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EAP 1364 St Helena

Document Name and Date St Helena Records 1716

Photographer Peter

Date photographed 8th Ock 2021

Additional comments

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Book cover

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Blank page

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Island St Helena

At a Consultation held on Tuesday the

20th of March 171 5/6 att Union Castle in

James Valley. Isa: Pyke Esqr Governr

Present. Matt: Bazett &

Edwd Byfield.

The Petion of James Greentree

Island St Helena To the Worspf Isa: Pyke Esqr

Governr &c Council

The hum Petition of

James Greentree ffreeholder

Humbly sheweth. That whereas Yr Petioner haveing purchas[...]

vizt one dwelling House scituate in James Valley

of Richd Cleve at or before his going off the Island

and also four Cleeres of Land of John Goddervn

ffer which Yr Petioner hath Bills of Sale, Whereupon

humbly prays the said Bills of Sale now produced

may be registred for the better Security of the

Purchase aforesaid And (as in duty bound) shall

ever pray &c

March 26th 171 5/6 (Signd) James Greentree

Granted, The Petion

Margin Notes:

Island St Helena

Humbly sheweth.

Greentrees

Petn to

Register

Bills of

Sale

At a consultation held on Tuesday 20 March 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley, Governor Pyke sat with Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield.

James Greentree, a freeholder of St Helena, brought a petition before the Governor and Council. He had bought one dwelling house in James Valley from Richard Cleeve at or before Cleeve left the island, together with four acres of land from John Goodwin. Greentree held bills of sale for both properties, and he asked that these bills of sale, now produced, be registered to give him better security over his purchase. The Council granted the request on 20 March 1716.

Interpretations

The registration of a bill of sale converted a private conveyance into a matter of public record held by the Council. Greentree already owned the properties through the bills of sale themselves, so what he sought was not title but proof of it that later claimants or purchasers could not easily dispute. On a small island where a seller such as Cleeve might leave and become impossible to trace, a registered instrument protected the buyer against rival claims once the original party was gone.

The detail that Cleeve sold the house at or before leaving the island points to the practical reason behind the petition. A departed vendor could neither confirm the sale nor answer any challenge to it, so entering the bill in the Council's records fixed the transaction before memory or documents could be lost.

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Island St Helena. March 171 5/6

The Petion of Dorx Hayes Widdo

Island St Helena To the Worspll Isa Pyke Esqr

Govr &c Council

The most humble Petition of

Dorx Hayes Widx humbly

Sheweth. That whereas near three Years since

Yr Petionrs Cattle getting into the Honble Comps

ffrutt plantation when the fences were bad, the Black

Men did sett on two or more of the biggest Dogs

and worried the best Cow Yr Petionr had to that

Degree that she dyed in few Days after (tho calved

two Calves at one Time that died also) Which being

a very great Loss to Yr Petionr did thereupon make

Application to Govr Boucher for satisfaction,

who did promise another Cow in lieu of that so

worried and lost, but having never receivd any

Cow or Satisfaction for so great a Loss humbly prays

Yr Worsp &c to allow Yr petitionr who is a very

poor Woman such satisfaction as you in your

prudence & Justice shall think fitt towards the lessning

her Debt to the Honble Comps And yr Petionr as in

duty bound shall ever pray

March 26th 171 5/6 Dorothy D Hayes

mark

Margin Notes:

Island St Helena

Sheweth.

Dorothy Hayes

Petit for a

Cow

Dorothy Hayes, a widow, brought a petition before Governor Pyke and the Council on 20 March 1716. Nearly three years earlier, her cattle had strayed into the Company's fruit plantation at a time when the fences there stood in poor repair. The black men set two or more of the largest dogs on the animals and worried her best cow so badly that it died within a few days. The cow was in calf with two calves at once, and those died with it, which was a heavy loss to a poor woman. She had applied to Governor Boucher for compensation at the time, and he promised her another cow in place of the one lost. No cow and no other satisfaction ever came. She now asked the Governor and Council to grant her whatever compensation they thought fair towards clearing her debt to the Company. Dorothy Hayes signed the petition with her mark.

Interpretations

The plantation belonged to the East India Company, which governed St Helena and ran farms on the island directly. When Hayes framed her request as help towards her debt to the Company, she revealed that the same body she owed money to was also the party responsible for killing her cow. Compensation for the loss would in effect be set against what she owed, so the petition sought a bookkeeping remedy rather than a cash payment.

The failure of the fences carried legal weight that shaped the claim. A landowner who let his boundaries fall into disrepair bore the blame when neighbouring stock strayed in, so the poor state of the Company's fences undercut any argument that Hayes was at fault for the trespass. Her cow's death by the plantation dogs then became an injury for which she, not the Company, was the wronged party.

The reliance on a personal promise from a previous governor shows how loosely such undertakings bound the administration. Boucher had given his word, but nothing was recorded or secured, and once he left office the obligation lapsed with him. Hayes returned to the Council years later precisely because a spoken promise from one governor gave her no hold over his successor.

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March 1716

Giles Hayse being calld, and askt whether he

knew any thing of the fences (aforesd) being bad or

down about the ffrutt plantacen, says, his Mother

Cattle gott in over the fences next Mr Will which

were very much at that time out of repair, & knows

that the Blacks that livd there did hunt & warry

his Brother Cow, so much that she died soon after

and that he was told Govr Boucher promisd her

another Cow.

Mr Casen testifies that Govr Boucher did

promise to give Mrs Hayse another Cow being a

very poor Woman.

Orderd that the Consideration of

Mrs Hayse ffretion be left to the Govr & Capt Bazett

to allow her towards satisfaction for the loss of her

Cow as they shall think fitt.

Orderd that the Arrack now in the Stores

be sold att a Dollar and a Quart pr Gallon

Henry Francis was sumond to answere

for sending his Black or Blacks to assist Captain

Arlond in getting wood off the Island without any leave

which being of ill Consequence, now Wood is so very

scarce, the said Francis was made sensible

of his fault, But Genll Ailabie having denyed

the

Margin Notes:

Left to ye Govr

Capt Bazett.

Arrack to be Sold

Dollar 1/4 pr gall

Francis

assists to gett

wood off ye Isld

Giles Hayes was called and asked whether he knew anything about the fences at the fruit plantation being bad or down. He said his mother's cattle got in over the fences next to Mr Will's land, which were much out of repair at that time. He knew that the black men living there did hunt and worry his mother's cow so badly that it died soon after, and he had been told that Governor Boucher promised her another cow.

Mr Casen testified that Governor Boucher did promise to give Mrs Hayes another cow, she being a very poor woman.

The Council ordered that the consideration of Mrs Hayes's petition be left to the Governor and Captain Bazett, to allow her whatever they thought fit towards satisfaction for the loss of her cow.

The Council ordered that the arrack now in the stores be sold at a dollar and a quart for each gallon.

Henry Francis was summoned to answer for sending his slave or slaves to help Captain Arlond get wood off the island without any leave. Wood was now very scarce, so this was a matter of ill consequence, and Francis was made to understand his fault. General Ailabie having denied the [...]

Interpretations

The two orders on cattle and arrack show the Council moving between welfare and revenue in the same short space. Mrs Hayes's claim was handed to the Governor and one councillor to settle at their discretion rather than fixed at a set sum, which left the amount to depend on judgement of what a poor widow was owed against what she in turn owed the Company. The arrack order set a fixed retail price of one dollar and a quart per gallon, giving the stores a controlled margin on spirits sold to the inhabitants.

Wood scarcity drove the case against Francis and reveals a standing anxiety on the island. St Helena carried little timber, and every load taken off by a passing ship reduced a resource the settlement could not readily replace. Sending slaves to load wood for a ship's captain without leave was therefore treated as damaging the common stock, and the requirement of prior permission shows the Council controlling the removal of wood as a scarce strategic asset rather than a free good.

Arrack was a spirit distilled in the East, most often from palm sap or fermented rice and molasses, and shipped westward by the Company's vessels. On St Helena it was a staple of the drink trade and a reliable source of revenue when sold through the Company stores at a regulated rate.

Speculations

The Council chose to fix the price of arrack by the gallon at the stores rather than leave it to private sale among the inhabitants. The order set one dollar and a quart per gallon as the rate, which placed the spirit trade under the Company's control and secured a known return on each measure sold. A free market in arrack was the obvious alternative on so small an island, yet the Council preferred a managed price, treating drink as a source of steady revenue and perhaps as a supply worth regulating in a place where excess was a constant concern.

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March 171 5/6

the Governr to excuse Mr Francis, he is upon

that desire excusd this time wth a caution not to

do so for the future

Mrs Mary Mashborne Widdo brought this Day

her Deat Husband Capt Edwd Mashbornes, last

Will & Testament in order of haveing the same

proved, wch was accordingly done by the Oaths

of the Witness thereto.

Orderd that the sd Will be reed & appd

of, and registerd accordingly.

The Execrs of Ann ffuller vizt Sam Greentree

& Josh Johnson brought an Inventory of her Estate

this day, which being examind and approvd of

Orderd that the same be reed & registerd

accordingly Also the sd Execrs Jos: Johnson & Ja Greentree

brought an Inventory of Robt Addis Estate, which

was likewise examind, and upon their Oaths.

Orderd to be reed and approvd of accordingly.

Mrs Frances Carne Widdo brought the Inventory

of her deceasd husband Mr Geo Carne, wch was examind

& approvd on upon her Oath & the Appraisers Ja Greenhd

& Frank Wrangham.

Margin Notes:

Capt Mashborne

Will Proved,

Ann ffullers Inr

ventory Reord

&c

Robt Addis Green

Inventory

Since the Governor was willing to excuse Mr Francis, he was let off this time with a warning not to do so again in future.

Mrs Mary Mashborne, a widow, brought in the last will and testament of her late husband Captain Edward Mashborne so that it might be proved. This was done through the oaths of the witnesses to it. The Council ordered that the will be read, approved and registered accordingly.

The executors of Ann Fuller, namely James Greentree and Joshua Johnson, brought an inventory of her estate. After it was examined and approved, the Council ordered that it be read and registered accordingly.

The same executors, Joshua Johnson and James Greentree, also brought an inventory of Robert Addis's estate, which was likewise examined and confirmed on their oaths. The Council ordered it to be read and approved accordingly.

Mrs Frances Carne, a widow, brought the inventory of her late husband Mr George Carne. It was examined and approved on her oath and on the appraisal of James Greentree and Francis Wrangham.

Interpretations

The proving of a will and the registration of an inventory were the two halves of settling a dead person's estate under the Council's supervision. Proving established that the will was genuine, done here by the sworn testimony of the witnesses who had seen it signed, after which the Council authorised its entry into the record. Registration of an inventory then fixed an agreed valuation of the goods, so that executors and heirs could not later dispute what the estate had contained.

The recurrence of the same few names across several estates points to a small circle handling probate business on the island. James Greentree appears as executor of one estate, appraiser of another and party to a third within a single sitting, which shows how a handful of trusted freeholders carried much of the work of valuing and administering the property of the dead. On a settlement of limited population, the same men served repeatedly as executors, appraisers and witnesses because few others had the standing to do so.

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March 171 5/6

Orderd that the sd Inventory be reed & enterd

accordingly.

The sd Mrs Frances Carne desires she may be

admitted to administer on the sd Mr Carne Estate.

Orderd That a Letter of Administration be

drawn and deliverd her according to her request.

Capt Bazett brought in his Monthly Account

from the 25th Janny to yr 25 Febry 171 5/6 which

is as follows.

An Account of Store Goods sold & deliverd from Jan the 25

171 5/6 to Febry yr 25 following to the Inhabitants also

to the use of the Castle & plantation Houses vizt

To the Inhabitants vizt

Arrack 58 7/8 Gall att 7s 6d

£22 1s 6 3/4d

Sugar 447 1/2 at 8d

£14 18s 4d

Bread 149 1/2 at 3 1/2d

£2 3s 7 1/2d

Flowr 210 att 3 1/2d

£3 1s 3d

Wine 57 7/8 Gall att 5s

£14 9s 4 1/2d

Candy 33

£1 13s ~d

Soap 86 att 17d

£6 1s 10d

Limejuice 5 1/2 Gall at 5s

£1 5s 7 1/2d

Chise 7 1/2

£0 7s 6d

Vinegar 0 5/8 Gall att 4s

£1 14s 6d

Hatts 3 Coarse att 4s 4d

£0 13s 0d

Carryd over

£68 9s 6d

The Council ordered that the inventory of the late Mr George Carne be read and entered accordingly. Mrs Frances Carne asked to be allowed to administer her late husband's estate, and the Council ordered that a letter of administration be drawn up and delivered to her as she requested.

Captain Bazett brought in his monthly account for the period from 25 January to 25 February 1716, which follows below. It set out the store goods sold and delivered to the inhabitants over that period, and also those supplied for the use of the castle and plantation houses.

To the inhabitants:

Arrack, 58 and a half gallons at 7d, £22 1s 6.25d

Sugar, 447.5 at 8d, £14 18s 4d

Bread, 149.5 at 3.5d, £2 3s 7.5d

Flour, 210 at 3.5d, £3 1s 3d

Wine, 57.5 gallons at 5s, £14 9s 4.5d

Candy, 33, £1 13s 0d

Soap, 86 at 17d, £6 1s 10d

Lime juice, 5.5 gallons at 5s, £1 5s 7.5d

Cheese, 7.5, £0 7s 6d

Vinegar, 8.5 gallons at 4d, £1 14s 6d

Hats, 3 coarse at 4s 4d, £0 13s 0d

Carried over, £68 9s 6d

Interpretations

The account was the Company store's running record of what it sold to the settlement each month, priced by weight or measure and totted into a single sterling total carried forward to the next page. Store goods were sold to the inhabitants at set rates and separately charged to the castle and plantation houses, which let the Company track both its retail turnover to private buyers and the cost of running its own establishments. The store was the island's main source of imported provisions, so this ledger doubled as a picture of what the settlement consumed.

