William's Fort, mentioned in the Council's consultation of the 19 July 1715, wanted to be rebuilt, and so did the platform below it, that being a place of consequence, and the charge would not be great.

66: The platform proposed by Governor Roberts to be built at Rupert's, on the east side of the bay, which the Council had described [...]

Interpretations

The survey of the fortifications reveals the Council distinguishing cheap and necessary works from chargeable ones for the Court's decision. The West Battery and King William's Fort were marked as proper to rebuild at little cost, while the half bastions and the moat wall were named as expensive, so the Court could weigh each against its purse. This continues the fortification programme run since the despatch of 12 November 1714, where the Council judged works by their defensive value against their charge.

The moat wall's repeated failure ties the engineering specification to the force of the sea. The wall fell two years after building and lay broken seven years, so the Council prescribed a thicker wall of twelve feet, good lime mortar in place of the weak mild mortar, and large rocks hove in to break the surges. This is the same method used for the Governor's wall at the landing place, described earlier in this correspondence, where rock was thrown against the sea to absorb the surges that destroyed lesser work.

The damage to the drawbridge from falling rock reveals the link between the want of a carpenter and the stalled fortification repairs. The drawbridge, demolished by the rockfall noted in the letter by the Desbouverie and Heathcote, could not be rebuilt until a carpenter was had, and the Council proposed to move it 20 feet from the rocks to prevent a repeat. This joins the boat repair want and the loss of Maynard pressed through the letter, the wooden trades shortage holding back the defensive works.

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☞ Catherine

Described at Large in our Letters by the Susannah par: the 70 and that by the Frederick par: the 12 ought to be Built it will be Some Charge but as we take it tis a thing of the greatest Consequence and which ought not to be defored, for a Ship without Such a Platform now the Line at Ruperts is So much Decayd and out of repair may goe into Ruperts Bay and Lye out of the Reach of any of our Guns and Land Sea men and Send to any part of the Island at pleasure without Interruption the Last French Ships that were here Named the two Crowns and Brilliard Lay there and would Scarce be Prevailed wth to Come into this Road to Lye under the Power of the Fort Guns when the Govern: Sent them word he woud fire at them if they did not Come into the Road they did weigh and came In but Sayed they Came in more for respect than fear for they knew that in that Place there was but one Gunn that would reach them and indeed if they had Warpt in a litle further they would have been out of the Reach of that Gun too

67: The Sort at Lemon Valley is now Decayd and Ruinated the Platform broke down these Six years and that being a Common Watering place for Ships all the Sailors knows our Weakness in that Ruined ffort and in Case hereafter there Should be a Warr Either that place or Ruperts is most Likely to be first Invaded as Uncapable of makeing Resistance there being now no breast Work and all the Guns Dismounted, and therefore that must Alfoe be rebuilt

68: The Small Platform at Sandy Bay must Alfoe be finnished which is just to Windward of the Island it was begun by one of the Men of Warr Capt Vollatt Comand of the King Fisher who planted two Guns there it ought to have two more and to be made a breast work which may be done there for a Small Charg

69: The New Store Houfe when we have Some Proper Workmen must be Sett about a thing alfoe of Great Use and of no more Charge than another Such Like Large Building must Necessarily be

The Council continued that it had described the platform at large in its letters by the Susanna, paragraph 70, and by the Frederick, paragraph [...]. It ought to be built, and it would be some charge, but as the Council took it, it was a thing of the greatest consequence, and one that ought not to be deferred. Without such a platform, the line at Rupert's being so much decayed and out of repair, a ship might go into Rupert's Bay and lie out of the reach of the Council's guns, and land her men, and send to any part of the island at pleasure without interruption. The last French ships that were at St Helena, namely the two Crowns and the Brilliard, lay there and would scarcely be prevailed upon to come into the road, to lie under the power of the fort guns. When the Governor sent to them, he would fire at them if they did not come into the road. They did weigh and came in, but said they came in more for respect than fear, since they knew that in that place there was but one gun that would reach them, and indeed if they had warped in a little further, they would have been out of the reach of that gun too.

67: The fort at Lemon Valley was now decayed and ruined, the platform broken down these six years, and that being a common watering place for ships, all the sailors knew its weakness in that ruined fort, and in case hereafter there should be war. Either that place or Rupert's was most likely to be first invaded, as incapable of making resistance, there being now no breastwork, and all the guns dismounted, and therefore that must also be rebuilt.

68: The small platform at Sandy Bay must also be finished, which was just to windward of the island. It was begun by one of the men of war, Captain Pollard commander of the King Fisher, who planted two guns there. It ought to have two more, and to be made a breastwork, which might be done there for a small charge.

69: The new storehouse, when the Council had some proper workmen, must be set about, a thing also of great use, and of no more charge than another such like large building must necessarily be.

Interpretations

The Rupert's Bay platform reveals the strategic weakness the whole fortification programme sought to close. Without it, an enemy ship could lie in Rupert's Bay beyond the reach of the fort's guns, land her men and move freely about the island, the very danger the Council had pressed since the French ships were directed there in the summer of 1714, recorded in the despatch of 12 November 1714. The decayed line at Rupert's left the island open at its most exposed point.

The episode of the French ships proves the gap by a recent test of the fort's reach. The two Crowns and the Brilliard, which arrived on 2 May 1716, lay where only one gun could reach them and came into the road for respect rather than fear, knowing that a little further they would have been beyond the guns entirely. This concrete demonstration gave the Court field evidence of the weakness, the same method of proving a case by particular instance run through the survey.

The forts at Lemon Valley and Sandy Bay reveal the vulnerability of the island's watering places to attack in war. Lemon Valley, a common watering place, lay ruined with its guns dismounted and known weak to every sailor, and Sandy Bay to windward needed its platform finished and a breastwork added. The Council judged these the points most likely to be first invaded, tying the repair of the defences to the island's exposure where ships came for water.

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☞ Catherine

70: Mondens point is a very good fort but there is no House for the Men to Live in noe So much as Conveniencie to Dress their Victualls which they doe at Present in the Open Aire or Sun, and there is great Need to have a House for them and for the platform where the Guns Stand to be paved

71: The Plantation House new built by Govern: Roberts is So greatly out of Repair that we fear the Roof will fall in the rain comes in to every Part and it has been often repaired to very Little Good Purpose if we had tiles we would new Roof & Fit it and by takeing off the Top make it Six or Eight foot lower tis too Slightly built for the heuist and much Exposd to the Weather which has Rotted all the Rafters and tops of the Girders be pleased to See our Consultations of the 14 & 28 August 1716, wherein the bad Condition of the Houfe may Appear plainer to yr Honr

72: There is great Need of a House to be built in yr Country that is Sufficcent to Contain 60 or 70 Blacks at Least but that will be more trouble than charge because for Such a Building We have all Materials here But are in want for people to perform that Labour

73: And these Works together with repairing the Wayes & makeing Fenced does require many hands Our Govr is always busied amongst the Workmen wch find him almost a Constant Employment unless for about 5 Weeks agoe Some ground Slipping away from under him at yr foot of yr Hill as he was Overseeing the Workmen at yr Barracks that kept him Lame for whie but has pretty well recoverd of that Lamenefs & applyes himself constantly to yr business & now We have mencond at Larg all these things We think necessary to be done be pleased to give Us leave to Say that We have been Loosing of

74: We begin first with the Plague because that is of yr greatest consequence We have now So fully

70: Munden's Point was a very good fort, but there was no house for the men to live in, nor any convenience to dress their victuals, which they did at present in the open air or sun. There was great need to have a house for them, and for the platform where the guns stood to be paved.

71: The plantation house, newly built by Governor Roberts, was so greatly out of repair that the Council feared the roof would fall in, the rain coming into every part, and it had been often repaired to very little good purpose. If the Council had tiles, it would new roof and fit it, and by taking off the top, make it six or eight feet lower, it being too slightly built for the height and much exposed to the weather, which had rotted all the rafters and tops of the girders. The Honourable Court was asked to see the Council's consultations of the 14 and 28 August 1716, where the bad condition of the house might appear plainer to the Honourable Court.

72: There was great need of a house to be built in the country, that was sufficient to contain 60 or 70 slaves, but that would be more trouble than charge, because for such a building the Council had all materials at St Helena, but was in want of people to perform that labour.

73: These works, together with repairing the ways and making fences, required many hands. The Governor was always busied among the workmen, the Council finding him almost a constant employment, except for about five weeks ago, some ground slipping away from under him at the foot of the hill as he was overseeing the workmen at the barracks, that kept him lame for a while, but he had pretty well recovered of that lameness and applied himself constantly to the business. Now that the Council had mentioned at large all those things it thought necessary to be done, the Honourable Court was asked to give it leave to say that it had been doing of them.

74: The Council began first with the place, because that was of the greatest consequence. It had now so fully [...]

Interpretations

The want of a house at Munden's Point reveals the gap between the works built and the men who manned them. A good fort stood there, but the men dressed their victuals in the open air for want of quarters, so the defence was undermined by the neglect of the garrison's basic needs. This ties the fortification programme to the manpower and health concerns run through the correspondence, where the guns alone did not make a position defensible.

The decay of the newly built plantation house exposes the cost of slight building against the island's weather. Roberts' house, too tall and lightly built, had rotted in the rain, its rafters and girders gone, and the Council proposed to lower it six or eight feet and roof it with tiles. This is the same lesson behind the call for a brick and tile maker in the despatch of 8 December 1714 and the want of durable building material, the island's exposed climate punishing every flimsy structure.

The slave house wanted for 60 or 70 reveals the labour shortage as the binding constraint on every project. The Council had all the materials at St Helena but no people to do the work, the same want that stalled the storehouse, the drawbridge and the replanting law. This is the central thread of the whole letter, that the island's improvement turned not on materials or design but on the hands to execute them, the labour demand pressed in every general head.

The Governor's accident among the workmen reveals the hands-on direction the building programme required of him. His near-constant employment overseeing the works, and the ground slipping at the barracks that left him lame, show the Governor personally driving the projects for want of skilled supervisors, the same close direction seen in his field surveys of the fortifications and water course.

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Jan: 24 (☞ Kath:)

& Substantially repaird it yt We doubt not but it will Last many Years, & We have Saved the heed Gibbett part of it against yr next repair, We have made good yr Landing place at yr Crane & the way Up to yr town wch is just a quarter of a Mile & at yr Crane We have placed 2 of yr Old Guns with yr Cavillion parts uppermost for Shoe fasts for yr Long boat that come to bring goods or to fetch Water & that place is in Such good Order now that when any goods are Landed tis much easier then formerly to bring them Up, But not haveing Timber Eno' to make good the Showns of the Crane, the Wharfe & platform for Landing Goods We have been Obleged to Use most of the Oaken Stuff Sent Over for Anchor Stocks, And the Wharfe We have made to yr Crane wch is continually exposed to the Sea or high Surfs (when there is any) We hope is So firm yt it wont easily give Way again the ground being made good about it with above 1000 Bushells of Lime Mortar

75: We have Sett up a very good Crane of Iron and Stone Work in Sandy bay to Load the Boats that fetch Lime & Cutt Stone from thence

76: The next thing We Sett about is a way into the Country wch no Doubt yr Honr have heard of We had made the path Last Year wch is mencond in Our 90 par of Our Letter to yr Honr by yr St George & Since then We have Strengthned & made good that path by a Stone Wall of 440 Yards Long & Shall finish it when We can Spare hands there being 640 Yards of it Yett to doe

77: In Our 90 par by yr St George Last Year We gave yr Honr an Acct that We had not only begun the Barracks for yr Soldiers but carried Up the Walls 5 foot high We have now gone forward with

The Council continued that it had repaired the place substantially, and did not doubt but it would last many years. The Council had saved the head, gibbet part of it, against its next repair. It had made good the landing place at the crane, and the way up to the town, which was just a quarter of a mile, and at the crane it had placed two of the Honourable Court's old guns, with the pavilion parts uppermost, for shore fasts for the longboats that came to bring goods or to fetch water. That place was in such good order now that when any goods were landed, it was much easier than formerly to bring them up. But not having timber enough to make good the shores of the crane, the wharf and the platform for landing goods, the Council had been obliged to use most of the oaken stuff sent over for anchor stocks. The wharf it had made up to the crane, which was continually exposed to the sea, or high surges when there were any, the Council hoped was so firm that it would not easily give way again, the ground being made good about it with above 1,000 bushels of lime mortar.