The goods listed show a community wholly dependent on imports for staples that a mainland population would have produced locally. Bread, flour, sugar, wine, soap, cheese and vinegar all arrived by ship and passed through the Company store, since St Helena grew little grain and manufactured almost nothing. Candy here meant sugar candy, crystallised sugar sold as a keeping sweet, while arrack and wine between them made up much of the value, confirming how large a share of the store's trade rested on drink.

The retail price of arrack here stood at 7d a gallon within the store account, distinct from the dollar and a quart per gallon fixed for its sale a few days earlier at the same sitting. The two figures measured different things, the store's charged rate against the regulated selling price to the public, and together they show the margin between what the Company booked the spirit at and what it sold for.

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March 171 5/6

Brought over

£68 9s 6d

Stockings vizt

3 pr of Scarlett Sr att 9s

£0 1s 7d

Wr of Silk & Worsted

£0 0s 13d

5 pr of thread at 4s 6d

£0 1s 2 6d

sum

£3 2s 6d

Brass Ware vizt

1 Lamp

£0 3s 11d

1 Ladle

£0 2s 6d

sum

£0 6s 5d

Ironmonger Ware vizt

1 pr of Sheers

£0 0s 8d

2 Hatchetts

£0 0s 5d

2 Chest Locks at 1s 10d

£0 3s 8d

1 Till Do

£0 1s 10d

4 Chest Do at 2s 0 1/4d

£0 8s 1d

1 plate Chest Do

£0 2s 7d

1 Chest Do

£0 1s 6d

3 Shovels

£0 6s 0d

2 Hoes

£0 5s 0d

sum

£1 14s 8d

Nayles vizt

2 lb Jacks

£0 0s 10d

lb 4d

£0 5s 4 1/4d

8 6d at 9d

£0 6s 0d

17 10d at 7 1/2d

£0 10s 7 1/2d

6 20d 7d

£0 3s 6d

4 24d 7 1/2d

£0 2s 6d

8 30d 7d

£0 4s 8d

10 Spykes 0 wt Nayles

£0 5s 0d

sum

£1 13s 6 1/2d

Combs vizt

8 Ivory at 1s 11d

£0 5s 9d

2 Box 1s 8d

£0 5s 0d

1 Do 2d

£0 2s 0d

1 Do 2d

£0 0s 6d

1 Hone

£0 0s 10d

sum

£0 14s 1d

Carryd over

£76 0s 4d

The account continued from the previous page, with £68 9s 6d brought over.

Brought over, £68 9s 6d

Stockings:

3 pairs of scarlet at 9s, £1 7s 0d

1 pair of silk and worsted, £0 13s 0d

5 pairs of thread at 4s 6d, £1 2s 6d

Stockings total, £3 2s 6d

Brass ware:

1 lamp, £0 3s 11d

1 ladle, £0 2s 6d

Brass ware total, £0 6s 5d

Ironmongery ware:

1 pair of pliers, £0 0s 8d

2 hatchets, £0 5s 0d

2 chest locks at 1s 10d, £0 3s 8d

1 till ditto, £0 1s 10d

4 chest ditto at 2s 0.25d, £0 8s 1d

1 plate chest ditto, £0 2s 7d

1 chest ditto, £0 1s 6d

3 shovels, £0 6s 0d

2 hoes, £0 5s 0d

Ironmongery ware total, £1 14s 8d

Nails:

2 lb tacks, £0 0s 10d

2 lb 4d, £0 5s 0.25d

8 lb 6d at 9d, £0 6s 0d

17 lb 10d at 7.5d, £0 10s 7.5d

6 lb 20d at 7d, £0 3s 6d

4 lb 24d at 7.5d, £0 2s 6d

8 lb 30d at 7d, £0 4s 8d

10 spikes or wall nails, £0 5s 0d

Nails total, £1 13s 6.5d

Combs:

3 ivory at 1s 11d, £0 5s 9d

3 box at 1s 8d, £0 5s 0d

1 ditto at 2s, £0 2s 0d

1 ditto, £0 0s 6d

2 horn, £0 0s 10d

Combs total, £0 14s 1d

Carried over, £76 0s 4d

Interpretations

The account moved from provisions into hardware and finished goods, which shows the store as a general supplier of manufactured items the island could not produce. Stockings, brass fittings, tools, nails and combs all came in by ship and passed through the Company store at fixed retail prices, the same channel that handled food and drink on the previous page. A settlement without workshops or foundries depended on the store for everything from a chest lock to a sewing needle, so the ledger records the full reach of imported manufacture into daily island life.

Nails were sold by weight and graded by the older penny system, in which a size such as 6d or 10d named the type of nail rather than its price. The figure originally meant the cost per hundred, but by this date it had hardened into a standard measure of length and gauge, so a heavier nail carried a higher penny number. The store stocked a full range from small tacks up to spikes and wall nails, which reflects the constant demand for fastenings in a place where buildings and fences needed continual repair.

Worsted was a smooth, hard-wearing woollen yarn spun from long-staple wool and combed to lie flat, used here for stockings alongside silk and plain thread. It gave a firmer and more durable finish than ordinary wool, which suited working garments that had to last. The presence of scarlet, silk and worsted stockings together shows the store carrying both everyday and better-quality goods to meet a range of purses.

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March 171 5/6

Brought over

£78 0s 4d

Pewter vizt

6 Bason att 2s 4d

£0 14s 0d

Chinaware vizt

2 Decanters yr 3s 11d att 2s 2d

£0 8s 0d

Hooks vizt

4 Do No 1

£0 2s 10d

2 2

£0 0s 6d

1 3

£0 3s 6d

6 4

£0 3s 0d

3 5

£0 6s 0d

3 6

£0 3s 9d

3 7

£0 18s 1d

Lines vizt

2 No 5

£0 1s 1d

3 7

£0 2s 6d

4 8

£0 1s 8d

sum

£0 5s 3d

4 Long Cloath 6 pr at 24s 9d

£7 8s 6d

Gingham 1 pr

£0 9s 9d

Guerkees 3 pr at 12s 6d

£1 17s 6d

Dungrees 6 pr at 5s 0d

£1 14s 0d

Smith yd Ends

£1 1s 0d

Cutlary Ware vizt

Scissars 4 pr at 8d

£0 2s 11d

Pruning Knives 2

£0 2s 2d

Thimbles 6

£0 5s 1d

Tobacco pipes 10 doz & 10 pipes att 6d

£0 6s 6d

ffish 12 att 6d

£0 9s 5d

sum

£1 10s 0d

Buttons vizt

4 doz Brest at 4d

£0 2s 0d

4 doz Coat at 9d

£0 12s 0d

sum

£0 15s 4d

Carryd over

£95 17s 8d

The account continued from the previous page, with £78 5s 4d brought over.

Brought over, £78 5s 4d

Powder:

6 barrels at 2s 9d, £0 16s 6d

Glassware:

2 decanters at 3s 11d, £0 8s 0d

Hooks:

4 of number 1 at 2s 6d, £0 10s 0d

2 of number 2, £0 0s 6d

2 of number 3, £0 3s 6d

6 of number 4, £0 3s 0d

6 of number 5, £0 6s 0d

3 of number 6, £0 3s 0d

3 of number 7, £0 3s 9d

Hooks total, £0 18s 1d

Lines:

2 of number 5, £0 1s 1d

3 of number 7, £0 2s 6d

4 of number 9, £0 1s 8d

Lines total, £0 5s 3d

Long cloth, 6 pieces at 24s 9d, £7 8s 6d

Gingham, 1 piece, £0 9s 9d

Guinea stuffs, 3 pieces at 12s 6d, £1 17s 6d

Dungarees, 6 pieces at 5s 0d, £1 14s 0d

Smith stuff, £1 1s 0d

Cutlery ware:

Scissors, 4 pairs at 8.5d, £0 2s 11d

Pruning knives, 2, £0 2s 2d

Thimbles, 6, [...]

Tobacco pipes, 10 dozen and 10 pipes at 6d, £0 9s 5d

Silk, 12 ounces at 8d, £1 10s 0d

Buttons:

8 dozen breast at 4d, £0 2s 8d

8 dozen coat at 19d, £0 12s 0d

Buttons total, £0 15s 4d

Carried over, £95 17s 4d

Interpretations

The account here ran through gunpowder, fishing tackle, cloth, cutlery and haberdashery, which shows the store supplying the working needs of a fishing and farming settlement as well as its household wants. Powder came in barrels for defence and for the muskets the inhabitants kept, while numbered hooks and lines served the boat fishery that gave the island much of its fresh food. Cloth by the piece, buttons and silk let people make and mend their own clothes, since ready-made garments were scarce and the store dealt chiefly in materials.

The imported cloths named here were the standard fabrics of the Company's eastern trade, each with its own use. Long cloth was a plain white cotton woven in India in long lengths, valued for its even quality and sold by the piece for shirts and general wear. Gingham was a checked or striped cotton, guinea stuffs were coarse cottons of the kind used in the West African trade, and dungarees were a cheap, coarse and hard-wearing cotton suited to working clothes. Their presence together shows how far Indian textiles had come to clothe even a remote South Atlantic settlement.

The fish hooks and lines were graded and sold by number, a higher number marking a different size within the set. This let a buyer match tackle to the fish being sought, from small inshore catches to larger deep-water species, and the range the store carried reflects how central line fishing was to island life. A settlement that could grow little relied on the sea, so fishing gear was as much a staple of the store as flour or cloth.

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March 171 5/6

Brought over

£95 17s 0d

Threads vizt

7 1/2 lb Brown at 8s 8d

£3 5s 0d

lb 6s 10d

£3 5s 0d

lb 5s 10d

£2 11s 0d

lb 7s 7d

£15 2s 0d

2 6s 8d

£10 0s 0d

1 1/2 4s 9d

£2 4 1/2d

3 cut fine at 1s 9 1/2d

£3 10 1/2d

11 9s 2d

£8 3s 0d

8 2 6s 12d

£1 0s 0d

1 lb

£1 5s 0d

1 Do ffinish

£3 6s 0d

sum

£6 17s 0d

Pins vizt

9 M at 1s 9d

£15 9s 0d

1 Mr at 2d

£1 1 1/2d

sum

£0 16s 0d

Stationary Ware vizt

8 Horn Books

£0 2s 8d

2 Testaments

£0 3s 6d

1 Large Bible

£1 4s 6d

8 quire of Paper att 1s 4d

£0 10s 8d

sum

£2 1s 0d

Shoes vizt

7 pr Island at 4s

£1 8s 0d

1 pr Boys Do

£0 1s 9d

Shoe Thread 1

£0 2s 0d

Do No 1

£0 2s 0d

Shalloon 5 1/2 yd att 2s 6d

£0 13s 4d

Kerseys 8 1/2 yd at 2s 2d

£0 18s 6d

Druggets 17 yd at 4s

£3 8s 0d

Flannel 1 yd

£0 2s 3d

Carryd over

£112 7s 4d

The account continued from the previous page, with £95 17s 0d brought over.

Brought over, £95 17s 0d

Threads:

7.5 lb brown at 8s 8d, £3 5s 0d

[...] lb at 6s 10d, £3 5s 0d

[...] lb at 5s 10d, £2 11s 0d

[...] lb at 7s 7d, £15 2s 0d

2 lb at 7s 7d, £10 0s 0d

1.5 lb at 6s 8d, £2 4s 0d

[...] lb at 4s 9d, £3 10s 6d

8 ounces fine at 1s 9.5d, £0 8s 3d

11 [...] at 9s 3d, £1 0s 0d

8 [...] at 2s 6d, £1 5s 0d

1 [...], £0 3s 6d

1 dozen Flemish, £1 2s 6d

Threads total, £6 17s 0d

Pins:

9 thousand at 1s 9d, £0 15s 9d

1 thousand at ditto, £0 1s 1.5d

Pins total, £0 16s 0d

Stationery ware:

8 horn books, £0 2s 8d

2 testaments, £0 3s 6d

1 large Bible, £0 4s 6d

8 quire of paper at 1s 4d, £0 10s 8d

Stationery ware total, £2 1s 0d

Shoes:

7 pairs island at 4s, £1 8s 0d

1 pair boys ditto, £0 1s 9d

Shoe thread, 1, £0 2s 0d

Ditto, 1, £0 2s 0d

Shalloon, 5.5 yards at 2s 6d, £0 13s 9d

Kerseys, 8.5 yards at 2s 2d, £0 18s 6d

Druggets, 17 yards at 4s, £3 8s 0d

Flannel, 1 yard, £0 2s 3d

Carried over, £112 7s 4d

Interpretations

The account closed with sewing threads, pins, stationery, shoes and further cloth, rounding out the store's stock of things needed to clothe, shoe and educate the settlement. Thread and pins in quantity supported the constant making and mending of clothes, while the woollen cloths named here served for warmer garments than the Indian cottons of the previous page. Shoes came ready-made in island and boys' sizes, one of the few finished garments the store carried rather than the raw material.

The woollen fabrics reflect the mild but variable climate of a South Atlantic island where warmer cloth had its use. Shalloon was a light twilled wool used chiefly for linings, kersey a coarse ribbed wool for hard-wearing outer garments, drugget a cheap wool or wool-and-linen mix for common clothing and flannel a soft open wool for warmth. Together they show the store balancing light Indian cottons with heavier English woollens to suit the range of the island's weather and work.

The stationery entry is the most telling item on the page, small in value but large in meaning. Eight horn books, two testaments, a large Bible and eight quires of paper supplied the basic tools of reading, writing and religious instruction for a settlement far from any school or church supply. Horn books were the primers by which children learned their letters, a thin board bearing the alphabet and the Lord's Prayer under a protective sheet of horn, so their presence in the store shows the Company providing for the schooling and worship of island families through the same channel that sold them flour and nails.

13

9

March 171 5/6

Brought over

£112 7s 4 3/4d

Gawnoes vizt

2 pr at 15s 2d

£1 10s 4d

1 pr Do

£1 16s 5d

sum

£2 6s 9d

Nealas 4 pr

£0 10s 5d

Ribband 6 yd at 2s 3d

£0 6s 9d

Corkwood 1 9/16 lb

£0 1s 2d

Saile Needles 12

£0 1s 7d

Blew Baftas 1 pr Coure St Geo

£0 9s 0d

Tea 6 lb att 9s

£2 14s 0d

8 Catty att 9d

£1 7s 0d

sum

£4 1s 0d

Pepper 9 lb

£0 2s 0d

Torall

£120 6s 3/4d

Genll Charges & Dyett Expences pr Store

Goods from Jant yr 25 171 5/6 to Febry 25 followg

vizt

Arrack 60 1/2 Gall at 7s 6d

£25 13s 9d

Flower 192 at 8 1/2d

£2 16s 0d

Bread 194 at 3 1/2d

£2 16s 7d

Rice 146 3 1/2d

£2 2s 7d

Wine 29 Gall at 5s

£7 5s 0d

Vinegar 2 Gall

£0 8s 0d

Oyles vizt

6 Gall Rape at 7s

£2 2s 0d

1 2/4 Gall sweet 18d

£1 1s 0d

sum

£3 3s 0d

Carryd over

The account continued from the previous page, with £112 7s 4d brought over. This section closed the reckoning of goods sold to the inhabitants with a grand total.

Brought over, £112 7s 4d

Sannoes:

2 pieces at 15s 2d, £1 10s 4d

1 piece ditto, £1 16s 5d

Sannoes total, £2 6s 9d

Nealas, 1 piece, £0 10s 5d

Ribbon, 3 yards at 2s 3d, £0 6s 9d

Corkwood, 1 [...] lb, £0 1s 2d

Sail needles, 12, £0 1s 7d

Blue baftas, 1 piece, coarse, St George, £0 9s 0d

Tea, 6 lb at 9s, £2 14s 0d

3 catty at 9s, £1 7s 0d

Tea total, £4 1s 0d

Pepper, 2 lb, £0 2s 0d

Total, £120 6s 3.75d

The account then turned to general charges and diet expenses at the store, covering goods used from 25 January to 25 February 1716.

Arrack, 60.5 gallons at 7s 6d, £25 13s 9d

Flour, 192 at 3.5d, £2 16s 0d

Bread, 194 at 3.5d, £2 16s 7d

Rice, 146 at 3.5d, £2 2s 7d

Wine, 29 gallons at 5s, £7 5s 0d

Vinegar, 2 gallons, £0 8s 0d

Oils:

6 gallons rape at 7s, £2 2s 0d

1 gallon sweet at 12s, £1 1s 0d

Oils total, £3 3s 0d

Carried over

Interpretations

The first section reached its grand total of £120 6s 3.75d, closing the full account of store goods sold to the inhabitants over the month. The second account then began a separate reckoning of what the store itself consumed in general charges and in feeding those it maintained, priced at the same rates but charged to the Company's own use rather than sold to private buyers. Keeping the two accounts apart let the Company distinguish its retail trade with the settlement from the running cost of its own establishment.

The eastern textiles here were finer or more specialised than the plain cottons listed earlier. Sannoes were a fine white Indian cotton or muslin, nealas a coloured or dyed cotton, and baftas a plain calico of middling quality, the blue baftas dyed with indigo and marked coarse and of St George, meaning shipped through the Company's Fort St George at Madras. The naming of the port of origin on the baftas shows how closely the store's cloth stock was tied to particular Indian trading centres.

Tea appeared here priced partly by the pound and partly by the catty, a Chinese unit of weight of a little over a pound, which points to its arrival direct from the China trade. Its inclusion in a store account of this date reflects how far tea had spread as a commodity, reaching a small South Atlantic garrison through the same shipping that carried it to England. Corkwood, a light buoyant wood, was likely kept for floats and stoppers, another small sign of the fishery that ran through the island's supplies.

14

10

March 171 5/6

Brought over

£1 18s 3d

Soap 27 att 17d

£0 18s 0d

Tea 2 Cattys att 9s

£1 16s 0d

4 Do att 9s

sum

£2 14s 0d

Pepper 4 lb

£0 4s 0d

Candy 12

£0 12s 0d

Cheese 1 of 16

£0 16s 0d

Limejuice 3 Gall

£0 15s 0d

Kerseys 119 yd att 2s 2d

£12 17s 10d

Dungrees 4 pr at 5s 8d

£1 2s 8d

Long Cloatts 2 pr at 1s 4s 9d

£2 9s 6d

Sawnoes 1 pr

£0 15s 2d

Chints 2 pr St Geor att 1s 2d

£2 4s 0d

Threads vizt

2 lb Brown

£3 4s 0d

2 Do att 8s 8d

£17 4s 0d

4 cut at 9s

£3 0s 0d

sum

£1 3s 0d

Shirts 2 Candid

£0 6s 0d

Iron Monger's Ware vizt

2 Till Locks

£0 2s 0d

1 Do

£0 1s 8d

1 Chest Do

£0 1s 10d

4 pr Hooks & Hinges at 2s 2 1/2d

£0 8s 10d

36 Stone Cutters Chizells

£1 16s 0d

sum

£2 10s 4d

Nayles vizt

18 10d at 7 1/2d

£0 11s 3d

7 4d 10 1/2d

£0 6s 1 1/2d

2 4 Batton Brads at 14d

£0 2s 4d

2 Do Do 2s 2d

£0 4s 4d

2 tacks at 1s 0d

£0 3s 4d

sum

£1 7s 4 8/d

Carryd over

The account continued from the previous page, with the running total brought over.

Brought over

Soap, 27 at 17d, £1 18s 3d

Tea:

2 catty at 9s, £0 18s 0d

4 ditto at 9s, £1 16s 0d

Tea total, £2 14s 0d

Pepper, 4 lb, £0 4s 0d

Candy, 12, £0 12s 0d

Cheese, 1 of 16 lb, £0 16s 0d

Lime juice, 3 gallons, £0 15s 0d

Kerseys, 119 yards at 2s 2d, £12 17s 10d

Dungarees, 4 pieces at 5s 8d, £1 2s 8d

Long cloth, 2 pieces at 24s 9d, £2 9s 6d

Sannoes, 1 piece, £0 15s 2d

Chintz, 2 pieces, St George, at 22s, £2 4s 0d

Threads:

2 lb brown, £0 3s 4d

2 ounces ditto at 8s 8d, £0 17s 4d

4 ounces at 9s, £0 3s 0d

Threads total, £1 3s 8d

Shirts, 2 candid, £0 6s 0d

Ironmongery ware:

2 till locks, £0 2s 0d

1 ditto, £0 1s 8d

1 chest ditto, £0 1s 10d

4 pairs hooks and hinges at 2s 2.5d, £0 8s 10d

36 stone cutters chisels, £1 16s 0d

Ironmongery ware total, £2 10s 4d

Nails:

18 lb 10d at 7.5d, £0 11s 3d

7 lb 4d at 10.5d, £0 6s 1.5d

2 lb 4 batten brads at 14d, £0 2s 4d

2 lb 2d ditto at 2s 2d, £0 4s 4d

2 lb tacks at 1s 8d, £0 3s 4d

Nails total, £1 7s 4.5d

Carried over

Interpretations

The account continued to divide the store's outgoings between provisions and hardware charged to the Company's own use, the same dual pattern seen throughout the reckoning. Food and drink such as tea, cheese, pepper and lime juice sat beside cloth, thread, locks and nails, all drawn from the same store and priced at the same rates as the goods sold to the inhabitants. This second running account measured the material cost of maintaining the Company's people and works over the month.

The heavy entry for kerseys, at 119 yards and nearly £13, stands out sharply against the small yardages sold to private buyers on the earlier pages. Such a quantity points to a bulk requirement, most likely clothing issued to the garrison, slaves or Company servants rather than sold piece by piece across the counter. The contrast shows how the Company's own consumption of cloth could dwarf the retail trade, since it clothed a body of dependents as well as supplying a market.

Lime juice recurred across both accounts and carried a value beyond ordinary refreshment. As a store of preserved citrus it guarded against scurvy, the wasting disease that struck sailors and settlers deprived of fresh fruit, so a stock of it at a mid-ocean victualling station served both the island's people and the crews of calling ships. The stone cutters' chisels, thirty-six in one entry, point to building work in stone, a reminder that the Company maintained fortifications and dwellings that needed a steady supply of mason's tools.

15

11

March 1715 5/6

Brought over

Tinn Ware vizt

1 Cullender

£0 2s 6d

2 Nutmeg graters

£0 0s 8d

sum

£0 3s 2d

Pewter

1 Bason

£0 6s 4d

Glass ware vizt

14 Ale Glasses at 2s 6d

£1 15s 0d

1 Decanter yr 2s 9d at 2s 2d

£0 5s 6 3/4d

sum

£2 0s 6 3/4d

Corks

12 doz at 6d

£0 3s 0d

Twine 2

£0 4s 8d

Pork 1 Cask yr 287 at 8d

£9 11s 4d

Suett 1 Cask yr 132 at 6d

£3 6s 0d

Pease 1 Cask Cardon yr 8 Bushd

£4 4s 0d

Plantation Dr to store Goods from Jan 25th

171 5/6 to Febry 25 following vizt

Arrack 4 Gall at 7s 6d

£1 10s 0d

Sugar 18 lb at 8d

£0 12s 0d

Sheetthread 2

£0 5s 0d

Iron Monger Ware viz

1 Frying Pan

£0 3s 3d

2 small Hatchetts

£0 5s 0d

sum

£0 8s 3d

Nayles vizt

6 lb of 10d att 7 1/2d

£0 3s 9d

7 4d 10 1/2d

£0 6s 1 1/2d

sum

£0 9s 10 1/2d

Pewter

3 Dishes yr 10d att 1s 6d

£0 15s 0d

Paper 1 Quire

£0 1s 4d

Carryd over

The account continued from the previous page, with the running total brought over.

Brought over

Tin ware:

1 colander, £0 2s 6d

2 nutmeg graters, £0 0s 8d

Tin ware total, £0 3s 2d

Pewter:

1 basin, £0 6s 4d

Glassware:

14 ale glasses at 2s 6d, £1 15s 0d

1 decanter, £0 3s 9d

2 [...] at 2s 2d, £0 5s 6d

Glassware total, £2 6s 3.75d

Corks:

12 dozen at 3d, £0 3s 0d

Twine, 2, £0 4s 8d

Pork, 1 cask of 287 lb at 8d, £9 11s 4d

Suet, 1 cask of 132 lb at 6d, £3 6s 0d

Pease, 1 cask, Cardones, of 8 bushels, £4 4s 0d

The account then opened a further reckoning, charging the plantation with store goods used from 25 January to 25 February 1716.

Arrack, 4 gallons at 7s 6d, £1 10s 0d

Sugar, 18 lb at 8d, £0 12s 0d

Shoe thread, 2, £0 5s 0d

Ironmongery ware:

1 frying pan, £0 3s 3d

2 small hatchets, £0 5s 0d

Ironmongery ware total, £0 8s 3d

Nails:

6 lb of 10d at 7.5d, £0 3s 9d

7 lb of 4 and 10d, £0 6s 1.5d

Nails total, £0 9s 10.5d

Pewter:

3 dishes of 10 lb at 1s 6d, £0 15s 0d

Paper, 1 quire, £0 1s 4d

Carried over

Interpretations

The reckoning moved into household tin, pewter and glass, then into bulk provisions held in cask, before opening yet another separate account charging the plantation directly. This third heading, the plantation as debtor, shows the Company keeping the running cost of its farming establishment apart from both its retail trade and its general charges, so that the expense of working the land could be seen on its own. Dividing the accounts in this way let the Company judge what each part of its operation drew from the store.

The provisions in cask were the salted and preserved staples of a victualling station, laid in against the needs of ships and garrison alike. Salt pork and suet kept for long periods and fed both the island and calling crews, while pease, dried and stored by the bushel, gave a cheap and lasting source of protein. The note that the pease came from Cardones marks their origin, perhaps a supplier or a place of lading, another instance of the store recording where its bulk goods were sourced.

The plantation account carried the ordinary tools and materials of farm work, a frying pan, hatchets, nails and pewter dishes among them, which shows the establishment provisioned as a working household as well as a farm. Such items equipped the people who laboured on the Company's land, whether servants or slaves, and their charge to the plantation rather than to general use kept the cost of cultivation distinct in the books. Even a quire of paper was booked against the plantation, a sign of how closely each portion of expense was tracked.