75: The Council had set up a very good crane of iron and stonework in Sandy Bay, to load the boats that fetched lime and cut stone from there.

76: The next thing the Council set about was the way into the country, which no doubt the Honourable Court had heard of. It had made the path last year, as mentioned in its letter to the Honourable Court by the St George, and since then it had strengthened and made good that path by a stone wall of 440 yards long, and should finish it when it could spare hands, there being 640 yards of it yet to do.

77: In the Council's 90 paragraph by the St George last year, it gave the Honourable Court an account that it had not only begun the barracks for the soldiers, but carried up the walls five feet high. The Council had now gone forward with them [...]

Interpretations

The diversion of the oaken anchor stocks to the crane and wharf reveals the timber shortage forcing the Council to spend one stock on another need. Material sent for anchor stocks was used instead to shore the landing works, because the island had no other timber, the same scarcity that stalled the drawbridge and the storehouse. This shows the Council robbing one provision to meet a more pressing one, a constant improvisation forced by the want of timber run through the correspondence.

The works at the landing place reveal a sustained engineering effort against the sea. Above 1,000 bushels of lime mortar were used to make good the ground about the wharf, two old guns set as shore fasts for the boats, and the way to town made good, all to ease the landing that the surges made so hard. This continues the Governor's wall and the moat wall described earlier, the same method of heavy masonry and rock against the force of the water, and ties to the island's value as a place where goods and water could be landed.

The stone wall along the country path and the barracks reveal the building programme advancing where hands could be spared. The path was strengthened with 440 yards of wall with 640 yet to do, and the barracks carried higher than the five feet reported by the St George, the work proceeding piecemeal as labour allowed. This is the practical face of the labour shortage, the projects moving slowly for want of hands rather than materials, the constraint named throughout the letter.

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85

Capt Wm Tucker 1716/17

them to 20 foot high but of that 20 foot 8 is within yr ground for a foundation because of yr unevennefs of the ground next to the Sea wch is much more Out of a Levell We hope yr Barracks will be all finished by that time yr Honr receive this Letter We being now ready to Lay on the Roofs they will consist of a Turners Shop, a Coopers, & two Rooms for a Smith Shop and cleaning of Arms, & an Appartment of three Rooms for each Ensign & 1 for the Sergeants a Larg Room for a Guard Chamber to contain the people when they come down & Stay all night upon Alarms, wth a Small room for confining any body yt is putt upon yr Guard & 12 Chambers or Lower Rooms for 36 of the Soldiers to Live constantly in but One of the Ensignes Appartment & 2 Soldiers rooms are not done & We intend as Soon as these are finished to make a Small Verandoo Walk before them to keep the people from the Raine or Sun When the whole is finished We will Send yr Honr a Draught of them

78: We have also very near New built yr Honr Guard house on yr 2 Gun Ridg in yr Country wch is very comodious for those who doe that duty it Stands in the Same place where the Old Guard house did wch fell down about 4 Years agoe, but this is So Strongly done that We doubt not but it will Last much Longer then the other did

79: We have made a thoro' repair to yr Honr Store house but have done it with yr Mud Morter because We hope before that decays We Shall have built the other near the Castle We have added 2 Larg Sheds to it & built a Stone Wall round it But this repair has cost Us a great many of yr deal Boards as We have mencond in yr 37 par of this Letter

Captain William Tucker, 1716/17.

The Council continued that it had carried the barracks to 20 feet high, but of that 20 feet, 8 was within the ground for a foundation, because of the unevenness of the ground next to the sea, which was much more out of a level. The Council hoped the barracks would be all finished by the time the Honourable Court received the present letter, it being now ready to lay on the roofs. The barracks would consist of a turner's shop, a cooper's, two rooms for a smith's shop and cleaning of arms, an apartment of three rooms for each ensign, one for the sergeants, a large room for a guard chamber to contain the people when they came down and stayed all night upon alarms, with a small room for confining anybody if put upon the guard, and 12 chambers or lower rooms for 36 of the soldiers to live constantly in. But one of the ensign's apartments and two soldiers' rooms were not done, and the Council intended, as soon as these were finished, to make a small veranda walk before them, to keep the people from the rain or sun. When the whole was finished, the Council would send the Honourable Court a draught of them.

78: The Council had also very near new built the guard house on the Two Gun Ridge in the country, which was very commodious for those who did that duty. It stood in the same place where the old guard house did, which fell down about four years ago, but this was so strongly done that the Council did not doubt but it would last much longer than the other did.

79: The Council had made a thorough repair to the Honourable Court's storehouse, but had done it with mud mortar, because it hoped, before that decayed, it should have built the other near the castle. The Council had added two large sheds to it, and built a stone wall round it, but this repair had cost it a great many of the deal boards it had mentioned in the 37 paragraph of the present letter.

Interpretations

The detailed plan of the barracks reveals a single building made to serve the garrison's whole working and living needs. The turner's, cooper's and smith's shops, the arms-cleaning room, the officers' and sergeants' quarters, the guard chamber for alarms, the confining room and the soldiers' chambers gathered every garrison function under one roof. The deep eight-foot foundation against the uneven ground by the sea shows the same care for durable building against the island's conditions seen in the moat wall and the plantation house, the veranda walk added to shelter the men from rain and sun.

The choice of mud mortar for the storehouse repair reveals a deliberate temporary measure pending the proper building. The Council used the weaker mortar because it expected to build the new storehouse near the castle before the repair decayed, the same provisional approach as the slightly run-up places mentioned earlier in this letter. This was a calculated economy, not to spend good lime on a structure meant to be replaced once workmen were had.

The repair consuming the deal boards ties the building programme back to the timber shortage pressed throughout. The storehouse work used a great many of the deals named at paragraph 37, the same boards wanted for coffins, church repair and the sheds, so every project drew on a stock the island could not replenish. This is the recurring constraint of the correspondence, the works competing for scarce timber as much as for scarce hands.

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86

☞ Catherine

80: And We have built a Warehouse in the Castle that holds 30 Leagers of Arrack & all yr Cordage being two rooms each 34 foot long & 14 foot Wide, We have also built three Warehouses in the Garden at yr Lower Side next yr Sea each of them 16 foot Wide & 24 foot Long to Hold Naval Stores, but these Last Warehouses are not roofed, because Our Carpenter was Sent for away wch has been a great Puzzle to Us, But hope We Shall Yet be Supplyed by yr next Store Ship, These have been the Works of the Last Year & as We can assure yr Honr We have been well employed So We doe think nothing is done but what great necessity required & have Used all imaginable Frugality & good Husbandery in what We have done

81: We have lately conveyd a Spring of Water into yr Honr Gardens at yr plantation house wch We hope will be a great improvement to the place it is mencond in Our Cons: of yr 18 day of Decr 1716, Whereto please to be referd

82: We have built the Blacks house or Kitchin for Dr Thomlinson mentions in the 84 par of this Letter & made it So comodeous that never any of his predecessors (tho' Several of yth deserved it much better then he) had an Apartmt halfe So good & We hope now he wont complain any Longer that his Church & Function is in danger as he has had yr insolence to do in a Scandalous petition recited in Our Cons: of yr 17 Septr 1716

83: As to yr building a New Church We think it would be very Proper but at yr present canot Spare hands from yr Honr other works to Sett abt it & think tis best to begin & finish yr Store houf first

84: The Govr Sent for yr Chaplain & Read him your Honr 54 par of yr Letter ☞ Cardonnell relating to him, he desired yr Govr to Shew him what was

80: The Council had built a warehouse in the castle that held 30 leaguers of arrack and all the cordage, being two rooms, each 34 feet long and 14 feet wide. It had also built three warehouses in the garden at the lower side, nearest the sea, each of them 16 feet wide and 24 feet long, to hold naval stores, but these last warehouses were not roofed, because the carpenter was sent for away, which had been a great puzzle to the Council, but it hoped it should yet be supplied by the next store ship. These had been the works of the last year, and as the Council could assure the Honourable Court, it had been well employed, so it thought nothing was done but what great necessity required, and it had used all imaginable frugality and good husbandry in what it had done.

81: The Council had lately conveyed a spring of water into the Honourable Court's gardens at the plantation house, which it hoped would be a great improvement to the place. It was mentioned in the Council's consultation of the 18 day of December 1716, to which the Court was asked to refer.

82: The Council had built the slaves' house, or kitchen, for Dr Thomlinson, mentioned in the 84 paragraph of the present letter, and made it so commodious that never any of his predecessors, though several of them deserved it much better than he, had an apartment half so good. The Council hoped now he would not complain any longer that his church and function was in danger, as he had had the insolence to do in a scandalous petition recited in the Council's consultation of the 17 September 1716.

83: As to the building of a new church, the Council thought it would be very proper, but at present it could not spare hands from the Honourable Court's other works. It thought it best to begin and finish the storehouse first.

84: The Governor sent for the chaplain and read him the Honourable Court's 54 paragraph of its letter by the Cardonnel relating to him. He desired the Governor to show him what was written [...]

Interpretations

The unroofed naval stores warehouses reveal the carpenter shortage stalling the works at their final stage. Three warehouses stood built but could not be roofed because the carpenter was sent away, the same loss of Maynard and the want of wooden trades pressed throughout, the Council calling it a great puzzle and hoping the next store ship would supply the man. This is the recurring pattern of the letter, the building programme halted not for want of walls but for want of the skilled hands to finish them.

The conveyance of a spring into the plantation gardens reveals a deliberate irrigation improvement to support cultivation. Bringing water to the gardens answered the barrenness of the dry valleys described in the environmental account earlier, and continues the water course ambitions of the Rupert's Valley scheme in the despatch of 12 November 1714, the supply of water being the standing limit on the island's gardening.

The chaplain's complaints reveal the Council answering a clergyman's grievance with material provision and the record. By building him a kitchen better than any predecessor's and citing his scandalous petition in the consultation of 17 September 1716, the Council met his claim that his church and function were in danger with evidence of generous treatment. This continues the careful handling of the parson's household seen in the arrack duty, where the Council steered around the sensitivity of acting against the church while refusing to be imposed upon.

101

87

St Cathorne about him or his fore yt Gov: shewed him the 102 hd of laſt Letter of yt [...]: he thanked yt God for his good Caracter & went away Seeming to be Satisfied but came afterwards again & told yt Gov: he had been considering on it was writt abt him & tho he had a good Charecter therein Yet he could not thank him for it because it had diſapointed him of his intentions & done him as much hurt as if the Character had not been good for he was in hopes yt Company would have allowed for his Seperate Diett which yt Letter Seemed to have Rendred, he also thinks five pounds a Year is not enō towards his house rent Wherefore We profferd him to fit Up his old Lodging for him now We have a New Guard houſe & to build him a Kitchin or Blacks houſe wch is now done behind those rooms to hold his 11 Blacks with which he pretends to be Satisfyed but if he be not [I] purpoſe hell give yo Honr further trouble for as for ye priſo- ners if he ſtays till they build him a houſe will be a long time first because they think he getts too much by yt Goods he ſels among them wch makes him better able to provide himself & house than any ⟨of them⟩ are unleſs Mr Powell

85: We are very glad to hear of yo Honrs have Re- solved to Send Us some Madagascar Blacks which will be of great Use to Us but Shall not give your Honr further trouble on this head having Spoken so largely in Our last of yt Blacks & in our Letters by yt Kent, &c when they do come wee take care to chooſe those who are fitt for yo Honrs Service & put them to yt best Use We can.

86: As to yt Shallop of Antigua wch ⟨she⟩ came here from the Cape of Good hope She is employed in trade between these two places & yt Coast of Guinea but We have never seen her Since her businesſ being to gett mony wch is not to be had here as We have more fully ⟨informed⟩

Margin Notes: A cross or plus mark stands in the left margin beside the line on providing himself and house.

The Governor showed the man paragraph 102 of the Court's general letter, where the Court had given him a good character. He thanked God for it and left seeming content. He returned soon after and told the Governor he had thought the matter over. The favourable character gave him no cause for thanks, since it had defeated his plans and harmed him as much as a poor one would have. He had hoped the Company would allow him a separate diet, and the Court's letter seemed to have closed that door. He also held £5 0s 0d a year too little toward his house rent.

The Council therefore offered to fit up his former lodging, now free since a new guard house stood ready. It also built a kitchen or slave house behind those rooms to hold his 11 slaves, and that building was now finished. He claimed to be satisfied, though he would trouble the Court again if he proved otherwise. A house of his own would be long in coming. The inhabitants thought he profited too much from the goods he sold among them, and that trade left him better able than any of them, except Mr Powell, to provide himself a house.