16

12

March 171 5/6

Brou over

Cutlary Ware vizt

6 Knives Perkin

£0 2s 6d

12 Knives & forks No 2 wth maple

handles & silver ferrills

£0 17s 3d

sum

£19 19s 9d

Totall to the Plantation

Totall to Generall Charges

Totall to the Inhabitants

The Governour having reed some Letters from

Mr Tovey, after perusal orderd them to be enterd (vizt)

as follows.

Worthy Sr

By the proceedings against me I plainly see

that my prying into the Storekeepers Accts has been the

means that the Mischief I have done Mr Wrangham, and

my self was brought about designedly (they knowing my

weakness, wch I trust none shall ever know again) I mean

that Capt Bazett laid a snare for me to make me drunk

and m[...]

Margin Notes:

Mr

Tovey's

about

Letter

to

the Govr

The account continued from the previous page, with the running total brought over, and closed the plantation reckoning with cutlery before setting down the three grand totals.

Brought over

Cutlery ware:

6 knives, Perkin, £0 2s 6d

12 knives and forks, number 2, with maple handles and silver ferrules, £0 17s 3d

Cutlery ware total, £19 19s 9d

Total to the plantation

Total to general charges

Total to the inhabitants

Governor Pyke, having read some letters from Mr Tovey, ordered after reading them that they be entered in the record. They ran as follows.

Tovey wrote to the Governor complaining of the proceedings taken against him. He claimed to see plainly that his prying into the storekeeper's accounts had been the means by which the harm he had done both to Mr Wrangham and to himself was deliberately brought about. He alleged that others, knowing his weakness, had contrived it, and he trusted no one should ever know of that weakness again. By this he meant that Captain Bazett had laid a snare for him, to make him drunk [...]

Interpretations

The three summary lines drew together the whole month's reckoning under its three heads, the inhabitants, the general charges and the plantation, each carrying its own grand total. Setting the totals side by side let the Company read at a glance how much of the store's turnover went to retail trade, how much to its general upkeep and how much to working the land. This tripartite division was the organising principle of the entire account, separating the Company's dealings with the settlement from the costs of its own establishment.

Tovey's letter opened a bitter internal dispute that the earlier store accounts had given no hint of. His charge that Captain Bazett had deliberately made him drunk in order to discredit him points to a factional quarrel among the Company's own officers, in which access to and scrutiny of the store accounts was the point of conflict. That a man's inspection of the storekeeper's books could be turned into the occasion of his ruin shows how sensitive control of the store had become, and how personal rivalry could fasten onto the handling of Company property.

The cutlery entry named its wares by maker and pattern, six knives marked Perkin and a dozen knives and forks of number 2 with maple handles and silver ferrules. Such detail marks these as better-quality tableware than plain issue, the silver ferrule being the metal band securing the handle to the blade. Their charge to the plantation suggests furnishing for the Company's own house on the land rather than rough tools for labour.

Speculations

Governor Pyke chose to enter Tovey's accusing letters into the formal record rather than deal with the complaint privately or set it aside. He ordered the letters copied into the consultation book after reading them, which fixed Tovey's charges against Captain Bazett permanently in the Company's proceedings. The quieter course, given that the letters attacked a serving councillor and touched on drunkenness and intrigue among the officers, would have been to suppress or return them, yet the Governor preferred a full and open entry, perhaps to protect himself by putting the whole matter on record where the Company's superiors could later judge it.

17

13

March 171 5/6

and getting his son ffrench to breed a Quarrell they

could then say & swear what they pleasd. But as I am

prevented further searching, I pray Mr Worth there may

be a scrutiny especially in the Transferrs & day Books, how

for about three Years last past (only) the Garrison have run

so much into Debt, & who it was sold Arrack then to make

them so. Since Kendall Meine has been here, I have watchd

his Words & Actions all I could, & find him a hard old Wretch

a prodigious Swearer & lyer, but very close. Yet in the

4 days he has been here has contradicted himself, for first

he said he knew not why he came here; next day there were

7 or 8 more concernd (as he said was told him since he came

to prison) & then that there were 15 or 16 had sigñd to a

paper to run away with some Vessel from hence. But that

he only was told this now too. But some time after (forgetting

himself, I suppose) told me he heard of it when first he came

down the Hill, when he told me if he had known how

he should have been usd he would not have made so much

hast down, & on ffryday last as my Wife was setting

by one in prison & he at the Door, he said (as a part I

suppose of some former discourse) to the Sentinell then

posted at the door If you draw your Piece whilst you are

Centry you'le repent it but what he meant by it we

could not tell, for I was reading, & when I left off to listen

to their discourse, they talkt aloud of something very

different. I am Yr Worshs Obed Servt

(in affliction)

(Signd) Antipas Tovey

Margin Notes:

March

171 5/6

Tovey alleged that Captain Bazett had drawn in his own son French to pick a quarrel, so that they could then say and swear whatever they pleased. Since he was now prevented from searching any further, he asked the Governor that there be a scrutiny, especially of the transfers and day books, for about the last three years. Only the garrison, he said, had run so far into debt, and someone had sold them arrack to bring that about.

He turned then to Kendall Meine, who had lately arrived on the island. Tovey said he had watched the man's words and actions as closely as he could, and judged him a hardened wretch, a great swearer and a curser, yet very guarded. Even so, in the four days Meine had been there he had contradicted himself. First he said he did not know why he had come. The next day he claimed there were seven or eight others involved, as he had been told since coming to prison, and then that fifteen or sixteen had signed a paper to run away with some vessel from the island, though he said he had only just been told this. Some while later, forgetting himself as Tovey supposed, Meine said he had heard of the plot when he first came down the hill, and remarked that had he known how things would turn out he would not have made so much haste in coming down.

On the previous Friday, as Tovey's wife sat by a prisoner and Meine stood at the door, Meine said to the sentinel posted there, as if picking up some earlier talk, that if the man drew his piece while on sentry duty he would regret it. What he meant by this they could not tell, for Tovey was reading at the time, and by the time he attended to their talk they had fallen to speaking aloud of something quite different. Tovey signed the letter, describing himself as writing in affliction.

Interpretations

The letter set out an alleged plot by the garrison to seize a ship and desert the island, the kind of conspiracy that a small isolated garrison always feared. Tovey reported that fifteen or sixteen men were said to have signed an agreement to run away with a vessel, and he tied this to the garrison's heavy debt and to the arrack sold to them. Desertion by armed men who guarded the settlement threatened its whole security, and the link Tovey drew between drink, debt and mutiny shows how the sale of spirits to soldiers was seen as corroding discipline.

Tovey's demand for a scrutiny of the transfers and day books over three years connects this letter directly to the store accounts that fill the preceding pages. The transfers and day books were the working records of goods moving in and out of the store, and his call to examine them shows that his quarrel with Bazett turned on suspected mishandling of Company stock. His claim that someone had deliberately sold arrack to the garrison to drive them into debt frames the store's spirit trade as a weapon of private interest rather than ordinary supply.

The account of Kendall Meine's shifting story reflects how such a conspiracy would be uncovered, through the questioning of prisoners whose accounts changed under pressure. Tovey noted each contradiction as evidence of a man concealing what he knew, and the fragment of talk with the sentinel about drawing his piece hints at an attempt to test or suborn the guard. The letter shows the anxious watchfulness of a settlement where a handful of discontented soldiers could imperil the whole, and where every ambiguous word was weighed for signs of treachery.

Speculations

Tovey pressed for a formal examination of three full years of store records rather than confining his complaint to the immediate quarrel with Bazett. He singled out the transfers and day books as the documents to be searched, which would have exposed the whole course of the garrison's mounting debt and the arrack sold against it. The narrower and safer course, given that he wrote as a man already under proceedings and confessedly weak, would have been to defend himself on the single charge he faced, yet he chose instead to demand a sweeping audit that implicated others, wagering that a full scrutiny of the books would turn the accusation back upon his accusers.

18

13

March 171 5/6

Worthy Sr

I wrote to Mr Wrangham a second Letter yr 14 Instant

but understand it was not delivd till thursday yr 15th

when I had a verball Answer yt he did not desire

I should be kept in prison, for that would do him no good

and he was very willing (if Yr Worsh: was) that I should

be dischargd giving Security. But as I prayd him therein

to write to Yr Worsh: about it & he did not, I sent him my

third Letter (& 2d about that) on Satturday, to which I had

answer (also verball) That he did not desire to keep me here

But he would not write to the Governr to discharge me for

that would be undoing all he had done.

On the whole Sr I see the way to address Mr Wrangham

is pavd wth hard Stones, for he sent me a Letter (let my 2 & 3

that shews it) so that I have no hopes of receiving any ffavour

from him. But as he is well eno to go abroad, I hope Yr Wors

will be pleasd to discharge me upon Bail.

I have the Coppy of what Capt Bazett swore last Tuesday

(& perusd it) Therefore I humbly pray I may have witness

examind upon Oath relating thereto in which he is forsworn

or has strangely forgott himself) And likewise that any

Owens affidavit may be taken relating to Capt

Haswells Assertion then.

I am in great Pain in my right Arm & hand by

a Cold I have gott, wch hinders my Writing, else had

sent Coppys of whats abovement (to Yr Worsh:) & some

farther

Tovey told the Governor that he had written a second letter to Mr Wrangham on 14 March, but understood it was not delivered until Thursday 15 March, when he received a verbal answer. Wrangham replied that he did not wish Tovey kept in prison, since that would do him no good, and that he was very willing, if the Governor agreed, for Tovey to be discharged on giving security. When Tovey asked him to write to the Governor about it, Wrangham did not do so, and Tovey sent a third letter on the Saturday. To this he again had only a verbal answer, that Wrangham did not want him held there, but would not write to the Governor to have him discharged, since that would undo everything he had done.

On the whole, Tovey said, he could see how matters stood with Wrangham. His approach had been met with hard treatment, for Wrangham had sent him a letter between the second and third that showed as much. He had no hope of any favour from that quarter. Yet since he was well enough to go abroad, he asked the Governor to be pleased to discharge him on bail.

Tovey said he had the copy of what Captain Bazett swore on the previous Tuesday, and had preserved it. He therefore asked that witnesses be examined on oath about the matter, in which he held Bazett to be forsworn or else strangely forgetful of himself. He asked likewise that David Ovis's affidavit be taken concerning Captain Haswell's assertion.

He added that he was in great pain in his right arm and hand from a cold he had caught, which hindered his writing, or he would have sent copies of what was written above. He signed off to the Governor, promising something further.

Interpretations

The letter turned on the question of bail, the release of a prisoner on security pending the outcome of proceedings against him. Tovey pressed repeatedly to be discharged on giving surety, arguing that he was well enough to go about and that continued imprisonment served no purpose. His difficulty was that the man who might have supported his release, Wrangham, would give only verbal assurances and refused to put anything in writing to the Governor, which left Tovey without the formal backing he needed.

Tovey's request that witnesses be examined on oath reveals the legal mechanism by which he hoped to overturn Bazett's testimony. By having others swear to what they had seen, he aimed to show that Bazett had sworn falsely or misremembered, since a charge of perjury against his accuser would discredit the whole case built on that sworn evidence. The naming of a specific affidavit from David Ovis about Captain Haswell's assertion shows how such disputes were fought through competing sworn statements, each side marshalling oaths to fix its version in the record.

Wrangham's conduct, willing in private yet unwilling to commit himself on paper, illustrates the weight attached to written testimony over spoken word in Company proceedings. A verbal assurance bound no one and could be denied, whereas a letter to the Governor would have been an act on the record that Wrangham was plainly reluctant to make. His refusal shows a man protecting himself, unwilling to undo what he had already set in motion against Tovey by openly calling for his release.

19

14

March 171 5/6

farther remarks I am not able now to do, but

pray Yr Worsh: that it may be no prejudice to

Worthy Sr Yr most faithfull Servt

(in Bonds & extream pain)

Antipas Tovey.

(Signd)

Worthy Sr

As I have spoke to Mr Wrangham & he

is willing I should be out of Prison on Bail, & also this

afternoon spoke to Mr ffrench desiring we might

be Friends, & assuring him he should have no Cause

to believe me otherwise; for I heartily desire to be in

amity with all Men; But he told me I had been his

Enemy in England to the Honble Comps & threatid

him here, & therefore he would have nothing to do, but

seek for security from Yr Worsh: & Cour. & Bro: ffrancis

being to go up the Country to morrow (who profferd to be

One of my Security) I humbly entreat you'le take

the recognance now, & if Mr ffrench must have

farther security too, I hope shall have such as Yr Worsh

will approve of. But beg I may be dischargd from

this dismall Confinement I have endurd this fortnight

Hoping I shall so demean my self for the future

to satisfy

Margin Notes:

March 19

171 5/6

Tovey added that he was not able to make any further remarks at present, and asked the Governor that no prejudice come to him. He signed the letter to the Governor as his most faithful servant, describing himself as in bonds and in extreme pain, dated 14 March 1716.

A further letter followed. Tovey told the Governor that he had spoken to Mr Wrangham, who was willing that he be released from prison on bail. That afternoon he had also spoken to Mr French, wishing that the two of them might be friends and assuring him he had no cause to think otherwise, for Tovey sincerely wanted to be at peace with all men. French answered that Tovey had been his enemy in England to the Company and had threatened him there, and that for this reason he would have nothing to do with him. Tovey therefore turned to seek his security from the Governor and the Court. Since his brother Francis, who had agreed to be one of his sureties, was to go up the country the next day, Tovey asked that his recognisance be taken. Should French require further security as well, he hoped to provide such as the Governor would approve. He begged to be discharged from the miserable confinement he had endured for the past fortnight, promising to conduct himself in future so as to satisfy [...]