85: The Council was very glad that the Court had resolved to send some Madagascar slaves, which would be of great use at the island. It would not trouble the Court further on the matter, having written at length about slaves in its last letter and in those carried by the Kent. When the slaves arrived, the Council would choose those fit for the Court's service and put them to the best use it could.

86: The shallop from Antigua, which had reached St Helena from the Cape of Good Hope, traded between those two places and the Coast of Guinea. The Council had not seen her since, her business being to gather money, which could not be had at the island.

Interpretations

The Court's annual general letter carried individual assessments, or characters, of the Company's servants, and those characters governed the allowances each man might claim. A separate diet was the right to be fed apart from the general table at the Company's charge, a mark of rank as much as a material benefit. The man's complaint shows that even a favourable character could deny such a perquisite, so the Court's written judgement served as a direct control on a servant's standard of living.

The slave house raised to hold his 11 slaves, set behind the new lodging, shows a servant maintaining a substantial private holding of labour. His income came partly from selling goods among those slaves and the inhabitants, and the Council treated that trade as proof that he could fund his own house. The reasoning let the establishment refuse a building charge by pointing to the man's private profit.

The comparison with Mr Powell measured the man against the wealthiest planter on the island, Gabriel Powell, who held about 300 acres and 28 slaves at the reply to the Court's letter of 14 March 1716. Ranking him second only to Powell marked him as a figure of real means, despite his pleas of hardship.

The Madagascar slaves answered a standing shortage of labour the Council had pressed in its letter carried by the Kent of 26 January 1716, where it sought 200 more slaves for the fortifications and plantations. The promise to choose those fit for service shows the island treating each draft as a chance to improve the quality of its labour force rather than merely its numbers.

The shallop sailed because the island held no money to trade. The Council set out that want plainly in the reply of 14 March 1716, reckoning the whole island money stock at about £700 0s 0d against yearly costs many times greater. A trader seeking cash had no reason to linger where coin barely circulated.

Speculations

The Council answered the man's grievance with buildings rather than money. Fitting up a vacant lodging and a slave house cost the establishment little, since the guard house had just been freed and the slave house was already raised. The choice met his complaint over rent while withholding the separate diet and the larger allowance he had wanted.

The refusal to build him a house turned his own trade against him. By treating his profit from selling goods among the slaves as evidence that he could provide for himself, the Council shifted a charge it wished to avoid onto the man's private income, and used the inhabitants' resentment of that profit to justify the delay.

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88

St Catherine Sundry- informed yo Honrs in Our 69 & 70 hd of our laſt Letter by yt Queen

87: But as to yt Trade to India there is One now opened between the Cape of Good Hope & Madagascar & the whole coast of Ethiopia, & they keep Ships constantly on that Trade & with Indian Goods do so fully Supply Several other West India Veſsells who came there, So that We thinke none in their right Sences would come here for Goods (tho it were poſsible to have them) When they can be so Effectually Supplyd by the Dutch at the Cape of Good Hope.

88: Mr Edw: Byfeld of fifth in Council here having Served his contracted time within leſs then a Month has desired Liberty to goe for England in this Ship which We have Granted His behaviour here deserves our comendations & wherever he goes We hope your Honrs will find him Worthy of your favour

89: We have made Up his Acct in the Stores and there is due to him in yo Honrs books of Accounts the Sume of Eighty two Pounds four Shillings & two pence half penny for wch We have drawn three Bills on yo Honrs dated yt 12 day of Jany 1716/17

90: And We have drawn three Bills more for Mr Gabriel Powel for fifty pounds for Capt Tolson dated yt same day

91: And three Bills for Mrs Mary Mashboune for yt Sum of Sixteen pounds & ten Shillings dated as above mentioned. We are Honrble Srs

St Helena Union Castle yt 12: Jany 1716/17

Yr Honrs Most humble & faithfull Servts Isaac Pyke Geo: Harwell Matth: Bazett An[...]as Tovey Edw: Byfeld

The Council had set out the island's want of ready money more fully in paragraphs 69 and 70 of its last letter, carried by the Queen of Peace.

87: As to the trade to India, a new trade had now opened between the Cape of Good Hope, Madagascar and the whole coast of Ethiopia. Ships were kept constantly on that route, and with Indian goods they fully supplied several West India vessels that called there. The Council therefore thought no one in his right mind would come to St Helena for goods, even if the island could hold them, when the Dutch could supply them so completely at the Cape of Good Hope.

88: Mr Edward Byfield, fifth in Council, had served his contracted time within less than a month, and had asked leave to go to England in the Catherine, which the Council granted. His conduct on the island deserved the Council's commendation. Wherever he went, the Council hoped the Court would find him worthy of its favour.

89: The Council had made up his account in the stores, and the Court's books showed £82 4s 2½d due to him. For that sum it had drawn three bills on the Court, dated 12 January 1717.

90: The Council had also drawn three further bills for Mr Gabriel Powell, for £50 0s 0d on behalf of Captain Tolson, dated the same day.

91: It had drawn three more bills for Mrs Mary Mashbourne, for £16 10s 0d, dated as above. The Council subscribed itself the Court's most humble and faithful servants.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 12 January 1717, and signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett, Antipas Tovey and Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The three bills drawn for each payment were a single bill of exchange written out in triplicate, the first, second and third of exchange, sent home by separate ships so that the loss of one copy at sea did not destroy the claim. Payment of any one part cancelled the others. This was the Council's standard means of remitting money to England without shipping coin.

The new trade run from the Cape of Good Hope to Madagascar and the East African coast let the Dutch supply West India shipping with Indian goods on the spot. That competition stripped St Helena of any value as a place to buy goods, since a ship could be fully stocked at the Cape without the longer haul. The Council read the change as a direct threat to the island's commercial standing.

Mr Gabriel Powell, the wealthiest planter on the island with about 300 acres and 28 slaves at the reply to the Court's letter of 14 March 1716, was the party for whom the bills covering Captain Tolson's £50 0s 0d were drawn. A captain without recognised credit at the island used Powell as the local name in which the bills ran, which marks Powell as a private banker as much as a landholder.

Speculations

Captain Tolson's reliance on Powell to raise his £50 0s 0d suggests the captain lacked standing credit at the island. The sum therefore passed through the one planter whose wealth made his name good for it, the bill resting on Powell's local solvency rather than the captain's own.

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St Catherine Capt Tucker

P.S. We have also drawn three other Bills being the Balla of Capt Wm Tucker & Ship Katharines Acct for the Sum of Seventeen pounds four [...] Shill & eleven pence due to him for Several Stores & neceſsaries &c Spared Us here, wch Bills bear date yt 13th day of Jany 1716/17

Union Castle. We are Honble yo Honrs yt 13: Jany 1716/17

Most humble & faithfull Servts Isaac Pyke Geo: Harwell Matth: Bazett Antipas Tovey Edw: Byfeld

I except yt 19 paph being I know nothing of what is Alledged agst Mr Mellow & Mr Tomlinſon, as for Gabriel Powel I know nothing of him except yt Petition wrote to yt Honble Compa Matt Bazett (Signd)

(Signd)

List of the Packett by yt Kath: Capt Wm Tucker comr

1: Copy of Govr & Coun Genll to yt Ship Queen Capt John Martin Comand Dated yt 12th & 18th August 1716

2: Duplicates of Conſultacons from yt 12 June 1716 to the 8 August following Incluſive

3: Coppy of Conſultacons from the 14 Aug 1716 to yt 18 Decemr follo: 185 Pages in two Stitcht Parcells

4: Coppy of Conſultacons of the 3 Jany 1716

5: Indent of Stores Wanted for St Helena

6: List of Sallary

7: List of the Hon Comp Blacks their Ages & Employmt

8: Recd for yt Small Cask Kept Jno Martin comr of yt Queen

9: Recd for yt Large Cask: ditto

10: Ship Catherines Acct in yt Stores

11: List of yt Cargo

The Council had also drawn three other bills, being the balance of the account of Captain William Tucker and the Catherine, for £17 4s 11d due to him for several stores and necessaries supplied to the island. The bills bore the date 12 January 1717.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 13 January 1717, and subscribed by the Council as the Court's most humble and faithful servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett, Antipas Tovey and Edward Byfield.

Matthew Bazett added an exception to paragraph 19. He knew nothing of the matter alleged against Mr Swallow and Mr Robinson, except as set out by Mr Gabriel Powell, and he knew nothing of the petition addressed to the Honourable Company.

List of the packet carried by the Catherine, Captain William Tucker commander:

1: Copy of the general letter from the Governor and Council by the ship Queen [of Peace], Captain John Martin commander, dated 12 and 18 August 1716.

2: Duplicates of the consultations from 12 June 1716 to 8 August following, inclusive.

3: Copy of the consultations from 14 August 1716 to 18 December following, being 185 pages in two stitched parcels.

4: Copy of the consultations of 3 January 1717.

5: Indent of stores wanted for St Helena.

6: List of salaries.

7: List of the Honourable Company's slaves, with their ages and employment.

8: Receipt for the small packet from Captain Martin, carried off by the Queen [of Peace].

9: Receipt for the large packet of the same.

10: Account of the ship Catherine in the stores.

11: List of the cargo.

Interpretations

Captain Tucker's balance of £17 4s 11d covered stores and necessaries supplied to him at the island rather than freight or wages, so the bills settled the Catherine's own provisioning account. Drawing the sum on the Court turned a local supply to a ship into a charge carried home in paper, the want of coin again making a bill the only means of payment.

Matthew Bazett's recorded exception to paragraph 19 set down his dissent on the consultation record, distancing himself from the charge against Mr Swallow and Mr Robinson, which rested only on Gabriel Powell's word. Naming Powell as his sole source shifted responsibility for the allegation onto a single planter, and protected Bazett from any later challenge to a matter he had not himself witnessed. The dissent shows a Council member using the formal record to limit his liability for a collective act, since Swallow and Robinson stood among the litigious inhabitants the Council had marked as the directors of every contention in its reply to the Court's letter of 14 March 1716.

The packet list set out the homeward correspondence sent by the Catherine, the duplicate of the general letter carried by the Queen of Peace of 12 and 18 August 1716 sailing by a second ship as insurance against loss. The two stitched parcels of 185 pages of consultations, the stores indent, the salary list and the slave roll with ages and employment together formed the annual return by which the Court kept its account of the island's government, finance and labour.

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90

Honble Srs Cardonnell

1: The foregoing being a Coppy of Our Letter Sent by the Catherine We only add thereto by way of Postſcript the news We hear from India and some very few Occurrences of this place

2: We are informd that Governr Harriſon intended to leave Madrass in the Middle of June which is now past, that he would goe home in the King George and tis ſayed the Prince Frederick with the [...] Dartmouth wood Saile at the Same time and Some think the Grantham Capt Collett

3: The Succeſs from Coast Mallabarr may be Expected this Season And Capt Gilbert in the British Merchant was at Cape Bon Eſperance wch the Sarah Galley Came from thence Mr Fide the Supra Cargoe is living

4: The Sarah Galley from Madagascar had been at the Cape of Good Hope, She brought us Ten very good Slaves able & Willing to work and such as those We greatly want, She had 370 more for Bona: Adoes She arrived here the 31 Janry and Sailed hence the 6th Febry last

5: There was likely to be a Mutiny in this Road among her men but the Governr had timely Notice of it, and he prevented its Com- ing to a head by sending Some of Your Honrs Soldiers on b[...] but before the Ship Sailed hence every body was quieted and they went away (as we think) well Contented

6: The Ships by which there Came are the Cardonnell Capt Mawson and the Arrabella Capt Hinton both from Madrass but the last toucht at yt Cape

7: We are in daily Expectation of a ship from Bencoolen Either the Stretcheſter or Borneo but have heard nothing of Either of them more then is Men- tioned in the foregoing Letter

8: Besides the Ostend Ships formerly Mentioned We hear there are now aboard two English Interlopers one in India and another Trading at Madagascar

9: The ship Cardonnell has received Damage in her voyage as We think because the Capt has washed Some Limon at Lemon Valley We cannot Say what because he Refuses to let us know any of the Particulars but that We impute to his Youth & unexperience, else we think he might have been glad of our aſsistance

This letter was carried by the Cardonnell, addressed to the Honourable Court.

1: The foregoing was a copy of the letter sent by the Catherine. The Council added to it by way of postscript the news it had from India and a few occurrences at the island.

2: The Council had learned that Governor Harrison intended to leave Madras in the middle of June, which was now past, and that he would go home in the King George. The Prince Frederick and the Dartmouth were said to sail at the same time, and some thought the Grantham, Captain Collett commander, would do likewise.

3: The shipping from the coast of Malabar might be expected this season. Captain Gilbert in the British Merchant was at Cape Bon Esperance, where the Sarah Galley came from, and Mr Fyde the supercargo of the Sarah Galley was living.

4: The Sarah Galley from Madagascar had been at the Cape of Good Hope. She brought 10 very good slaves, able and willing to work, and such as the island greatly wanted. She had 370 more for Bombay. She arrived at St Helena on 31 January and sailed again on 6 February following.

5: A mutiny was likely in the road among her men, but the Governor had timely notice of it and prevented its coming to a head by sending some of the Court's soldiers on board before the ship sailed. Once everybody was quieted, the soldiers went away, as the Council thought, well contented.

6: The ships by which this news came were the Cardonnell, Captain Mawson commander, and the Annabella, Captain Hinton commander, both from Madras, the last having touched at the Cape.

7: The Council was in daily expectation of a ship from Bencoolen, either the Rochester or the Borneo, but had heard nothing of either of them, more than was mentioned in the foregoing letter.

8: Besides the Ostend ships already mentioned, the Council heard there were now abroad two English interlopers, one in India and another trading at Madagascar.

9: The ship Cardonnell had taken damage on her voyage, as the Council thought, because the captain had touched at Lemon Valley. The Council could not say more, since he refused to let it know any of the particulars, but it set the matter down to his youth and inexperience. Otherwise the Council thought he might have been glad of its assistance.

Interpretations

The Sarah Galley, carrying 10 slaves landed at the island and 370 more bound for Bombay, was a slaving voyage running from Madagascar to western India by way of the Cape, with St Helena taking only a small share of the cargo. The Council valued the 10 it received because the draft answered the standing shortage of labour it had pressed for in its letter by the Kent of 26 January 1716, where it sought 200 more slaves. The Madagascar trade was the island's nearest source of bound labour.

The risk of mutiny in the road, headed off by putting soldiers aboard before the Sarah Galley sailed, shows the practice of using the garrison to police the discipline of visiting ships while they lay at anchor. The threat lay in the proximity of a disaffected crew to the shore and to other shipping, so the soldiers held the men in order until the vessel was safely away.

The two English interlopers, one in India and one trading at Madagascar, set beside the Ostend ships marked the competition pressing on the Company's monopoly from rival and unlicensed traders. The Council had already been refused a clear rule for treating such shipping, choosing in its reply to the Court's letter of 14 March 1716 the more cautious course of refusing them aid where no instruction governed.

Governor Harrison's homeward passage in the King George, with the Prince Frederick, the Dartmouth and perhaps the Grantham sailing in company, reflects the convoy practice by which the season's returning Indiamen kept together for safety. A retiring governor of Madras travelled with the fleet rather than alone.

Speculations

The Council blamed the damage to the Cardonnell on the captain's call at Lemon Valley, yet could learn no particulars because he would not disclose them. His silence, set against his youth and inexperience, suggests he feared the Council would fault his seamanship, so he kept the matter to himself rather than accept the help that might have exposed his error.

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10: We could not Swell this Postſcript to too great a length and therefore for the Particulars of this place We pray your Honors to be referrd to our Conſultacons wherein your Honr will find We hope as much of Our Litle Affaires as is Worthy your Notice

11: We are in great want of Pitch and Tarr for the Ships and also the Gunn Carriages which have not been tarrd over now two Years

12: And we are in as great need of a Houſe Carpenter, and three or four [...] But having Mentioned this fully in the 5 & 6 hd Parr of the foregoing Letter We forbear giveing your Honr farther trouble about it

13: We have now a very good Season of Rain on the Iſland which makes us hope to find a fruitfull year

14: We hear from the Cape of Good hope bad news but have Good hopes it is not true because one halfe of our Advices from thence is groundleſs When Say that an English Ship was lost in the Streights of Sundy the Skipper who reported this did not know the Ship nor the Captains Name But ſayed it was a [...] Commander the Ship and Goods was all lost but the Ships Company and all the Treaſure was Saved and are gone to Batavia

15: Herewith comes Mr John Blounts Second Bill of Exchange Drawn payable to Your Honr for the Sume of £25 19s 4d upon John Blount

Union Castle St Helena Febry the 15: 1716/17

[...] Carrabella C [...]

Wee are Honble Srs Yor Honr most faithfull and Obedient Servants J: Pyke Geo: Harwell Matt: Bazett Antip: Tovey

16: For the reasons Mentioned in our Conſultation of the 19 Inſtant We did not Send any Letters by the Cardonnell as was Deſigned But have sent all Materiall Papers by the Arrabella

17: The British Merchant Arrived here the 18 Febry 1716 from the Cape of Good hope and will Sail hence in about Eight or Ten Days Mr Byfeld is Paſsenger on board that Ship

10: The Council could not draw this postscript out to too great a length. For the particulars of the island, therefore, it asked the Court to refer to the consultations, where the Court would find, the Council hoped, as much of the island's affairs as was worthy of its notice.

11: The island was in great want of pitch and tar for the ships, and also for the gun carriages, which had not been tarred for over two years.

12: The island was in as great need of a house carpenter, and three or four good tradesmen. Having mentioned this fully in paragraphs 56 and 57 of the foregoing letter, the Council would not trouble the Court further about it.

13: There had now been a very good season of rain on the island, which gave the Council hope of a fruitful year.

14: Bad news had come from the Cape of Good Hope, but the Council had good hopes it was not true, because one half of its advices from there proved groundless. The report said an English ship was lost in the Straits of Sunda, yet the man who reported it did not know the ship nor the captain's name. If the loss were true, the ship and goods were lost, but the ship's company and all the treasure were saved and had gone to Batavia.

15: Mr John Blount's second bill of exchange came with this letter, drawn payable to the Court for £25 19s 0d upon John Blount.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 15 February 1717, and subscribed by the Council as the Court's most faithful and obedient servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Antipas Tovey. It was carried by the Annabella and the Cardonnell.

16: For the reasons set out in the consultation of the 14th of this month, the Council did not send any letters by the Cardonnell, as had been intended, but sent all the material papers by the Annabella.

17: The British Merchant arrived at the island on 18 February 1717 from the Cape of Good Hope, and would sail again in about eight or ten days. Mr Thelfield was a passenger on board that ship.

Interpretations

The gun carriages left untarred for over two years tied the want of pitch and tar directly to the decay of the island's defences, the Council having earlier ordered them untarred for scarcity and reported them washed white and rotting in its letters by the Catherine of 4 July 1716. Pitch and tar preserved both ships and ordnance, so the lack reached beyond shipping into the fitness of the fortifications. The Council pressed the want repeatedly because the convoy ships had once brought all naval stores out as a matter of course.

The want of a house carpenter and three or four good tradesmen marked the island's continuing failure to recruit skilled labour, a thread the Council had set out at length in paragraphs 56 and 57 of its main letter. Building and maintenance depended on craftsmen the island could not supply from its own people, and the existing tradesmen, judged poor workmen in earlier reports, left the establishment short of competent hands.

Mr John Blount's second bill of exchange for £25 19s 0d was the second part of a bill drawn in triplicate, the first having gone by an earlier conveyance, so that the loss of one copy at sea would not destroy the claim. Payment of any one part cancelled the rest. Sending the parts by separate ships was the Council's standard guard against the loss of a remittance.

The lost English ship in the Straits of Sunda, reported with neither vessel nor captain named, shows how unverified maritime news reached the island and was weighed against experience. The Council discounted the report because half its advices from the Cape proved false, yet recorded the saving of the crew and treasure as the material point for the Court.

Speculations

The Council split its homeward despatch between two ships, sending the material papers by the Annabella and none by the Cardonnell, for reasons reserved to the consultation of 14 February 1717. The earlier doubt over the Cardonnell's young captain, who had damaged his ship and refused to explain himself, suggests the Council judged the Annabella the safer carrier and would not risk the year's papers on a vessel it distrusted.

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18: We have drawn the following Bills of Exchange which deſire may be Accepted

19: To Capt: Christophr Hinton ([...]) three Bills of Exchange for the Sume of One hundred fifty four pounds Eleven Shillings & four pence Sterling, dated the 22 Febry 1716/17 He having Sold us two Leagers of Arrack on your Honr Acco: and also Diſpoſed of Severall Blacks here

20: To Mr Richard Caddell chief mate of the Arrabella three Bills for the Sume of twenty pounds Sterl

21: To Mr Alexander Short three Bills for the Sume of thirty pounds Eighteen Shill & five pence both dated as above And

22: To Mr Abraham Mediano a Jew on board the Cardonnell three Bills for the Sume of Nine pounds Six Shillings dated the 16th Day of Febry 1716/17

Wee are Honble Srs Yor Honrs most humble & Faithfull Servants Isaac Pyke Geo: Harwell Matt: Bazett Antip: Tovey

Union Castle St Helena Febry the 23: 1716/17

List of the packett of Arrabella Capt Christophr Hinton Comr Febry 23 1716/17

Copy of Governr & Couny Generall of the Catherine dated yt 12 & 13 of Janry 1716/17 with a Postſcript added thereto dated the 15 day of Febry 1716/17 Sent apart

1: Duplicate of Conſultacons from the 14 Augt 1716 to yt 18 Decemr following Incluſive Stitcht in two Parcells & Contd 177 fol:

2: Duplicate of Conſulta of the 3 Janry 1716

3: Copy of Conſultacons from the 9 Janry Incluſive to yt 27 Febry Excluſive following

4: List of Sallary

Margin Notes:

NB stands in the left margin beside the first duplicate of consultations.

18: The Council had drawn the following bills of exchange, which it asked might be accepted.

19: To Captain Christopher Hinton of the Cardonnell, three bills of exchange for £154 11s 4d sterling, dated 22 February 1717. He had sold the island two leaguers of arrack on the Court's account, and had also disposed of several slaves at the island.

20: To Mr Richard Caddell, chief mate of the Annabella, three bills for £20 0s 0d sterling.

21: To Mr Alexander Short, three bills for £30 18s 5d, both dated as above.

22: To Mr Abraham Mediano, a Jew on board the Cardonnell, three bills for £9 6s 0d, dated 19 February 1717.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 23 February 1717, and subscribed by the Council as the Court's most humble and faithful servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Antipas Tovey.

List of the packet by the Annabella, Captain Christopher Hinton commander, 23 February 1717:

1: Copy of the general letter from the Governor and Council by the Catherine, dated 12 and 13 January 1717, with the postscript added to it, dated 15 February 1717, sent apart.

2: Duplicate of the consultations from 14 August 1716 to 18 December following, inclusive, stitched in two parcels, being 177 pages.

3: Duplicate of the consultations of 3 January 1717.

4: Copy of the consultations from 9 January to 27 February following, inclusive.

5: List of salaries.

Interpretations

The £154 11s 4d drawn for Captain Hinton settled his sale to the island of two leaguers of arrack on the Court's account, together with the slaves he disposed of there. Arrack bought on the Court's account, rather than for private sale, brought the spirit under the Council's pricing control, the leakage of cheap drink into private hands being the trade its reforms sought to stop. A leaguer was a large cask of about 150 gallons, the standard measure in which arrack reached the island from the East.

Mr Abraham Mediano, named as a Jew aboard the Cardonnell, drew bills for £9 6s 0d like the other passengers, the note of his religion marking his standing as a private trader within the Company's shipping rather than a servant of the Court. Jewish merchants held a recognised place in the East India trade as dealers in diamonds and other goods, and his small remittance ran home by the same instrument the Council used for its officers.

The bills drawn for Captain Hinton, his chief mate Caddell and the passengers Short and Mediano show the Council settling the whole company of a single ship through paper at one date. Each sum, from £154 11s 4d down to £9 6s 0d, was remitted on the Court rather than paid in coin, the island's want of specie making a bill the only practical means of discharge.