Interpretations

A recognisance was a formal bond entered before the authorities, by which a surety pledged a sum of money guaranteeing that the prisoner would appear when required or keep the peace. Tovey pressed for his brother's recognisance to be taken quickly because the brother was leaving for the interior the next day, which would have removed the surety before the bond could be sealed. The urgency shows how the practical business of finding and binding sureties governed whether a prisoner could actually be released, however willing the authorities might be in principle.

French's refusal to be reconciled rested on a history that reached back to England, which reveals that the quarrel now playing out on the island had older roots. French charged that Tovey had worked against him and against the Company in England and had threatened him there, so the present dispute was the continuation of an enmity carried across the ocean. That such personal histories followed men to a remote posting shows how the small world of Company service bound former antagonists together in a confined place where old grievances could not be escaped.

Tovey's turn from private reconciliation to official security marks the point at which he gave up seeking peace with French and threw himself on the Governor and Court instead. Having failed to make a friend of his adversary, he sought release through the formal machinery of bail and sureties, offering whatever additional security the Governor might demand. His plea shows a prisoner exhausting every avenue, first personal goodwill and then institutional process, to escape a confinement he had already borne for a fortnight.

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March 1715 5/6

to satisfie Yr Worsh & all others That there never

will be any more need of demanding security for

my good behaviour; & keeping the Peace, who am

with all Dutyfull Respect & Submission

Yr Worsh: Obedt faithfull

humle Servant

(Signd) Antipas Tovey.

The following Advertizements were publisht as

follow vizt

Island St Helena By the Worshipll Governr &c

Council. An Advertizment

These are to will & require all Persons residing

on St Island who have any Boats or share therein

That they do wthin ten Days after the date hereof

give an Account in Writing unto the Governour

of what Boats they have & where kept. Upon which

Proper directions will be given the owners thereof

and licence for so keeping them Gratis. But if

any person or persons do refuse to comply herewith

the design of this Order being intended for the

generall good) such persons (so offending may expect

Margin Notes:

Wednes

March 21 171 5/6

Island St Helena

Acct of Boats

to be Given

the Govr &c

Tovey ended by promising to conduct himself so as to satisfy the Governor and all others that there would never again be any need to demand security for his good behaviour or his keeping the peace. He signed the letter to the Governor as his obedient, faithful and humble servant.

On Wednesday 21 March 1716 the following advertisement was published by the Governor and Council.

The Governor and Council issued a notice to all persons living on the island who kept any boats there. Within ten days of the date of the notice, every such owner was to give the Governor a written account of what boats they had and where these were kept. Proper directions would then be given to the owners, and licences for keeping the boats would be granted free of charge. Anyone who refused to comply would be treated as an offender, since the order was intended for the general good.

Interpretations

The order requiring boat owners to register their craft was a measure of security control, aimed at the same danger of desertion that Tovey's letters had raised. By compelling every owner to declare what boats they held and where, the Governor and Council gained a register of the vessels by which men might attempt to flee the island or with which a seized ship might be reached. The timing, coming directly after reports of a garrison plot to run away with a vessel, shows the administration moving to account for every means of escape from the settlement.

The offer of licences free of charge marks the order as a matter of control rather than revenue. The Company sought not to profit from the boats but to know of them and to regulate their keeping, so that no craft could be used without official knowledge. Making registration free removed any excuse for non-compliance and signalled that the purpose was oversight of a security risk, not the raising of a fee.

The threat to treat non-compliance as an offence gave the notice its force, turning a request for information into a binding order. An inhabitant who failed to declare a boat would stand as one who had defied a lawful order made for the common safety, which allowed the administration to act against concealment. The measure shows how the Council extended its reach over private property in the name of the general good, requiring the inhabitants to account for their possessions in the interest of the settlement's security.

Speculations

The Council chose to bring every privately owned boat under licence rather than leave the inhabitants free to keep their craft as they pleased. The notice required each owner to report what boats he held and where they were kept, on pain of being treated as an offender, though the licences themselves cost nothing. The obvious course on an island whose people depended on boats for fishing and trade would have been to leave such ordinary property alone, yet the Council preferred to register and control every vessel, plainly moved by the reports of a garrison plot to escape by sea that fill the preceding pages, and willing to burden the whole population with oversight to close off that danger.

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March 171 5/6

to forfeit the present boat they have, and for ever

after debard the Priviledge of keeping any boat, or to

have or share wth any other person. Wherefore all

Persons are to take notice accordingly. Dated

&c yr 20th March 171 5/6

Signd pr order of Govr & Council Jno Alexander

Island St Helena By the Worsh Govr &c Council

An Advertizement.

These are to give notice to all the Inhabitants

ffreeholders of the sd Island, That they do assemble

and meet together wth the present Church wardens

& Overseers of the high Ways on Easter Monday

being the 2d of Aprill next ensuing at the Country

Church or some other Convenient place; and there

by Majority of Voices make Choice of four of

such persons ffreeholders for Church wardens

and four of the like persons for Overseers of the

High Ways to Succeed the sd present Church

Wardens & Overseers who are hereby requird to

bring in an Account of the Names of such

Persons

Margin Notes:

Island St Helena

Choosing

Parish officers.

Such offenders would forfeit the boat they then had, and would be barred for ever afterwards from keeping any boat or from having a share in one with any other person. All persons were therefore to take notice accordingly. The notice was dated 20 March 1716 and signed by order of the Governor and Council by Mr Alexander.

A further advertisement was published by the Governor and Council.

The Governor and Council gave notice to all the inhabitants and freeholders of the island. On Easter Monday, 2 April next, they were to assemble with the present churchwardens and overseers of the highways at the country church or some other convenient place. There, by majority of votes, they were to choose four freeholders as churchwardens and four more of the like standing as overseers of the highways, to succeed those then holding the offices. The present churchwardens and overseers were required to bring in an account of the names of such persons.

Interpretations

The boat notice imposed a permanent penalty far heavier than the loss of the vessel alone, barring an offender for life from keeping any boat or sharing in one. This lasting disqualification shows how seriously the Council treated the concealment of craft, since on an island a boat was the one means of unsanctioned departure. The severity fits the security purpose behind the whole measure, the same fear of desertion by sea that ran through Tovey's letters and the garrison plot.

The election of churchwardens and overseers of the highways transplanted the machinery of English parish government to the island. Churchwardens managed the affairs and property of the parish church, while overseers of the highways were responsible for maintaining the roads, both offices filled annually by the choice of the freeholders. Holding the election on Easter Monday followed the customary English calendar for renewing parish officers, which shows the settlement reproducing the familiar forms of local self-government far from home.

The requirement that the outgoing officers bring in the names of those elected gave the Council a record of who held these local offices and tied the parish election into the wider administration. Restricting both the vote and the offices to freeholders shows how local authority rested on the propertied inhabitants, the men with a permanent stake in the island. The measure reveals the Company governing not only through its own officers but through elected parish officers drawn from the settled landholders, a layer of local governance beneath the Governor and Council.

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March 171 5/6

Persons so chosen in writing) unto the Governr

& Council the ensuing Council day in order to

their making Choice of two Persons out of the

four (in each Office) to Succeed the present Parrish

Officers as afores. Wherefore all Persons are to

take Notice, and comply herewith accordingly

Dated &c yr 22 March 171 5/6

Signd by order of Govr & Council Jno Alexander

The Coppy of an Administration granted to Mrs Carne

Island St Helena

We the Governr & Council of the said Island

on behalf of the Honble United Company of Merchants

of England tradeing to the East Indies absolute

Lords Propriet of the said Island To Frances

Carne Widd & Relict of George Carne who

deceast on the 28th day of May Ao Dñi 1715 Greeting

Whereas the sd Geor Carne dec (as

aforesaid) haveing in his Life, and at the time of

his Death, Goods, rights, or Creditts wthin the

Jurisdiction of the sd Island, Died intestate.

By

Margin Notes:

Copy of Mrs

Carne Admin.

The names of those chosen were to be given in writing to the Governor and Council on the next council day. The Governor and Council would then choose two persons out of the four for each office, to succeed the present parish officers. All persons were therefore to take notice and comply accordingly. The notice was dated 22 March 1716 and signed by order of the Governor and Council by Mr Alexander.

There followed a copy of the letter of administration granted to Mrs Carne.

The Governor and Council of the island, acting on behalf of the Honourable United Company of Merchants of England Trading to the East Indies, absolute lords proprietors of the island, granted administration to Frances Carne, widow and relict of George Carne, who died on 28 May 1715. George Carne had held goods, rights or credits within the jurisdiction of the island during his life and at the time of his death, and he died intestate.

Interpretations

A letter of administration was the grant by which authority to settle the estate of a person who died without a will passed to a named administrator, here the dead man's widow. Because George Carne died intestate, no executor had been appointed to gather his goods and pay his debts, so the Council stepped in to confer that power on his widow. The grant gave Frances Carne the legal standing to collect what was owed to the estate and to discharge its obligations, a standing she could not otherwise have held.

The document asserted the Company's position as absolute lords proprietors of the island, which reveals the legal foundation of all authority exercised there. The Governor and Council granted administration not in the name of the Crown but on behalf of the Company, which held the island as its property under royal charter. This shows how the ordinary business of probate, elsewhere the work of church or royal courts, fell on St Helena to the Company's own government, the proprietor exercising jurisdiction over the estates of those who died on its territory.

The careful recital that Carne held goods, rights or credits within the island's jurisdiction established the ground on which the Council could act. Administration could only be granted where the deceased had left assets within the authority's reach, so the statement fixed the estate as properly within the island's jurisdiction. The precision reflects how a grant of administration had to be anchored to property in a particular place, defining the limits within which the Company's probate authority ran.

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18

March 1715 5/6

By vertue whereof the full disposal and grant

of Administratr of all & singular the Goods, &

Chattles of the said Deceas. Also the hearing of the

computation, calculate, or account of such Administr

and the final Release, or Discharge from the

same are notoriously known to belong entirely and

solely To us the Governour & Coun. of this place.

We being desirous that the Goods & Chattles of the

sd deceasd Geo: Carne should be well & faithfully

Administred, employd & disposd of to proper uses,

do by vertue of these presents Grant to you full

power entirely to administer and faithfully to

dispose of the Goods & Chattles of thex deceasd

Also to demand, collect, levy, & cause payment to

be made of all Debts, or dues whatsoever belonging

to the said Deceasd in his Life, and at the time of

his Death, And to pay what Debts were owing by

the said Deceasd at the same time, as fair as such

his Goods & Chattles will extend in proportion

according to their valuation.

This power we grant you having assurance

of your Fidelity, chargeing you by the Oath you

have taken in this behalf That you do make

or

The grant declared that the full disposal and administration of all the goods and chattels of the dead man, together with the hearing of the account of that administration and the final discharge from it, belonged entirely and solely to the Governor and Council of the island. Wishing that the goods and chattels of the late George Carne should be well and faithfully administered, employed and disposed of to their proper uses, the Governor and Council granted Frances Carne full power to administer and faithfully dispose of the estate. She was empowered to demand, collect and levy all debts and dues owed to the deceased, both in his life and at the time of his death, and to pay the debts he had owed at that time, so far as his goods and chattels would stretch according to their valuation. The Governor and Council granted this power having assurance of her fidelity, and charged her by the oath she had taken in this behalf that she [...]

Interpretations

The grant vested in the administrator the twin powers that made up the settlement of an estate, the calling in of debts owed to the deceased and the payment of debts he owed. Frances Carne was authorised to demand and collect all sums due to her late husband and to discharge his obligations out of his goods, but only as far as those goods would reach according to their appraised value. This limitation shows the principle that an estate paid its debts only to the extent of its assets, so the administrator was never bound to make good a shortfall from her own means.

The document reserved to the Governor and Council the hearing of the administrator's account and the final discharge, which reveals the continuing oversight the authority kept over the settling of an estate. Administration was not a power granted and then left alone, for the administrator remained answerable to render an account of how the goods had been dealt with before being released from the office. This shows the Company's government retaining control over the whole process, from the grant of authority to the final quittance.

The charge laid on the administrator by her sworn oath bound the exercise of the power to a personal legal obligation. Frances Carne administered the estate under oath, so any failure to deal faithfully with the goods would have been a breach of that oath as well as of her duty. The reliance on an oath backed by the prospect of accounting shows how the honest administration of a dead man's property was secured, through personal undertaking enforced by the authority that granted it.

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20

March 171 5/6

or cause to be made a full, true, entire and

faithfull Inventory of all & singular the Goods,

and premises of the sd deceasd Geo Carne that

hath been and is or may be found on this Island

to belong to him at the time of his decease, and

deliver the same to us on or before the 10th day of

Aprill next ensuing the date hereof, And also that

you deliver an Account of yr Administration

here unto us when you shall be thereunto requir

And therefore to you we do comitt, and you we

do ordain, constitute, and appoint & to be sole

Administratrix of all and singular such Goods

and Chattells by these presents. Dated & Given

under our hands and the Honble Comps Seal

at Union Castle in James Valley yr 27th day of

March Ao D 1716

Edward Byfield

The grant required Frances Carne to make, or cause to be made, a full, true and faithful inventory of all the goods and premises of the late George Carne that were or might be found on the island to belong to him at the time of his death. She was to deliver this inventory to the Governor and Council on or before 10 April next, and also to render an account of her administration whenever they should require it. To this end the Governor and Council committed, ordained, constituted and appointed her sole administrator of all such goods and chattels. The grant was dated and given under the hands of the Governor and Council and the seal of the Company at Union Castle in James Valley on 27 March 1716, and signed by the Governor and by Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The requirement to deliver a sworn inventory by a fixed date set the administrator a firm deadline for accounting for the estate's contents. Frances Carne had to list every item of her late husband's property found on the island and hand the schedule to the Council within a set period, which gave the authority a documented valuation against which her later account could be checked. This shows the inventory serving as the baseline record of an estate, the fixed starting point from which the administration was measured.

The use of the Company's seal alongside the signatures of the Governor and a councillor marks the grant as a formal instrument carrying the full weight of the proprietor's authority. Sealing was the act that gave a document its binding legal force, so the impression of the Company's seal turned the grant from a mere order into a sealed instrument of administration. This reflects how the Company's government clothed its acts in the same legal forms used at home, the seal standing as the mark of proprietorial authority over the estates of the dead.

The dating of the instrument at Union Castle in James Valley fixed the place and moment at which the grant took effect, tying the Company's authority to its seat of government on the island. Union Castle was the administrative centre from which the Governor and Council ruled, so the grant issued from the heart of the settlement's power. The precise recording of place and date shows the care taken to make the instrument unassailable, an act done at a known time in a known place under the proper seal.

25

21

Island St Helena.

At a Consultation held on

Tuesday the 27th Day of March 1716 at Union

Castle in James Valley. Isaac Pyke Esqr Governr:

Present: Matthw Bazett 3.

Edward Byfield 5.

Ordered That according to a Resolution

of Council the 11 of March 171 5/6 Arrack in the Honoble

Companys Stores be Sold out at a Dollar & a Quarter per

Gatt; when Beef is Sold by the Inhabitants at Twenty

five Shillings pr Hundred pound, and not before.

The Governr Reports that haveing the List or abstract of

Debts and Creditts in the Honble Companys Store House which is

recited in the Consultation of Tuesday the 21 of January last

there has Pursuant to the Advertizement then Published

been with him the following Persons Since the 1st of ffebru

Last and Proposed how they could Lessen or Clear their

Debts. And the Governr Sayes he would a Proposed this

before but thinks he Ought to Stay no Longer tho all the

Council be not Present because tis the Usuall time to Reckon

and he thinks tis Proper the accomptant Should have a Copy

of this Report by him when he Reckons with the People

to Govern himself thereby.

An Acco of the Debts Mentioned in the above recited

Consultation and Advertizemt then Published That all

Persons who Owed above Ten Pounds Should repair to

the

Margin Notes:

Arrack at

a Dollar

a Beef

at 25s

pr 100.

Debts

proposals

At a consultation held on Tuesday 27 March 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley, Governor Pyke sat with Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield.

The Council ordered that, following a resolution of 11 March 1716, arrack in the Company's stores be sold out at a dollar and a quarter per gallon once beef was being sold by the inhabitants at twenty-five shillings per hundredweight, and not before.

The Governor reported that he had held the list of debts and credits in the Company's storehouse, set out in the consultation of Tuesday 25 January. Following the notice then published, the persons named below had come to him since 1 February and proposed how they would lessen or clear their debts. He said he would have brought this forward earlier, but felt he ought to wait no longer even though the whole Council was not present, since this was the customary time to reckon accounts. He thought it proper that the accountant should have a copy of his report when reckoning with the people, so as to be guided by it.

The account of the debts mentioned in that consultation and notice required all persons who owed above ten pounds to come to the [...]

Interpretations

The order tying the sale of arrack to the price of beef reveals the Council managing two commodities in tandem to protect the inhabitants' own trade. Arrack from the Company stores was held back until the islanders could sell their beef at twenty-five shillings the hundredweight, which shows the administration timing its own sales so as not to undercut the local producers. This coupling of a Company sale to a market condition demonstrates a deliberate use of the store's spirit supply to support the price of island beef.

The Governor's scheme for debtors to come forward and propose terms shows the machinery by which the store recovered what it was owed. Rather than simply demanding payment, the administration published a notice and invited those in debt to set out how they would clear their accounts, which allowed the Company to gauge what could realistically be recovered. The threshold of ten pounds marked the level above which a debt was serious enough to require the debtor to treat directly with the authority.

The Governor's insistence on proceeding without a full Council and on giving the accountant a copy of his report reflects the routine discipline of settling the store's books at a fixed time. He judged the customary reckoning too important to delay for the sake of attendance, and wanted the accountant guided by his record when dealing with each debtor. This shows the administrative care taken to keep the store's accounts current, the reckoning treated as a regular obligation not to be put off.

Speculations

The Council chose to hold back the sale of the Company's arrack until island beef reached twenty-five shillings the hundredweight, rather than sell its spirit stock whenever it pleased. The order fixed both the price of a dollar and a quarter per gallon and the condition that beef must first command that figure, plainly to avoid drawing money and custom away from the inhabitants before they had sold their own produce. The straightforward course was to sell the store's arrack for the best return as soon as buyers were found, yet the Council preferred to subordinate its own sale to the state of the local beef market, protecting the islanders' trade at the cost of deferring its own.

26

22

March 1716.

the Governr and make Proposals How they Intended

to Lessen or to Clear their debts.

The following Persons has been with me Since

ffebruary the 1st 171 5/6:

Isaac Wood who Owed last March thirty Eight Pounds

Seven Shillings, Proposes that as Soon as his Cattle have

Calved (which will be before the 25 of March) he is willing

to Account and will Sell them three Cows & Calves and

hopes to Clear.

John Knipe Owes Sixty Nine Pounds and desires a years

time and is very willing to pay Interest for the Same

till tis Cleard, but desires the Honble Compa to take Some

ffowles of him now

James Vessey who Owed Eighty ffive Pound last

March Proposes that as Soon as the Season is over he

will Reckon and Clear a good Part of his debt by Delive

ring inn Cattle and Creditt and to pay Interest for the

Remainder

Samuel Jessey owed about twelve Pound fourteen

Shillings but Says that he hopes next March when he

reckons to clear all and to have Some Creditts.

Samuel Price Shoemaker that owed last March

thirty two Pounds Says he hopes to Clear in a Small time

his whole Debt by working it Out as he hath done for 15

months Last past and doe believe when he Reckons

next he shall reduce it to about Ten Pound.

John Long Owed Last March Seventy One Pound

and Says he has paid in a great Deal Since, and Next

March when He Reckons is willing to pay Interest

for what is due.

Giles

Margin Notes:

Wood.

Knipe.

Vessey.

Jessey.

Price.

Long.

The persons who owed above ten pounds were required to come to the Governor and set out how they intended to lessen or clear their debts. The following persons had come to him since 1 February 1716.

Isaac Wood, who owed £38 7s 0d as of the previous March, proposed that as soon as his cattle had calved, which would be before 25 March, he would settle his account. He was willing to sell three cows and calves and hoped to clear his debt.

John Knipe owed £69 0s 0d and asked for a year to pay, being very willing to pay interest on the sum until it was cleared. He wanted the Company to take some fowls from him now.

James Vesey, who owed £85 0s 0d as of the previous March, proposed that as soon as the season was over he would reckon and clear a good part of his debt by delivering cattle and credit, and pay interest on the remainder.

Samuel Jessey owed about £12 14s 0d, but said he hoped to clear the whole the next March when he reckoned, and to have some credit.

Samuel Price, a shoemaker who owed £32 0s 0d as of the previous March, said he hoped to clear his whole debt in a short time by working it off, as he had done for the past fifteen months. He believed that when he next reckoned he would have reduced it to about £10 0s 0d.

John Long, who owed £71 0s 0d as of the previous March, said he had already paid a good deal since, and was willing the next March, when he reckoned, to pay interest on what was due.

Interpretations

The debtors' proposals reveal how a cashless island economy discharged its obligations to the Company store, through cattle, produce, labour and credit rather than money. Wood offered to sell cows and calves, Knipe to hand over fowls, Vesey to deliver cattle and credit, and Price to work off his debt at his trade, which shows that the store was repaid in the goods and services the island actually produced. This pattern demonstrates an economy where the Company was both the chief creditor and the main market, taking payment in kind because coin was scarce.

The reckoning fixed to the following March and to the turn of the season shows how debt on the island followed the rhythm of the agricultural year. Several debtors tied their proposed payments to the calving of cattle or the end of the season, since their capacity to pay rose and fell with the productivity of their farms. The Company's willingness to wait for these natural cycles reflects an understanding that a pastoral economy yielded its surplus only at certain times, so debts had to be timed to the land.

The offer of several debtors to pay interest on the outstanding balance marks the transactions as formal credit arrangements rather than mere arrears. By accepting interest, the Company treated the unpaid debts as loans on which a return was due, which turned the store's book debts into an instrument of finance. This shows the store functioning not only as a supplier but as a source of credit, extending time to its debtors in exchange for interest on what they owed.

27

23

March 1716.

Giles Hayse Owed twenty three Pounds and is willing

his pay as a Montross be Stopt till it be all paid & Proffers

to pay Interest for his debt but because he always buys

what he wants of the Honble Comp and dont Deal with

the Under Store house keepers I think it is Proper to Shew

him Some favour by Excuseing his paying Interest.

John Worrall Serjt Owed Seventy Six Pound has Nothing

but his pay (as he Says) and Some Poultry, he is a good

Stone Layer but is one of those Mentioned in the Consul

tation of the 18th January 171 5/6 who first left the Honble

Comp work wherefore I think he ought to pay Interest

he being unwilling to Part with any Cattle and has behaved

himself So by Carrying the People from the work Unless we

raised their Wages to five Shillings pr day that I think he

Deserves no favour from the Honble Company.

Thomas Allis Owed thirty Six Pound & Sayes he is

willing to Transfer a debt that John Alexander Owes him

for Payment of the whole.

Isaac Leech Says he owes thirty Pound but hopes by

March to pay half.

Sutton Isaack Junr Owed thirty four Pounds Offers

to Send his Black to work for the Honble Comp and to breed

up Poultry for them till he has Cleared all he Says he never

bought any thing but of the Comp till he was denyd being treated

he is willing to pay Interest for what Remains due

Henry Francis Sayeth that next March when he

Reckons hopes to Enter Creditt to the vallue of Sixty Pounds &

will pay Interest for the rest till all is paid, His debt is now

near two Hundred Pound: But as this debt grew by buying

a house &c I think look on it as a good debt.

Francis

Margin Notes:

G Hayse.

J Worrall.

Allis.

J Leech.

S Isaack.

Francis

Giles Hayes owed £23 0s 0d and was willing that his pay as a matross be stopped until it was all cleared. He offered to pay interest on his debt. Since he always bought what he needed from the Company and did not deal with the under storehouse keepers, the Governor thought it proper to show him some favour by excusing him the interest.

John Worrall, a sergeant, owed £76 0s 0d and had nothing but his pay, as he said, and some poultry. He was a good stone layer, but was one of those named in the consultation of 18 January 1716 who first left the Company's work. The Governor therefore thought he ought to pay interest. Worrall was unwilling to part with any cattle and had behaved so badly in leading the people away from the work, unless their wages were raised to five shillings a day, that the Governor judged he deserved no favour from the Company.

Thomas Allis owed £36 0s 0d and said he was willing to transfer a debt that John Alexander owed him towards payment of the whole.

Isaac Leech said he owed £30 0s 0d, but hoped by March to pay half.

Sutton Isaack the younger owed £34 0s 0d. He offered to send his slave to work for the Company and to breed up poultry for them until he had cleared it all. He said he had never bought anything but from the Company until he was refused, being treated so, and he was willing to pay interest on what remained due.

Henry Francis said that the next March, when he reckoned, he hoped to enter credit to the value of £60 0s 0d and would pay interest on the rest until all was paid. His debt was now near two hundred pounds, but since it grew by his buying a house, the Governor looked on it as a good debt.

Interpretations

The Governor's differing treatment of the debtors reveals how favour and penalty were used to reward loyalty and punish defiance. Hayes was excused interest because he dealt faithfully with the Company store and shunned the under keepers, while Worrall was refused all favour and charged interest because he had led the workers in demanding higher wages. This shows the Company using the terms of debt as a lever of discipline, easing the burden for the compliant and pressing it on those who had crossed the administration.

Worrall's offence points to a labour dispute in which the workers had withdrawn from Company work to force up their wages. He was named as one who first left the work and who drew others away unless their pay was raised to five shillings a day, which marks him as a ringleader in a collective action over wages. The Company's response, denying him any indulgence on his debt, shows how it turned its position as creditor into a weapon against those who organised the labourers.

The distinction the Governor drew over the nature of a debt appears in his view of Henry Francis's near two hundred pounds. Because that debt had grown from the purchase of a house, an asset of lasting value, the Governor counted it a good debt, secure against the property behind it. This shows a creditor's understanding that a debt backed by a tangible asset stood on firmer ground than one owed by a man with nothing but his pay, the security behind the sum mattering as much as its size.