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5: Copy of Governr & Councills Letter from Fort St George dated the 9 Octor 1717

6: Copy of Genell from Fort William dated the 13 Septemr 1716

7: Mr John Blounts 2 Bill of Exch: for £25 19s 4d dated the 4 July 1716

8: Capt Tuckers Recd for the Large Packett

9: Capt Tuckers Recd for the Small Packt

10: Copy of Part of a Conſulta of the 19 Feb 1716/17

11: Ship Cardonnells Acco

12: Ship Arrabella Acco

13: Capt Hin[..]ons Acco

14: List of the Packt

Memorandm That the Indent of Stores wanted for St Helena and List of Blacks with their Severall ages & Employmt are Entered in Conſultacon of the 4 Janry 1716/17

Copy of Postſcript added to the foregoing Letter

Honble Srs The foregoing Letter being a Duplicate of what We Sent home by the Catherine Capt Tucker Comand to prevent the trouble of [...]

5: Copy of the letter from the Governor and Council of Fort St George, dated 9 October 1717.

6: Copy of the general letter from Fort William, dated 13 September 1716.

7: Mr John Blount's second bill of exchange for £25 19s 0d, dated 4 July 1716.

8: Captain Tucker's receipt for the large packet.

9: Captain Tucker's receipt for the small packet.

10: Copy of part of a consultation of 19 February 1717.

11: Account of the ship Cardonnell in the stores.

12: Account of the ship Annabella in the stores.

13: Captain Hinton's account.

14: List of the packet.

A memorandum noted that the indent of stores wanted for St Helena, and the list of slaves with their several ages and employment, were entered in the consultation of 9 January 1717.

This was a copy of the postscript added to the foregoing letter, addressed to the Honourable Court.

The foregoing letter was a duplicate of the one sent by the Catherine, Captain Tucker commander, to prevent the trouble of [...].

Interpretations

The packet list closed the homeward return by the Annabella with the accounts of both ships in the stores, Captain Hinton's personal account and copies of the letters from Fort St George and Fort William. The two presidencies' letters travelled home through St Helena because the island sat on the return route, the Council forwarding the Indian correspondence to the Court as a matter of course. Fort St George was the Company's settlement at Madras and Fort William its settlement at Bengal.

The duplicate of the whole letter and packet, sent by the Annabella to repeat what the Catherine carried, shows the standing practice of dividing the year's correspondence between two ships. A second copy by a separate vessel guarded against the loss of the despatch at sea, the same insurance the Council applied to its bills of exchange.

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Copy of Postſcript added to the foregoing Letter of British Mercht

Honble Srs The foregoing Letter being a Duplicate of what We Sent home by the Catherine Capt Tucker Comand to prevent the trouble of Sending the whole new again We deſire yo Honrs to Excuſe The Severall Postſcripts that We have ſayd to the End thereof they being matters of Small Conſequence Wch they give Account of Some Ships

The present Letter Comes by the British Merchant whoſe Arrivall here on yt 18 February was mentioned by the Arrabella She went from Moch[..] on the [...] of [...] and Sailed for Callicutt Cochean &c on the Coast of Mallabarr and is to Cape Bone Eſperance and this place they have Continued here 19 days, Since which time the Ship Drake wth a Ketch yt Tended on her, Arrived here on the 26 February from Madagascar with twelve Negroe Slaves on your Honr Account, The Capt has Deſired Leave to Sell Severall Slaves here which We have Allowed him, and the Planters have bought divers at an Outcry, all the Particulars thereof Shall be Mentioned in Our Conſultations to prevent this Letter Inlarging We have no other Advices that are So Materiall as to be Worthy yo Honr knowledge Unleſs that We have bought a Small quantity of Arrack &c for your Honr Acco For which We have Drawn Bills of Exchange for the Sume of £34 4s 4d Payable to Mr Willm Jordan or his Order which We pray you'l pleaſe to Accept

Wee are Honble Srs Yor Faithfull & Obedient Humble Servants Jr Pyke Geo: Harwell Matt: Bazett Antip: Tovey

Union Castle St Helena Mrch the 7 1717

List of the Packtt of Ship British Mercht Capt Thomas Gilbert Comdr Mrch yt 7 1717

Genll Letr wth Postſcript [..] fol:

Duplicate of Conſult: from yt [...] Jany to yt [...] Feb [..] fol:

fol: of a Conſult of 19 Janry 1716/17

Ship British Merchant Acco

Capt Gilberts Acco

Mr William Jordans Acco

List of yt Packett

This was a copy of the postscript added to the foregoing letter, carried by the British Merchant and addressed to the Honourable Court.

The foregoing letter was a duplicate of what the Council had sent home by the Catherine, Captain Tucker commander, to spare the trouble of writing the whole again. The Council asked the Court to excuse the several postscripts added to the end of it, since they dealt with matters of small consequence and gave an account of some ships.

The present letter came by the British Merchant, whose arrival on 18 February had been mentioned by the Annabella. She went from Mocha on the [...] of [...] and sailed for Calicut, Cochin and other places on the coast of Malabar, and then to Cape Bon Esperance and the island. She had now stayed at St Helena 19 days. Since her arrival, the ship Drake, with a ketch that tended on her, had come in on the 26th of February from Madagascar on the Court's account. The captain had asked leave to sell several slaves at the island, which the Council allowed him, and the planters had bought a number at an outcry. The particulars would all be set out in the consultations, to keep this letter from growing longer.

The Council had no other news worth the Court's notice, except that it had bought a small quantity of arrack on the Court's account. For that it had drawn bills of exchange for £34 4s 4d, payable to Mr William Jordan or his order, which it asked the Court to accept.

The postscript was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 9 March 1717, and subscribed by the Council as the Court's most faithful, obedient and humble servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Antipas Tovey.

List of the packet by the ship British Merchant, Captain Thomas Gilbert commander, 9 March 1717:

1: General letter, with the postscripts, dated 12 and 13 January 1717.

2: Duplicate of the consultations from 9 January 1717 to 6 March following, stitched in two parcels.

3: Copy of a consultation of 19 March 1717.

4: Account of the ship British Merchant in the stores.

5: Captain Gilbert's account.

6: Mr William Jordan's account.

7: List of the packet.

Interpretations

The arrack bought on the Court's account, for which the Council drew £34 4s 4d to Mr William Jordan, kept the spirit under the Council's pricing control rather than letting it pass into private hands. Buying drink on the Court's account was the standing means by which the Council fought the leakage of cheap arrack to the inhabitants, the trade its pricing reforms aimed to stop.

The Drake and the ketch that tended on her came from Madagascar on the Court's account, and the captain sold his slaves to the planters at an outcry with the Council's leave. An outcry was a public auction, the open sale at which the island's planters competed for the draft of bound labour. The Madagascar slaving voyages were the island's nearest supply of the workers it constantly lacked.

The duplicate letter sent by the British Merchant, repeating what the Catherine and the Annabella had already carried, shows the Council sending the year's despatch home by three separate ships. Each copy by a fresh vessel guarded against the loss of the whole at sea, the same precaution the Council took with its bills of exchange.

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Honble Srs of Drake Capt Wm Mackett

1: Altho before your Honrs receipt of this tis likely you'l have received some Acco hereof by your own Returning Ships, Yet because We have drawn Bills on your Honr payable to Capt William Mackett for Eight hundred Sixty nine Pounds Eighteen Shillings & Eight pence We Send this by him to inform you of the Occaſion & Particulars Capt Mackett Arrived here on the 28 of February Last in forty days from Madagascar and Delivered Eleven able and serviceable Blacks vizt Eight men and three Women, and alive aboard for your Honr [...]

2: The planters live as We have already informed yo Honr were in want of Blacks and many of them Applyed to us to Furniſh them, We thought they would be more Equally Servd by an Auction or Publick Sale and therefore have deſired Capt William Mackett to Supply them in that Manner who did So and at the Out Cry Sold fifty five Slaves [...] Women and Children who in an Averidge amounted to about 21£ 6s [...] apeice they have transferd Credit on this Occaſion from one to another and We have Supplyed them with Some of your Honr Stores as Mentioned at large in this acco from which there remained due to him on that Balance the Sume of Eight hundred Sixty nine Pounds Eighteen Shillings and Eight pence above Mentioned

3: We have alſoe recd Seven Good Slaves vizt five men and two women out of the Mornay Sloop which arrived here on yt 1 of this Inſt March in forty three days from Madagascar, they will alſo Sail hence this Day together

4: We have Alſoe Exchanged four of your Honrs Guinea Slaves for four others who We hope will prove more Uſefull and Shall take Care to Keep them all So proper Imploymt, and doubt not We Shall this way greatly Leſsen our yearly Expence

5: There Arrived on Friday the 6 Inſt the Salvator Mundi a Danish ship from Tryncombar but laſt from the Cape She lay there Six weeks to Stop Some Leaks, and She yet proves So bad that we are Doubtfull whether She will be able to Reach Denmark or not tho She Should goe thro the Channell they Pump Continually with one Pump in this Road and tis likely two Pumps will not be ſo at Sea Eſpecially if they meet with bad weather

6: We Shall not by this Ship give yo Honr any farther Trouble intending to write more Particularly by your own Returning Ships

We are Honble Srs Yo Honr most Humble & Faithfull Servants Jr Pyke Geo: Harwell Matt: Bazett

Union Castle St Helena the 18 March 1717

This letter was carried by the Drake, Captain William Mackett commander, addressed to the Honourable Court.

1: Before the Court received this, it was likely it would have had some account of the matter by its own returning ships. The Council wrote nonetheless, because it had drawn bills on the Court for £819 18s 8d to Captain William Mackett. The letter told the Court of the occasion and particulars. Captain Mackett arrived at the island on 28 February last, forty days from Madagascar, and delivered 11 able and serviceable slaves on the Court's account, eight men and three women, and one boy.

2: The planters lived, as the Council had already reported, in want of slaves, and many of them applied to it to furnish them. The Council thought it best they should be supplied equally by an auction or public sale, and so asked Captain Mackett to supply them in that manner, which he did. At the outcry he sold 45 slaves, men, women and children. Those came in an average to about £21 0s 0d apiece. The planters had transferred credit on this occasion from one to another, and the Council had supplied them with some of the Court's stores. From all of this there remained due to Captain Mackett the £819 18s 8d already mentioned.

3: The Council had also received seven good slaves, namely five men and two women, out of the Mary. That ship arrived at the island on the 6th of this present March, in forty-three days from Madagascar. She would sail again this day.

4: The Council had also exchanged four of the Court's Guinea slaves for four others, which it thought would prove more useful, and it would take care to keep them all to proper employment. This exchange, the Council had no doubt, would in that way greatly lessen the yearly expense.

5: The Salvator Mundi, a Danish ship from Tranquebar but last from the Cape, arrived on Friday the 8th. She lay there six weeks to stop some leaks, and still got worse, so that the Council doubted whether she would be able to reach Denmark. Though she meant to go by way of the English Channel, she still leaked continually with one pump in the road. Two pumps would likely not keep her free at sea, especially if she met with bad weather.

6: The Council would not trouble the Court further by this ship, intending to write more fully by the Court's own returning ships.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 18 March 1717, and subscribed by the Council as the Court's most humble and faithful servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell and Matthew Bazett.

Interpretations

The 45 slaves sold by Captain Mackett at public outcry, averaging about £21 0s 0d each, were distributed among the planters by open auction rather than private allotment so that no buyer was favoured over another. The planters settled the purchases partly by transferring credit among themselves and partly against the Court's stores, the want of coin again forcing payment through paper and exchange rather than cash. The £819 18s 8d remaining due to Mackett was carried home as bills on the Court.

The arrivals of the Drake, the Mary and earlier the Sarah Galley and the Drake with her ketch show a steady run of Madagascar slaving voyages touching at the island within weeks of each other. Each landed a small draft on the Court's account, answering the labour shortage the Council had pressed for in its letter by the Kent of 26 January 1716, where it sought 200 more slaves. Madagascar was the island's nearest and most regular source of bound labour.

The exchange of four of the Court's Guinea slaves for four others judged more useful shows the Council managing its labour force by quality as well as number. Guinea slaves, brought from the West African coast, were set against the Madagascar drafts, the Council swapping those it valued less to cut the yearly cost of maintaining the establishment.

Speculations

The Council asked Mackett to sell to the planters by open outcry rather than parcel the slaves out itself, which spread the scarce supply across many buyers and let the price find its own level. Selling at auction also kept the Council clear of any charge of favouring one planter over another, a real risk given the litigious inhabitants it had marked as the directors of every contention in its reply to the Court's letter of 14 March 1716.