Speculations

The Governor chose to excuse Giles Hayes the interest on his debt while charging it strictly to John Worrall, though both were servants owing money to the Company. He rested the difference on conduct, that Hayes bought loyally from the Company store and kept clear of the under keepers, whereas Worrall had led the labourers in refusing work until their wages rose. The even-handed course would have been to apply the same terms of interest to all the indebted servants alike, yet the Governor preferred to make the charge turn on whether a man had served the Company's interest or defied it, using the remission of interest as a reward he withheld from those who had made trouble over wages.

28

24

March 1716.

Francis Wrangham Says that when he Reckoned

Last he Owed Forty Nine Pounds Part of a debt that he

had Contracted in buying Land but Hopes next month when

he reckons to Clear all.

John Sinsmith owed Nineteen Pound but has Severall

debts owing to him on the Island which he will gett in and

pay with, and will pay Interest (but he is worth Nothing) &

his paying Interest by Promise Signifies as Little, but I have

Ordered him to gett Security or Else to Come & work it out

he Sayes he has a right to a house which he will Sell rather

then Come to work which I have therefore Ordered him to

doe.

James Draper owes twenty Seven pounds, is very Poor

but desires his Black may be Employed in the Honble Comp

Plantations, he is Counted a very Honest man but Suffered

much by his Loss of Cattle and has a great family & Says

he had nothing Else, but Hoggs or Yamss of neither of which

we at this time have need) to Lessen his debt withalle.

John Robinson Owed thirty Seven Pounds and Sayes

at Present he cannot pay in Cattle because his Cattle are

all Young, and twill be a great Loss to him he desires to

Sell Some Yams which I told him we Can by no means

take but he Promises to reduce his debt to ten or twelve

Pounds, and on that Condition that he do's So when he reckons

at March next, that then he pay no Interest

Robert Marsh owes Seven pounds but Sayes he Cant

well Clear it yet his debt being under ten Pounds I told

him we would Not be too hard with any Body, and

bad him take his own time

Widdow Mercy Gargen has proposed again to Sell

her House and ten Acres of Land for the payment of

Margin Notes:

Wrangham.

Sinsmith.

Draper.

Robinson.

Rt Marsh.

Gargen.

Francis Wrangham said that when he last reckoned he owed £49 0s 0d, part of a debt he had contracted in buying land, but hoped the next month, when he reckoned, to clear it all.

John Sinsmith owed £19 0s 0d, but had several debts owing to him on the island which he would collect and pay with, and he would pay interest. Since he was worth nothing, his promise to pay interest counted for as little, so the Governor ordered him either to give security or else to come and work it out. Sinsmith said he liked well enough a house that he would sell rather than come to work, so the Governor ordered him to do so.

James Draper owed £27 0s 0d and was very poor. He asked that his slave might be employed in the Company plantations. He was counted a very honest man, but had suffered much by the loss of his cattle and had a large family. He said he had nothing else but hogs or yams, neither of which the Company needed at that time to reduce his debt.

John Robinson owed £37 0s 0d and said he could not at present pay in cattle, because his cattle were all young and it would be a great loss to him. He asked to sell some yams, but the Governor told him the Company could by no means take them. Robinson promised to reduce his debt to ten or twelve pounds, on condition that when he did so at the reckoning next March, he would then pay no interest.

Robert Marsh owed £7 0s 0d but said he could not clear it yet. Since his debt was under ten pounds, the Governor told him the Company would not be too hard with anybody, and let him take his own time.

Widow Mercy Gargen proposed again to sell her house and ten acres of land for the payment of [...]

Interpretations

The debtors' varied offers of payment show which island produce the Company would accept and which it would not. Cattle and collectable credit were welcome, but the Company refused hogs and yams from Draper and Robinson because it had no need of them at that time, which reveals that repayment in kind depended on the store's own requirements. A debtor rich only in goods the Company did not want was as unable to pay as one with nothing, so the value of produce lay entirely in whether the store had use for it.

The Governor's demand that Sinsmith give security or work off his debt exposes the weakness of a promise from a man of no substance. Because Sinsmith was worth nothing, his undertaking to pay interest carried no weight, so the Governor required either a surety or the man's labour instead. This shows how a creditor assessed the worth of a promise by the assets behind it, treating the word of a pauper as no security at all and forcing him to pledge his person through work.

The exemption from interest offered as an inducement appears again in Robinson's case, where the Governor promised no interest if the debt were reduced to ten or twelve pounds by the next reckoning. This turned the remission of interest into a reward for part payment, encouraging the debtor to bring his balance down to a manageable level. The device shows the Company using interest not merely as a charge but as a lever, waiving it to draw in payment and pressing it where a debtor gave no satisfaction.

29

25

March 1716.

her debts to the best bidder She owed One Hundred

twenty nine Pounds, and as many other debts as

amount in the whole to Two Hundred Sixty one

Pounds, and by Selling her House and land Hopes

to have One Hundred Pounds Clear, wherefore I

Caused an Advertizemt to be Sett up; Her four

daughters who are Co-heirs to the Reversion of Said

Estate (three of whom are at age & marryed) Con

sented to the Same

John Nichols Senr owes thirty three Pounds

Sixteen Shill but Sayes he keeps two blacks always

at the Honble Comp work which he Hopes at the Next

Reckoning in March will bring him into Creditt

they Earning three Shill pr day, I told him of the bad

Character he had on Account of his Sons who are

Counted to be Pilfering fellows they Seldome Passing

a month and Some times oftner but there is Complt

against them by every Neighbour that lives within two

Miles of him, and that therefore his Son John

who has askd leave to goe to Bencoolen Shall be

held to his word and Obliged to goe off for the Satis

faction of the Country, to which he Sayes with all

his heart he is very well Contented.

John Bagley Carpentr Sayes he owed Last March Seventy

two Pounds but has worked at his Trade for the Honble Comp

Great part of the year and hopes he Shall Lessen his Debt

very much when he goes next month to Reckon I told

him

Margin Notes:

Nichols

Bagley

Widow Mercy Gargen proposed to sell her house and land to the best bidder for the payment of her debts. She owed £129 0s 0d, and with her other debts the whole came to £261 0s 0d. By selling her house and land she hoped to clear one hundred pounds, and so the Governor had a notice put up. Her four daughters, who were co-heirs to the reversion of the estate, three of them of age and married, consented to the sale.

John Nichols, a sergeant, owed £33 16s 0d, but said he kept two slaves always at the Company's work, who he hoped would bring him into credit at the next reckoning in March, they earning three shillings a day. The Governor told him of the bad character he had on account of his sons, who were counted pilfering fellows, seldom passing a month and sometimes less without a complaint against them from every neighbour living within two miles. The Governor said that therefore his son John, who had asked leave to go to Bencoolen, should be held to his word and obliged to go off for the satisfaction of the country. Nichols answered that with all his heart he was very well content.

John Bagley, a carpenter, said he had owed £72 0s 0d as of the previous March, but had worked at his trade for the Company a great part of the year, and hoped he would lessen his debt very much when he went to reckon the next month. The Governor told him [...]

Interpretations

Widow Gargen's case shows how a heavily indebted estate was liquidated by public sale, with the interests of the heirs formally protected. Her four daughters held the reversion, the right to the property after her death, so their consent was needed before the house and land could be sold to clear her debts. The recording of that consent shows the care taken to secure a valid sale, since without the agreement of those entitled to inherit, the title passed to a buyer might later be challenged.

The Governor's use of a son's departure to Bencoolen as a remedy for his sons' misconduct reveals transportation as a means of ridding the island of troublesome inhabitants. Because the Nichols sons were reckoned petty thieves against whom the neighbours constantly complained, the Governor seized on John's request to leave for the Company's settlement at Bencoolen and made it an obligation for the good of the community. This shows how the administration turned a voluntary departure into a form of removal, exporting a nuisance to another Company post.

The repeated appearance of slaves earning three shillings a day at the Company's work illuminates how slaveholders used their slaves to service their own debts. Nichols kept two slaves constantly at Company labour, expecting their earnings to bring him into credit, which shows the slave's labour converted directly into the master's income. This reveals the economic function of slaveholding on the island, the slave generating a wage that accrued to the owner and offset what he owed the store.

Speculations

The Governor chose to treat young John Nichols's request for leave to go to Bencoolen not as a favour to be granted or refused but as an obligation to be enforced. He fastened on the son's own asking to leave and turned it into a requirement that he go off for the satisfaction of the country, moved plainly by the family's standing as pilfering fellows against whom the neighbours complained almost monthly. The ordinary course would have been simply to allow or deny the leave as the young man wished, yet the Governor preferred to convert a voluntary departure into compelled removal, using the son's request as the occasion to be rid of a troublesome household.

30

26

March 1716.

him if any Sume remaind he must pay Interest for it

he Says he Shall Clear off So much that he Hopes there will

be no Need of it.

Simon Whaley Sawyer owed thirty two Pounds

and he Proposes to Clear it by working which he is very

willing to doe when there is Occasion but he has no Other

way.

Robert Gurling Sayes that the last year he has had

a black Constantly at the work which will Come to above

twenty Pounds and will put in five Pound Creditt from

Mr Greentree and Some other Small Debts which are

good and hopes to reduce his forty Seven Pounds unto less

then twenty Pound, and is willing to pay Interest for

what Shall be behind.

Que. if he be a Shoemaker and will work for the

Company

Mrs Free & Thomas Free Owed One Hundred &

Sixty Eight Pounds She Proposes to pay Interest at

March next for it till all is paid.

Lewis Latour Owed thirty one pounds, he Says he

Shall have next month a years pay due to him which

he is willing to Sell off and Hopes then to Clear all, and

if he do's not he will goe to work & work out the rest.

Mrs Free returned to know what Security I Expected

I told her, her Son Rider, because at her Death all goes to

him and her Husband will have nothing to pay it with

to which She and her Husband agreed.

Then She brought me the following Note on

William Huff a fidler.

Island.

Margin Notes:

Whaley.

Gurling.

Free.

Latour.

The Governor told John Bagley that if any sum remained he would have to pay interest on it. Bagley said he would clear so much of the debt that he hoped there would be no need of it.

Simon Whaley, a sawyer, owed £32 0s 0d, and proposed to clear it by working, which he was very willing to do when there was occasion, but he had no other way.

Robert Girling said that over the past year he had kept a slave constantly at the work, which would come to above twenty pounds. He would also put in five pounds of credit from Mr Greentree and some other small debts which were good, and hoped to reduce his £47 0s 0d to below twenty pounds. He was willing to pay interest on what remained behind. Girling was a shoemaker and would work for the Company.

Mrs Free and Thomas Free owed £168 0s 0d. She proposed to pay interest at March next until all was paid.

Lewis Latour owed £31 0s 0d. He said he would have a year's pay due to him the next month, which he was willing to sell off, and hoped then to clear it all. If he could not, he would go to work and work out the rest.

Mrs Free returned to ask what security was expected of her. The Governor told her, her son Rider, because at her death all went to him and her husband would have nothing to pay it with. She and her husband agreed to this. She then brought the Governor the following note, on William Huff, a fiddler.

Interpretations

The demand that Mrs Free's son Rider stand as security reveals how a creditor looked past the immediate debtor to whoever would inherit the assets. The Governor required Rider because at his mother's death the property would pass to him, leaving her husband with nothing from which the debt could be recovered. This shows a creditor securing a debt against the person who would ultimately hold the estate, tying the obligation to the line of inheritance rather than to a debtor who might die possessing nothing.

The recurrence of slaveholders reckoning their slaves' labour at above twenty pounds a year shows the scale of income a single slave could generate for a master. Girling counted more than twenty pounds from one slave kept constantly at the Company's work, a sum that formed the backbone of his proposal to clear his debt. This confirms the slave as a productive asset whose hired labour serviced the owner's obligations, the master living in part on the wage his slave earned.

The willingness of tradesmen such as Whaley, Girling and Bagley to work off their debts at their crafts shows labour itself serving as a currency between the inhabitants and the Company. A sawyer, a shoemaker and a carpenter each offered their skilled work in place of money or goods, which the Company could accept because it always needed such trades. This reveals an economy where a man's trade was a means of payment, the Company taking skilled labour as readily as cattle to discharge what was owed.

31

27

Island St Helena. March 1716

I Acknowledge to be Indebted unto Mr Daniel Griffith

the Just & ffull Sume of Seventeen Pounds for Arrack &

Dyett which I promise to Pay unto him or his Heirs

In Witness whereof I have Sett my hand this 21 day

of January 171 5/6 (Signd) William Huff.

Wittness

Matt: Bazett

Gabriel Powell For which Note She desired She might have

Creditt in the Honble Comps Stores, but Huff is worth

nothing nor his Note Neither and on Inquiring into it

I find it was Extorted from him for Arrack at Eighteen

Shillings pr Gall wherefore it is my opinion that Huff

be not Obliged to pay it but left to his own Liberty, which

may be a means to Discourage these People who keep

Under Store Houses from Carrying on their Clandes

tine and Extorting trade otherwise if they are Suffered

to buy Arraick out of the Ships to Sell and Can draw

in a Drunken Soldier to give them his Note for it and

make the Honble Company take it as good Payment in their

Stores it would be Less Damage to the Compa to Sett

their Store House on fire and Never keep no more than

to be Cheated with Transferring these Sort of Notes.

Thomas Swallow Senr Owed One Hundred & Nineteen

Pounds for which he has given his bond, and has promised

to Lessen it at March.

Thomas Southen Serjt who Owed One Hundred forty

one pounds Sayes he hopes at March to Sell off Seventy

Pounds and will Send both his blacks to the work and

doubt.

Margin Notes:

Huffs Note.