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Letter to the Cape of Good Hope

Gentlemen We being in want of Some things at St Helena wch I ſuppoſe may without much trouble be brought from the Cape of Goode Hope to us Cauſes me to uſe this freedom to Acquaint you with thoſe wants and Hope you'l take the Same in good Part and Oblige us with a Supply of Such of them as you think fitt not doubting but that by the Aſsistance of Severall of the returning Ships We may in time be furniſhd with the whole

Thoſe things we most deſire at Preſent are as follows

1: 2 Strong Horſes and 3 Mares

2: 6 Oſtridges 3 of Each kind

3: 4 Peacocks & Hens, or 6

4: 2 Hives of Bees

5: Garden Seeds of all the uſuall Sorts

6: Plants & Trees of any kind that will grow in dry Ground

7: Slips of vines, one tub full

Theſe Seven Articles, Gentlemen, I know Cannot come in any two or three Ships becauſe of the trouble and Alſoe the Room they'l take up but I hope notwithstanding that each of you will bring Something of theſe kinds above mentioned for the Improvemt of St Helena and for the good of future Ships and it is that motive only wch Encourages me to hope you'l undertake this trouble We are very willing to pay 100 pCt for what you bring of theſe Seven Articles that Shall Arive here well and in good Order, beſides Endeavouring an amends in what we can offer yo Extraordinary Care and trouble

We could wiſh we had here some of the Cape Singing Birds, as well Hens as Cocks or any other matter not before mentioned that you think may be of uſe to us but Eſpecially some Deer of any kind and some ſilk worms

If you bring us wheat it will find a markett at this Place

Gentlemen Deſire your Excuſe for this Letter and hope you'l think favourably of so much forwardneſs in him that will not be wanting to Serve any of you Ayording to the Utmost of his power I am Gentlemen Your Frend & Servt Jno: Pyke

St Helena March yt 18 Dom 1717

This was a letter to the Cape of Good Hope, addressed to the gentlemen there.

The Governor was in want of some things at St Helena that, he supposed, might be brought from the Cape of Good Hope without much trouble. He therefore took the liberty of acquainting them with those wants, and hoped they would take it in good part and oblige him with a supply of such of them as they thought fit. He did not doubt that, with the help of several returning ships, the island might in time be furnished with the whole.

The things most wanted at present were as follows:

1: Two strong horses and three mares.

2: Ostriches, three of each kind.

3: Peacocks and hens, four or six.

4: Two hives of bees.

5: Garden seeds of all the usual sorts.

6: Plants and trees of any kind that would grow in dry ground.

7: Slips of vines, one tub full.

These seven articles, the Governor knew, could not come in any one or two or three ships, because of the trouble and also the room they would take up. He hoped, nonetheless, that each ship would bring something of the kinds named, for the benefit of St Helena and the good of future ships. That hope alone encouraged him to ask them to undertake the trouble. The Governor was very willing to pay 100 per cent for whatever they brought of these seven articles that arrived in good order, towards making amends for the trouble and extraordinary care.

The Governor also wished for some of the Cape's singing birds, as well hens as cocks, or any other thing not already named that they thought might be of use. He especially wanted some deer of any kind, and some silk worms. If they brought wheat, it would find a market at the island.

The Governor asked the gentlemen to excuse the letter, and hoped they would think favourably of his forwardness. He professed himself ready to serve any of them to the utmost of his power.

The letter was dated at St Helena, 18 March 1717, and signed by Isaac Pyke.

Interpretations

The Governor's offer to pay 100 per cent for whatever arrived in good order set a deliberate premium to draw the Cape's ships into carrying living stock and plants to the island. Doubling the price covered the room the cargo took up and the care it needed alive, and turned a favour into a paying trade for the captains who undertook it. The premium was the means of overcoming the trouble that would otherwise have kept such goods off the ships.

The list of horses, mares, ostriches, peacocks, bees, deer, silk worms, vines, garden seeds and dry-ground plants set out a programme to stock and improve the island from the Cape, the nearest source of breeding animals and growing things. The request for plants and trees that would grow in dry ground answered the loss of shelter and the barren valleys the Council had described in its reply to the Court's letter of 14 March 1716, where the felling of wood had exposed the soil and dried the unwatered ground. The silk worms and vines pointed to hopes of new produce, while the breeding stock aimed to build the herds the island had only lately begun to recover.

The Cape of Good Hope was the Dutch settlement that supplied the island with the living stock and plants England could not send so readily, and the Governor's letter shows St Helena drawing on its nearest neighbour despite the rivalry between the two companies. The exchange ran on the goodwill of passing ships rather than any formal agreement, the Governor relying on courtesy and a generous price to secure what he wanted.

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To the Comand[rs] of the severale Homeward Bound or Returning Ships that shall happen to touch at the Cape of Good Hope in the Ensuing year

Margin Notes:

this was the Direction

To the commanders of the several homeward-bound or returning ships that might touch at the Cape of Good Hope in the coming year.

Interpretations

This was the address of the preceding letter, and it shows the request for horses, ostriches, bees, vines and garden seeds was directed to the commanders of the Company's own returning ships that would call at the Cape of Good Hope, not to the Dutch settlement there. The gentlemen the Governor addressed were therefore the English ship captains, each asked to buy a share of the stock at the Cape and carry it on to St Helena. The island held no standing arrangement with the Dutch, so the Governor reached the Cape market through his own passing shipping. Spreading the request across the whole season's fleet meant no single ship bore the trouble or gave up the room, the premium of 100 per cent in the earlier letter answering the cost to each captain who undertook it.

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98

Letters to India ⅌ Ship Success Capt Ben Greave Commander

To the Hon[ble] [Cler] Joseph Collett Esq[r] [Presid]t &c[a] Councill At Fort St George

We received yours of the 9th of Octobr and two of the 31 Decembr 1716 and note the Contents. Our last to you was by the Catherine dated the 4th of July 1716.

The Goods We received were all very good in their kinds. the fine long Cloth will for the present be most Acceptable because We are indifferently well Stockt with the Coarser Sort and have no fine that one Bale being immediately disposed of.

We Should be glad to have Some Large Course Shirts ready made for our Blacks, the Hon[ble] Comp[a] having increased the Number of them So that now [...] about two Hundred on the Place are not in So great need of Blacks as before but if at any time you Should have a naughty fellow who is Strong of body We can make them Serviceable here.

We have now a very good Supply of Pitch and Tarr for the Shipping as well as Cordage, Anchors &c and doubt not but fully to Supply all the returning Ships with Sufficient refreshment.

There has touched here Since our last to you the following Ships.

On the 7 August 1716 Arived the Queen of Peace Capt Jno Maxton Comand[r] Ditto the 2d the Catherine Capt William Tucker Ditto the 22 the Carbonere Capt[n] Will[m] [Pearson] Ditto the 23 the Annabella Christoph[r] Hilton Comd[r] Febr the 18 the Brittish [Mecch] Capt Thom[s] Gilbert March the 6 Dean Ship Named the Salviter Mundi Capt Robert Duerson Frayre Comd[r] from Trincombare Aprill the 1st the [Hinger Spelley] Capt Jno Clark Comd[r] Ditto of 22 the King George Capt Saml Lewis Comd[r] with Governour Harrison on board The 28 ditto pafsed by the Dutch Fleet of 26 Saile Ditto Arived the Grantham Capt Collett Comd[r] the 29 d[o] the Borneo Capt Dean [Sweete] Comd[r] May the 6 the Darling Capt Thom[s] Blow Comd[r] Ditto the 9 the Success Capt Clayton Comd[r]

Margin Notes: from Bombay [Madrofs] [Madrofs] [Machan] [Tirnamore] China [Madrofs] Bengall [Vincenten] Cap[t] Mason Bombay

This was a letter to India, carried by the ship Success, Captain Bengrave commander, addressed to the Honourable Joseph Collett, President, and the Council at Fort St George.

The Council had received the Court's letters of 9 October and the two of 31 December 1716, and noted their contents. Its own last letter to Fort St George had gone by the Catherine, dated 4 July 1716.

The goods received were all very good of their kinds. The fine long cloth would be most acceptable for the present, since the island was reasonably well stocked with the coarser sort and had no fine bale, the last having been disposed of at once.

The Council would be glad to have some large coarse shirts made ready for the Company's slaves. Their number had grown to about 200 on the island, so the want of slaves was not as great as before. Yet if at any time a naughty fellow came who was strong of body, the Council could make such men serviceable.

The island now had a very good supply of pitch and tar for the shipping, as well as cordage and anchors, and the Council did not doubt it could fully supply all the returning ships with sufficient refreshment.

Since the last letter to Fort St George, the following ships had touched at the island:

From Bombay, on 7 August 1716, the Queen of Peace, Captain John Martin commander.

From Bombay, on the 2nd of January, the Catherine, Captain William Tucker.

From Madras, on the 22nd of the same, the Cardonnell, Captain William Mawson.

From Madras, on the 23rd, the Annabella, Captain Christopher Hinton commander.

From Mocha, on 18 February, the British Merchant, Captain Thomas Gilbert.

On the 8th of March, the Drake, and a ship named the Salvator Mundi, Captain Robert Duncan commander, from Tranquebar.

From China, on 19 April, the Thistleworth, Captain John Clark commander.

From Madras, on the 22nd, the King George, Captain Samuel Lewis commander, with Governor Harrison on board. On the 28th she was passed by the Dutch fleet of 26 sail.

From Bengal, the Grantham, Captain Collett commander.

From Bencoolen, on the 19th, the Borneo, Captain Dean, supercargo commander.

From the Cape and Madras, on 1 May, the Darley, Captain Thomas Blow commander.

From Bombay, on the 9th, the Success, Captain Clapham commander.

Interpretations

The Council's preference for fine long cloth over the coarser sort shows how the island balanced its stock of trade goods against demand. Long cloth was a plain cotton calico imported from India, the staple of the Company's textile trade, supplied here in fine and coarse grades. The island already held enough of the coarse and had sold its last fine bale, so it asked for the grade in short supply rather than more of what it could not move.

The slave population now reckoned at about 200, set against the Council's earlier plea for 200 more in its letter by the Kent of 26 January 1716, marks a turning point in the island's labour position. The want of bound labour was eased, so the Council no longer pressed for numbers and would take only a strong man who proved troublesome elsewhere. The coarse shirts ordered for the slaves were the standard clothing issue the establishment provided as part of their keep.

The list of arrivals records the season's homeward Indiamen passing through St Helena from every Company settlement, Bombay, Madras, Bengal, Mocha, China, Bencoolen and Tranquebar. The island sat astride the single return route, so its account of shipping gave Fort St George a register of the whole fleet's progress. Governor Harrison's passage home in the King George, passed by a Dutch fleet of 26 sail, shows the scale of rival European shipping on the same track.

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99

Letters to India ⅌ Ship Success Capt Greave

June the 11th the Success Store Ship Capt Benj[a] Greave from England The 18 Ditto the Stanhope Capt [Wedworth] George Bell Comd[r] And alsoe the following Ships from Madagascar to Negroes 1002 On the 28 Febry last the Drake William Mackett Master the 5 March the Mercury [Kilth] Henry Mackett Master the 26 Ditto the Hamilton Charles Burnham Master the 28 Aprill the Mercury William Whale Master And were bound to the West Indies to Sell Slaves.

Union Castle St Helena July y[e] 2 1717

We are Hon[ble] S[rs] &c[a] Council Your Humble Servants Jn[o] Cooke Geo Haswell [Matt] Bazett Aug[t] Tovey

To the Hon[ble] the Presid[t] &c[a] Council At Bengall Hon[ble] S[rs] &c[a]

We received your Severall Letters of the 13 Septembr 26 of Novbr and 18 of [Janu]ry last and note their Contents The Goods you Sent us, We have received in good Order and good of their kind viz.

By the Arabella 2. Quarter Casks of Batavia Arrack 5. Baggs of [Tresinda] Sugar 4 Baggs of Rice &c

1. Bale of Shirts Containing 200.

Margin Notes: England [Bambay] from Madagascar by Lisence from y[e] Hon[ble] Comp[a]

This passage continued the letter carried by the ship Success, Captain Bengrave commander.

From England, on 11 June, the Success, a store ship, Captain Benjamin Graves, from England.

From Bombay, on the 18th of the same, the Stanhope, Captain Wickworth George Pett commander.

The following ships also came from Madagascar with negro slaves, on the Court's account, by licence from the Honourable Company:

On 28 February last, the Drake, William Mackett master.

On the 5th of March, the Mercury, Riskh Henry Mackett master.

On the 26th of the same, the Hamilton, Charles Burnham master.

On the 28th of April, the Mercury, William White master.

These ships were bound for the new fields to sell slaves.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 2 July 1717, and subscribed by the Council as the Court's humble servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Antipas Tovey.

This was a separate letter, addressed to the Honourable President and the Council at Bengal.

The Council had received the several letters of 13 September, 26 November and 18 January last, and noted their contents.

The goods sent had arrived in good order and good of their kinds.

By the Annabella:

2 quarter casks of Batavia arrack.

5 bags of Tresivida sugar.

40 bags of rice.

1 bale of shirts, containing 200.

Interpretations

The four Madagascar ships named as carrying slaves on the Court's account by licence from the Company mark the trade as one the Company controlled rather than left open. A licence let private masters carry slaves under the Company's authority, the Court taking its share while the ships ran the voyages. Madagascar was the nearest regular source of bound labour for the island and for the wider eastern trade.

The bale of 200 shirts sent from Bengal answered the clothing issue the Council had sought for the Company's slaves, whose number on the island had now reached about 200. A single bale of that size matched the establishment, one shirt to each slave, the coarse cotton garment forming the standard issue the Company provided as part of their keep.

The arrack, sugar and rice sent by the Annabella were the staples the island drew from Bengal. Arrack was the distilled spirit of the East, supplied here from Batavia and held under the Council's pricing control. The sugar, named as of Tresivida, and the rice were provisions the island could not grow in quantity, so it relied on the Company's Indian settlements to make up the want by each returning ship.

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100

Letters to India ⅌ Success Capt Benj Greaves

By the King George 4 half [Legars] of Batavia Arrack 17 Baggs Tresinda Sugar 41 Baggs of Rice &c 1 Bale of Shirts Containing 200

By the Grantham 4 half Legars of Batavia Arrack 18 Baggs of Tresinda Sugar 43 Baggs Rice 1 Bale Shirts Containing 200 &c 364 p[r] Cotton Stocking[s]

We thank you for the Direction about the Terrace but find it to be Compos'd of Severall Ingredients which this place dont Produce So that We cant make the true Sort of Terrace

We Shall alwayes have Occasion for Seeds of Severall Sorts which tho they grow well here will not Seed So well but Degenerate & dwindle away that the Increase from them is never So good as that We have from Europe aid the Cape Wherefore we desire you'l Continue your Directions to all Comanders to bring Some hither they will receive the Bennefitt of what has already been Sent

We find the Arrack you Sent us prove very good, all but two Casks that Came by the Derby Capt [Aspugh] Comd[r] That was very bad & Stunck but We think his people played the rogue and filled them up with Salt Water He having refused to Shew us the Musters

There has touched here in there Pasage Home Since our last to you by the Catherine of the 4 July 1716 the following Ships viz.

On the 7 August 1716 Arived the Queen of Peace Capt Jn[o] Maxton Comd[r] Janry the 2d the Catherine Capt William Tucker Ditto the 22 the Cardonell Capt William Maxson Ditto the 31 the Arrabella Christoph[r] Hirton Comd[r] Febry the 18 the British Merch Capt Tho Gilbert March the 6 Dean Ship Named the Salviter Mundi Capt Robert Davison Frayre Comand from Trincombar Aprill the 1st the [Hinger] Galley Capt John Clark Comd[r] Ditto the 22 the King George Capt Sam[l] Lewis Comd[r] with Gov[r] Harrison on board

Margin Notes: From Bombay Bombay [M:t B:d:s] Maddrass [Machod] Trincombar China Madrass

This passage continued the letter carried by the ship Success, Captain Benjamin Graves commander.

By the King George:

4 half leaguers of Batavia arrack.

17 bags of Tresivida sugar.

40 bags of rice.

1 bale of shirts, containing 200.

By the Grantham:

4 half leaguers of Batavia arrack.

18 bags of Tresivida sugar.

43 bags of rice.

1 bale of shirts, containing 200.

364 pairs of cotton stockings.

The Council thanked the Court for the directions about making terras, but found it to be made of several ingredients the island did not produce, so it could not make the true sort of terras.

The Council would always have need of seeds of several sorts. Though they grew well at the island, they did not seed so well, but degenerated and dwindled away, so that the increase from them was never so good as the seed brought from Europe or the Cape. The Council therefore asked the Court to continue its directions to all commanders to bring some over, since they would see the benefit of what had already been sent.

The arrack sent proved very good, all but two casks that came by the Derby, Captain Aphugh commander. Those were very bad and slack, and the Council thought the captain's people had played the rogue and filled them up with salt water, since he refused to give up the men for examination.

Since the last letter to Bengal, by the Catherine of 4 July 1716, the following ships had touched at the island:

From Bombay, on 7 August 1716, the Queen of Peace, Captain John Martin commander.

From Bombay, on the 2nd of January, the Catherine, Captain William Tucker.

From Madras, on the 22nd of the same, the Cardonnell, Captain William Mawson commander.

From Madras, on the 31st, the Annabella, Captain Christopher Hinton commander.

From Mocha, on 18 February, the British Merchant, Captain Thomas Gilbert.

From Tranquebar, on the 8th of March, a ship named the Salvator Mundi, Captain Robert Davison commander.

From China, on 19 April, the Thinger Galley, Captain John Clark commander.

From Madras, on the 22nd, the King George, Captain Samuel Lewis commander, with Governor Harrison on board.

Interpretations

The two slack casks of arrack from the Derby, suspected of being filled with salt water by the crew, show how the Council policed the quality of goods sent on the Court's account. A captain who refused to give up his men for examination drew the suspicion onto himself, the want of any witness leaving the Council to judge by the state of the casks alone. The episode reflects the standing problem of pilferage and adulteration in transit, the same concern that had led the Council earlier to ask for a sealed reference bottle as a marker against tampering.

The complaint that seeds grew at the island but degenerated and failed to seed true reveals a real limit on the island's farming. Plants raised from a first sowing lost vigour in later generations, so the island could not become self-supplying in seed and depended on fresh stock from Europe and the Cape. The request that all ship commanders carry seed over ties this letter to the Governor's separate appeal to the Cape, the island drawing on every passing ship to keep its gardens stocked.

Terras was a volcanic earth used to make a hydraulic mortar that set hard under water, valued for sea walls and foundations. The Council could not make the true sort because the island lacked the several ingredients the recipe required. The failure mattered for the fortifications and the landing places, where a water-resistant mortar would have held against the sea.

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The 28 ditto Pasced by the Dutch Fleet of 26 Saile ditto Arrived the Grantham Capt Collett Comd[r] The 29 ditto the Borneo Capt Dean [Bucess] Comd[r] May the 6 the Dartmouth Capt Thom[s] Blow Comand[r] ditto the 9 the Success Capt Clapham Comd[r] June the 15 the Success Store Ship Capt Benj Greaves Comand[r] from England The 18 D[o] the Stanhope Capt Wentworth George Bell Comd[r]

And alsoe the following Ships from Madagascar to Negroes

viz.

On the 28 Febry the Drake William Mackett Master the 5 March the Mercury Kelch Henry Mackett Mast[r] the 26 ditto the Hamilton Charles Burnham Mast[r] the 28 Aprill the Mercury William Whale Mast[r] and were bound to the West Indies to Sell [...] their Slaves

We are informed that M[r] [Toumes] Pasenger on board the Heathcote been after his arrivall in England was maryed on y[e] [...] day to one M[r] Dubbett one of the Derbys Pasengers and being [Lockt] up in a back room three Stories high in King[s] London, leapt out of the Windows the Sunday following and brake his Neck

Union Castle St Helena July y[e] 2 1717

We are Hon[ble] S[rs] &c your[s] Your Humble Servants Jn[o] Cooke Geo Hasvell Matt Bazett Anthp[?] Tovey

Margin Notes: from Bengall[?] [Vincenten] Cap[t] Mason Bombay England Bombay from Madagascar by Lisence from y[e] Hon[ble] Company

This passage continued the list of shipping in the letter to Bengal.

On the 28th of the same, the King George was passed by the Dutch fleet of 26 sail.

From Bengal, the Grantham, Captain Collett commander.

From Bencoolen, on the 29th, the Borneo, Captain Dean, supercargo commander.

From Madras, on the 1st of May, the Dartmouth, Captain Thomas Blow commander.

From Bombay, on the 9th, the Success, Captain Clapham commander.

From England, on 11 June, the Success, a store ship, Captain Benjamin Graves commander, from England.

From Bombay, on the 18th of the same, the Stanhope, Captain Wickworth George Pett commander.

The following ships also came from Madagascar with negro slaves, on the Court's account, by licence from the Company:

On 28 February last, the Drake, William Mackett master.

On the 5th of March, the Mercury, a ketch, Henry Mackett master.

On the 26th of the same, the Hamilton, Charles Burnham master.

On the 28th of April, the Mercury, William White master.

These ships were bound for the West Indies to sell their slaves.

The Council had learned that Mr Powney, a passenger on board the Heathcote, married Mrs Dubbett, one of the Derby's passengers, soon after his arrival in England. While they were lodged in a room three storeys high in King Street, London, he leaped out of the window the Sunday following and broke his neck.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 2 July 1717, and subscribed by the Council as the Court's humble servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Antipas Tovey.

Interpretations

The four Madagascar ships are recorded here as bound for the West Indies to sell their slaves, where the earlier copy of the list gave the new fields as their destination. The voyages carried bound labour from Madagascar across to the Atlantic plantations under the Company's licence, St Helena lying on the route and taking only a small draft for its own use.

The death of Mr Powney, leaping from a London window days after his marriage, stands among the personal news the Council passed to the Court alongside its shipping and trade. The detail of his fall, set down with the place and the timing, shows the Council reporting the fate of named Company passengers as part of the intelligence the Court expected from the island, the people of the East India service forming a community whose movements were tracked from settlement to settlement.

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102

Letters to India ⅌ Success Capt Benj Graves (Bombay Letter)

Hon[ble] S[r] & & Gentlem[n]

The inclosd is a Copy of Our last Letter which We doubt whether it came to your hands because the Catherine by whom twas Sent We are informed, was Unfortunately lost in the Streights of Sunday on the Javan Coast

Since then the following Ships have touched here in their Pasage Homeward bound

On the 7 August 1716 Arrived the Queen of Peace Capt Jn[o] Maxton Comandr Janry the 2 the Catherine Capt William Tucker Ditto the 22 the Cardonell Capt William Maxson Ditto the 31 the Arrabella Christoph[r] Hinton Comander Febry the 18 the Brittish Merchant Capt Thom[s] Gilbert March the 6 Dean Ship Named the Salviter Mundi Capt Robert Davison Frayre Comd[r] from Trincombar Aprill the 1st the [Hinger] Galley Capt Jn[o] Clark Comd[r] ditto the 22 the King George Capt Sam[l] Lewis Comd[r] with Gov[r] Harrison on board The 28 ditto Pasced by the Dutch Fleet of 26 Saile Ditto Arived the Grantham Capt Collett Comander The 29 ditto the Borneo Capt Daniel [Bucess] Com[d] May the 6 the Darling Capt Thomas Blow Comd[r] ditto the 9 the Success Capt Clapham Comd[r] June the 15 the Success Store Ship Capt Benj[a] Graves Comander from England The 18 ditto the Stanhope Capt Wenth[o] George Bell Comd[r]

By the last Mentioned Ship Stanhope who Saild Hence on the 26 June last We received on the Hon[ble] Comp[a] Account two Able Proved Lusty Slaves which Shall not want Employment

This Island is now in agood Condition & Able to Supply y[e] Return- ing Ships w[th] Stores & Provisions of Each Sort We are Hon[ble] S[rs]

Union Castle St Helena July y[e] 2 1717

Gent Yo[r] Humb[le] Serv[ts] Jn[o] Cooke Geo Hasvell Matt Bazett Anthp[?] Tovey

Margin Notes: From Bombay Bombay [Madtenmh:s] Maddrass [Machod] Trincombar China Maddrass Bengall [Vincenten] [The Madrass] Bombay England Bombay

This was a letter to Bombay, carried by the ship Success, Captain Benjamin Graves commander, addressed to the Honourable President and gentlemen there.

The enclosed was a copy of the Council's last letter. The Council doubted whether it had reached Bombay, since the Catherine, by which it was sent, had unfortunately been lost in the Straits of Sunda on the coast of Java.

Since then the following ships had touched at the island on their passage homeward-bound:

From Bombay, on 7 August 1716, the Queen of Peace, Captain John Martin commander.

From Bombay, on the 2nd of January, the Catherine, Captain William Tucker.

From Madras, on the 22nd, the Cardonnell, Captain William Mawson.

From Madras, on the 31st, the Annabella, Captain Christopher Hinton commander.

From Mocha, on 18 February, the British Merchant, Captain Thomas Gilbert.

From Tranquebar, on the 8th of March, a ship named the Salvator Mundi, Captain Robert Davison commander.

From China, on 19 April, the Thinger Galley, Captain John Clark commander.

From Madras, on the 22nd, the King George, Captain Samuel Lewis commander, with Governor Harrison on board. On the 28th she was passed by the Dutch fleet of 26 sail.

From Bengal, the Grantham, Captain Collett commander.

From Bencoolen, on the 29th, the Borneo, Captain Daniel Burrows commander.

From Madras, on the 1st of May, the Dartmouth, Captain Thomas Blow commander.

From Bombay, on the 9th, the Success, Captain Clapham commander.

From England, on 11 June, the Success, a store ship, Captain Benjamin Graves commander, from England.

From Bombay, on the 18th, the Stanhope, Captain Wickworth George Pett commander.

By the Stanhope, last mentioned, which sailed from the island on 26 June, the Council received on the Court's account two able and lusty slaves who would not want employment.

The island was now in good condition and able to supply the returning ships with goods and provisions of every sort.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 2 July 1717, and subscribed by the Council as the gentlemen's most humble servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Antipas Tovey.

Interpretations

The loss of the Catherine in the Straits of Sunda confirmed the unverified report the Council had weighed in its postscript by the Annabella, where an English ship was said to be lost there with neither vessel nor master named. The wreck explains why the Council sent the Bombay letter again by a fresh ship, the duplicate guarding against the loss of correspondence on the very passage that had taken the Catherine. The Straits of Sunda, between Sumatra and Java, lay on the China route and carried a known risk to homeward shipping.

The Council's assurance that the island could now supply the returning ships with goods and provisions of every sort marks the change in its position since the new administration arrived. The earlier despatches had reported a starving and ill-found establishment, so the claim of plenty measured the recovery of the herds, the gardens and the naval stores. St Helena's standing worth to the Company lay in its function as the victualling and refitting station on the homeward passage.

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103

Letters to India ⅌ Success Capt Benj Graves (Bencoolen letter)

Worship[ll] S[r]

The last letter We received from Bencoolen was by the Ship Borneo, dated Septemb[r] 29 1716 and Signed by the then Council in the Absence of Govern[r] Collett

We take Liberty S[r] to Congratulate your Accession to your Governm[t] and wish you as much Suceefs as your Worthy Predeceffor

We have by Order of Our Hon[ble] Masters Sent you two Tubbs of Yam Plants and two of Irish Potatoes, The Yams Grow best in Moist Ground and are of that Sort which is fittest to Transplant and to these We have Added a Small Parcell of Severall Sorts of Garden Seeds which We hope may be of Some use

We are very Sorry to hear of the Misfortune of the Catherine and hope the Present Ship will have better luck

Here follows an Account of those Ships that have touched here in their Pofsage Home Since writing of our last

On the 7 August 1716 Arrived the Queen of Peace Capt Jn[o] Maxton Comand[r] Janry the 2 the Catherine Capt William Tucker Ditto the 22 the Cardonell Capt William Maxson Ditto the 31 the Arrabella Christoph[r] Hinton Comand[r] Febry the 18 the Brittish Merchant Capt Thom[s] Gilbert March the 6 Dean Ship named the Salviter Mundi Capt Robert Davison Fraye Comand from Trincombar Aprill the 1st the [Hinger] Galley Capt Jn[o] Clark Comander ditto the 22 the King George Capt Daniel [Lewis] Comander with Govern[r] Harrison on board The 28 ditto Pasced by the Dutch Fleet of 26 Saile ditto Arived the Grantham Capt Collett Comd[r] The 29 ditto the Borneo Capt Dan[l] [Bucess] Comand[r] May the 6 the Darling Capt Thom[s] Blow Comd[r] ditto the 9 the Success Capt Clapham Comd[r] June y[e] 15 the Success Store Ship Capt Benj[a] Graves Comd[r] from England The 18 ditto the Stanhope Capt Wenth[o] Geo Bell Comd[r]

Margin Notes: From Bombay Bombay

This was a letter to Bencoolen, carried by the ship Success, Captain Benjamin Graves commander, addressed to the worshipful gentlemen there.

The last letter the Council received from Bencoolen came by the ship Borneo, dated 29 September 1716, and signed by the then Council in the absence of Governor Collett.

The Council took the liberty of congratulating the new Governor on his accession, and wished him as much success as his worthy predecessor.

By order of the Honourable Court, the Council had sent two tubs of yam plants and two of Irish potatoes. The yams grew best in moist ground and were of the sort fittest to transplant. To these the Council had added a small parcel of several kinds of garden seeds, which it hoped might be of some use.

The Council was very sorry to hear of the loss of the Catherine, and hoped the present ship would have better luck.

The following ships had touched at the island on their passage homeward since the last letter to Bencoolen:

From Bombay, on 7 August 1716, the Queen of Peace, Captain John Martin commander.

From Bombay, on the 2nd of January, the Catherine, Captain William Tucker.

On the 22nd, the Cardonnell, Captain William Mawson.

On the 31st, the Annabella, Captain Christopher Hinton commander.

On 18 February, the British Merchant, Captain Thomas Gilbert.

On the 8th of March, a ship named the Salvator Mundi, Captain Robert Davison commander, from Tranquebar.

On the 19th of April, the Thinger Galley, Captain John Clark commander.

On the 22nd, the King George, Captain Samuel Lewis commander, with Governor Harrison on board.

On the 28th she was passed by the Dutch fleet of 26 sail.

The Grantham, Captain Collett commander.

On the 29th, the Borneo, Captain Daniel Burrows commander.

On the 1st of May, the Dartmouth, Captain Clapham commander.

On the 9th, the Success, a store ship, Captain Benjamin Graves commander, from England.

On the 16th, the Stanhope, Captain Wickworth George Pett commander.

Interpretations

The two tubs of yam plants and two of Irish potatoes, sent by order of the Court, show St Helena passing useful planting stock on to Bencoolen as the Court directed. The note that yams grew best in moist ground and transplanted well marks the practical knowledge the island had gained, the produce that had rebuilt its own provisioning now shared across the Company's eastern stations. Irish potatoes were the ordinary potato, distinguished from the sweet potato then common in the tropics.

The congratulation on the new Governor's accession, set against the letter signed at Bencoolen in Governor Collett's absence, records a change of command at the other station. The Council marked the succession with the usual courtesy between settlements, the exchange of good wishes forming part of the standing correspondence that bound the Company's governments together.

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We thought this news of Shipping might be Acceptable And are

Union Castle St Helena July y[e] 2 1717

Worshipfull S[r] Yo[r] Humble Serv[ts] Jn[o] Cooke Geo Hasvell Matt Bazett Anthp[?] Tovey

St Helena July y[e] 3d 1717

Memorand[m] For Capt Graves relating to the Yams and Potatoe Plants

S[r]

We have put up with Earth into four Tubbs Such Yam and Irish Potatoe plants as We think will thrive best at Sea there are Some Suckers of the Small Sort and Some We call knobs that will lye here three months above ground and yet grow when planted and are the best for Planting where they cannot be duly water'd as we take it to be the Case on board of Ship

And least by any Casualty it Should happen that these Plants Rott in the Tubbs We have put up Severall Hundred of them dry in two Casks and We pray you to lett them be Aird at least once aweek from to keep them from heating as they lye together, if they are Spread upon y[e] Deck for two or three Howrs and put up dry it will be Sufficient

The Yams We have here were all produced from Some brought by accident from the Coast of Guinea aSlave Women named Maria when She was Sent on board put up Some Yams amongst her Cloaths to Eat by the way and Some She brought on Shore to this Place with her and planted them here in that part of the Island which is the Mapp is called John Croods Lemmon Garden and they grow well and there being as long that rises out of the Ground in the Same place by way of Memoriall it has ever Since been called Maria's Spring, Therefore I have put up Severall in Cloths on that manner in hopes that Some of them may keep in case the other Should not but desire you also to ain them Some times in case they Should give or grow damp

I have

The Council thought this news of shipping might be acceptable.

The letter was dated at Union Castle, St Helena, 2 July 1717, and subscribed by the Council as the worshipful gentlemen's humble servants, signed by Isaac Pyke, George Howell, Matthew Bazett and Antipas Tovey.

This was a memorandum for Captain Graves, dated at St Helena, 3 July 1717, concerning the yam and potato plants.

The Council had put up in earth, in four tubs, such yam and Irish potato plants as it thought would thrive best at sea. Some were suckers of the small sort, and some were what the island called knobs, which would keep three months above ground and still grow when planted. These were the best for planting where they could not be regularly watered, as the Council took to be the case on board ship.

In case any accident befell and the plants rotted in the tubs, the Council had also put up several hundred of them dry, in two casks. It asked that these be aired at least once a week to keep them from heating as they lay together. If they were spread out on the deck for two or three hours and then put up dry, that would be enough.

The yams now on the island had all grown from some brought by accident from the coast of Guinea. A slave woman named Maria, when she was sent on board, put up some yams among her clothes to eat on the way. Some she brought ashore with her and planted in the part of the island called John Powell's Lemon Garden. They grew well there, and since the ground in that place rose out of the same spot by way of memorial, it had ever since been called Maria's Spring. The Council had therefore put up several in casks in that manner, so that some might keep if the others failed, and asked Captain Graves to air them from time to time in case they grew damp.

Interpretations

The two methods of carrying the plants, live in earth-filled tubs and dry in casks aired weekly, show a deliberate effort to land viable planting stock at the far end of a long sea passage. The suckers and knobs were chosen for keeping above ground without water, the dry reserve set against the risk that the potted plants would rot. The instruction to spread the casks on deck and air them guarded the dry stock from heating, the whole memorandum a careful piece of practical husbandry for moving crops between settlements.

The account of Maria's yams traces the island's whole yam crop to a chance handful a slave woman carried aboard among her clothes from the coast of Guinea. Maria was the slave woman whose name the place called Maria's Spring preserved, the yams she planted at John Powell's Lemon Garden becoming the stock that later rebuilt the island's provisioning. The story records how a staple of the establishment entered the island by accident rather than design.

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I have also Sent the following Garden Seeds which We had from the Cape of Good Hope viz.

Lettice Seed 2 Parcells Red beet Seed 2 Carrott Seed 2 Onnion Seed 2 Endive 2 Radish 1 Whitebeet Seed 2 Spinnage 2 White Spinage 2 Parsley 2 Turnip Seed 2 Femell Seed 2 Sellery 1

In all 24 Parcells which I desire you to Deliver to the Governour of Bencoolin

Yo[r] Humble Servant Jn[o] Cooke

The Council had also sent the following garden seeds, which it had from the Cape of Good Hope:

Lettuce seed, 2 parcels.

Red beet seed, 2.

Carrot seed, 2.

Onion seed, 2.

Endive, 2.

Radish, 1.

White beet seed, 2.

Spinach, 2.

White spinach, 2.

Parsley, 2.

Turnip seed, 2.

Fennel seed, 2.

Celery, 1.

In all, 24 parcels, which the Council asked Captain Graves to deliver to the Governor of Bencoolen.

The memorandum was signed by Isaac Pyke as the Governor's humble servant.

Interpretations

The 24 parcels of garden seed, named individually and drawn from the Cape of Good Hope, show St Helena acting as a relay that passed European planting stock on to Bencoolen. The seed the island sought from the Cape for its own gardens served also to supply the more distant station, since seed raised in the tropics degenerated and the Company's settlements depended on fresh supply from temperate climates. The list of kitchen vegetables marks the effort to establish familiar European produce across the eastern factories.

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Book cover

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EAP 1364 St Helena

Document Name and Date

St Helena - Letters to England 1716 - 1717

Dimensions

(height x width x depth) (cm)

(h) 47 cm x (w) 32 cm x (d) 3 cm

No. written pages:

115

No. blank pages:

Spine and cover

Good Condition

Recently Rebound

Inside pages

Good Condition

Foxing Present

Pages are numbered in pencil on the top of every other page

Pages are also numbered on the bottom of every other page Numbering on the bottom and top does not correspond

Additional comments

[continued in next section]

Pages are also numbered on the bottom of every other page

Numbering on the bottom and top does not correspond

Time taken to photograph (hours)

6 hours