Wittness

Matt: Bazett

Gabriel Powell

Swallow.

Southen

William Huff acknowledged himself indebted to Mr Daniel Griffith in the sum of £17 0s 0d for arrack and diet, which he promised to pay to Griffith or his heirs. He signed the note on 21 January 1716, witnessed by Matthew Bazett and Gabriel Cowell.

Mrs Free asked that she might have credit in the Company stores for this note, but Huff was worth nothing and his note worth as little. On enquiring into it, the Governor found that the sum had been extorted from Huff for arrack sold at eighteen shillings the gallon. It was therefore the Governor's opinion that Huff should not be obliged to pay it, but left to his own liberty. This might serve to discourage those who kept the under storehouses from carrying on their clandestine and extortionate trade. If such people were allowed to buy arrack out of the ships to sell, and to draw in a drunken soldier to give them his note for it and make the Company take it as good payment in their stores, it would do less damage to set the storehouse on fire and keep no more than to be cheated by the transferring of such notes.

Thomas Swallow the elder owed £119 0s 0d, for which he had given his bond, and had promised to lessen it at March.

Thomas Southen, a sergeant, who owed £141 0s 0d, said he hoped at March to sell off seventy pounds, and would send both his slaves to the work, and doubted [...]

Interpretations

The Governor's refusal to enforce Huff's note exposes a clandestine trade in arrack run by the under storehouse keepers against the Company's interest. These men bought spirit privately from the ships and sold it at inflated prices, here eighteen shillings the gallon, drawing drunken soldiers into debt and then seeking to pass the resulting notes into the Company stores as payment. By releasing Huff from the obligation, the Governor struck at the profitability of this racket, denying the keepers the means of turning their extortion into good credit at the Company's expense.

The mechanism of the fraud lay in the transfer of a private note into the store as if it were sound payment. A keeper who held a soldier's note for overpriced arrack could, if the Company accepted such notes, convert a worthless promise from an insolvent man into real credit against the store. The Governor's vehement rejection of the practice shows him closing this channel, protecting the store from being made the ultimate creditor for debts the keepers had manufactured through drink.

The price of arrack at eighteen shillings the gallon in this illicit trade stands in sharp contrast to the regulated rates recorded elsewhere in these accounts. The Company sold its arrack at a dollar and a quarter the gallon under controlled conditions, while the keepers extracted more than that from an intoxicated buyer. This gap reveals why the private trade was so damaging, the keepers profiting from prices the Company would not charge, and doing so by preying on soldiers whose debts then threatened to fall back on the store.

Speculations

The Governor chose to release Huff from a note he had validly signed and witnessed, rather than treat it as the enforceable debt it appeared to be. He rested the decision on his finding that the sum had been extorted for arrack at eighteen shillings the gallon by a storehouse keeper, and judged that leaving Huff at liberty would discourage the whole clandestine trade. The obvious course, faced with a signed and witnessed acknowledgment of debt, would have been to uphold it and require payment, yet the Governor preferred to void it as the fruit of extortion, using the single case to warn off those who fattened on drunken soldiers and then looked to the Company store to make their notes good.

32

28

March 1716.

doubts not but to Clear all next year, and hopes he

shall be Excused paying Interest, the man is very

Diligent and deserves Some favour.

William Seale owed thirty Seven Pounds but Says

he has deliverd Provisions to the value of near twenty

Pounds and Proffers twelve Goats in may or June

next and will send his black to the work and raise

Some Poultry till he has Cleared his debt.

John Tovaits Owed twenty five pounds, & Says

he will send his black to the work which in one year

he hopes will Clear it and Desires we would take

Some Hoggs & Yams which we Cannot do having

Eno at present and he has no Cattle.

Richard Gurling owed thirteen pounds three

Shillings by my Abstract of Debts & Creditts Deliverd

in and Entred in the Consultation books but being

askd if his Land was paid for Says he Owes three

Hundred Pounds more to the Honble Compa for

Land bought of yr Said Honble Empr in Govr Boucher

time for which we have as yett nothing to Shew, so

I Ordered him to give bond for the same Payable

with Interest from the time due.

Sutton Isaack Senr Owed thirty Eight Pounds, but

he has Nothing at Present to pay it with, he having lost

all his Cattle he has Some Land about ten Acres wch at

his death may pay it So I Ordered him to bring down

his Son and give a bond for the mony to which he

agrees.

Giles

Margin Notes:

Seale.

Tovaits.

Rd Gurling.

Isaack.

Thomas Southen doubted not that he would clear all the next year, and hoped to be excused paying interest. The man was very diligent and deserved some favour.

William Seale owed £37 0s 0d, but said he had delivered provisions to the value of near twenty pounds. He offered twelve goats in May or June next, and would send his slave to the work and raise some poultry until he had cleared his debt.

John Twaits owed £25 0s 0d and said he would send his slave to the work, which in one year he hoped would clear it. He asked the Governor to take some hogs and yams, which the Company could not do, having enough at present, and he had no cattle.

Richard Girling owed £13 3s 0d by the abstract of debts and credits delivered in and entered in the consultation books. When asked whether his land was paid for, he said he owed three hundred pounds more to the Company for land bought from it in Governor Boucher's time, for which nothing had yet been shown. The Governor ordered him to give bond for this sum, payable with interest from the time it was due.

Sutton Isaack the elder owed £38 0s 0d, but had nothing at present to pay it with, having lost all his cattle. He had some land, about ten acres, which at his death might pay it, so the Governor ordered him to bring down his son and give a bond for the money, to which he agreed.

Interpretations

Richard Girling's undisclosed debt of three hundred pounds for land reveals a large outstanding liability that had never been formally secured. He had bought the land in Governor Boucher's time, yet nothing had been produced to record the debt, so the Governor ordered him to give a bond payable with interest from when it fell due. This shows the administration bringing an old and undocumented obligation onto a proper footing, converting a loose liability into a secured bond that carried interest for the period it had gone unpaid.

The pattern of requiring bonds and bringing in sons as sureties shows a systematic effort to secure debts against inheritable property. Where a debtor such as Sutton Isaack held land that might pay the debt only at his death, the Governor required the son to be bound, so that the obligation would survive the father and attach to whoever took the land. This reveals a creditor thinking beyond the debtor's lifetime, fixing the debt to the estate and to the heir who would inherit it.

The repeated refusal of hogs and yams, declined again from Twaits, confirms that the Company took payment in kind only where the produce met its needs. Twaits had no cattle and only hogs and yams to offer, none of which the store required at the time, which left him able to pay only through his slave's labour. This shows how narrowly the option of payment in kind was bounded, a debtor with the wrong produce being effectively as unable to pay as one with nothing at all.

33

29

March 1716.

Giles Smith owed One Hundred thirty Eight

Pounds and Sayes he is to Accot for fifty Pounds Creditt

but Can pay no more now I dont know what to Say to

him, he is a Sickly fellow and has a family, but I have

Ordered him to gett Security and to make a bond for

the money due, but doubt if he can doe it.

Thomas Buenham owed Sixty Pounds, and Sayes

he has Some Creditt to Enter that Shall be Entered next

month which will Clear twenty Pounds, He has no

Black nor Cattle Left Since the dry time but is willing

to give a bond and Pay as Soon as he Can.

In Searching the Consultation books we do not find

Acco of Gurlings debt more then that on the 2 of Septmr

Anno Dom 1712 he bought the Land (formerly the

Widdow Easthopps) for three Hundred Pounds, but find

no Note under his hand for the money nor when to be

Payed or how, for which reason I have Demanded

Interest from the time due because Govornr Boucher

Sayes there that they Unanimously agree and Order that

Richard Gurling have the Said House and Land at the Price

Offered (vizt) three Hundred Pounds, being Ninety Pounds

more then the first Cost, but Gurling tells me that he was

to pay no Interest for that money Untill August 1715

and if So, the Honble Company must Instead of Gaining

Ninety Pounds be above fifty Pounds Loosers of what

their Purchase mony would exceeded at the Interest of

Eight Per Cent for they gave on the 28 of March 1710

two Hundred & ten Pounds for it as will appear plainer

by looking over the Consultation books.

Theo

Margin Notes:

Smith.

Buenham.

Giles Smith owed £138 0s 0d and said he was to be credited fifty pounds, but could pay no more now. The Governor was unsure what to make of him, since he was a sickly fellow with a family, but ordered him to give security and make a bond for the money due, though he doubted whether Smith could do it.

Thomas Burnham owed £60 0s 0d and said he had some credit to enter the next month, which would clear twenty pounds. He had no slave nor cattle left since the dry time, but was willing to give a bond and pay as soon as he could.

In searching the consultation books, the Governor found no account of Girling's debt beyond an entry of 2 September 1712, recording that he had bought the land formerly the Widow Easthope's for three hundred pounds. No note under his hand was found for the money, nor any record of when or how it was to be paid, which was why the Governor had demanded interest from the time it fell due. Governor Boucher's entry recorded that the Council had unanimously agreed and ordered that Richard Girling have the house and land at the price he offered, three hundred pounds, being ninety pounds more than the first cost. Girling told the Governor that he was to pay no interest on the money until August 1715. If that were so, the Company, instead of gaining ninety pounds, would be more than fifty pounds the loser on what their purchase money would have earned at interest of eight per cent, for they had paid two hundred and ten pounds for it on 28 March 1710, as would appear plainly by looking over the consultation books.

Interpretations

The Governor's calculation over the Girling land exposes how the Company reckoned the true profit or loss on a resale in terms of foregone interest. The Company had bought the property for two hundred and ten pounds in 1710 and sold it to Girling for three hundred, an apparent gain of ninety pounds, yet the Governor saw that if Girling paid no interest until 1715, the interest the purchase money would have earned at eight per cent over those years exceeded the ninety pounds. This reveals a creditor treating the time value of money as real, so that a nominal profit on a sale became an actual loss once the cost of capital tied up was counted.

The absence of any note or record fixing the terms of Girling's purchase shows the danger of loosely documented transactions in the Company's dealings. Because no writing under Girling's hand set out when or how the three hundred pounds was to be paid, a dispute arose years later over whether interest was owed, which the Governor resolved by demanding it from the date the money fell due. This demonstrates why the administration insisted on bonds and written acknowledgments, since an unrecorded sale left the Company exposed to the debtor's own account of the terms.

The consultation books themselves emerge here as the Company's authoritative financial record, consulted to settle a question about a transaction years past. The Governor searched the books to establish what had been agreed and at what price, treating the entries as the definitive account of the Company's dealings. This shows the register functioning as an institutional memory, the means by which the administration held its members and debtors to what had been recorded, and by which old obligations could be reconstructed and enforced.

Speculations

The Governor chose to demand interest on Girling's three hundred pounds from the time it fell due, rather than let the sale stand as the ninety-pound profit it appeared to be on its face. He grounded this on his search of the consultation books, which showed a purchase price to the Company of two hundred and ten pounds in 1710 and no written term excusing interest, so that the apparent gain dissolved into a loss once the cost of the money over five years was reckoned at eight per cent. The straightforward course would have been to accept the recorded profit and require only the principal, yet the Governor preferred to press for interest and expose the transaction as a loss, refusing to let an undocumented indulgence to Girling cost the Company more than the sale had seemed to earn.

34

30

March 1716.

The Widdow Mashborne owes One Hundred and

nine Pounds and She desires a little time being

Saying when the next Generall Letter Comes

She hopes to make it appear that fifty Pound wch

was Advanced to her Husband in England is payed

and because we all know She do's what She Can

and that her Husband was at Great Charges to

bring his family over and dying So Soon he gott

nothing here I think tis not proper to ask her for

any Interest

Richard Swallow owed Ninety four Pounds

but Saijs that by his and his Servants work he has

reduced that debt to about ten Pounds but desires

Liberty to have things out of the Stores as he has

Occasion for them which I think is reasonable

and would never refuse trusting those can Pay

So fast, and who has the Security of ecs off

Stock off both Land and Cattle

Orlando Bagley owed fifty Seven

Pounds, he Sayes he has kept his two blacks at

the work till his Plantation is Almost ruined

whereupon I told him to take them home for that

Destroyed the End of his Comeing here which was to

Occupye the Land for maintainance of the Inhabi

tants and Refreshmt of the Shiping, he Says he

will Deliver two bullocks & Some Poultry and

Pay Interest for what remains, which I Demanded

because he do's not buy of Late of the Honble Compas

Storehouse, but now Promiss he will for the future

The

Margin Notes:

Mashborne.

Swallow.

Bagley.

The Widow Mashborne owed £109 0s 0d and asked for a little time. She said that when the next general letter came she hoped to show that fifty pounds advanced to her husband in England had been paid. Since everyone knew she did what she could, and her husband had been at great charges to bring his family over and got nothing here before dying so soon, the Governor thought it not proper to ask her for any interest.

Richard Swallow owed £94 0s 0d, but said that by his own and his servants’ work he had reduced that debt to about ten pounds. He asked leave to have things out of the stores as he had occasion for them, which the Governor thought reasonable and would never refuse to those who could pay so fast, and who had the security of so large a stock of both land and cattle.

Orlando Bagley owed £57 0s 0d. He said he had kept his two slaves at the work until his plantation was almost ruined, so the Governor told him to take them home. Their being kept at the work here defeated the whole end of his living on the island, which was to occupy the land for the maintenance of the inhabitants and the refreshment of the shipping. Bagley said he would deliver two bullocks and some poultry and pay interest on what remained. The Governor demanded interest because Bagley had not lately bought from the Company storehouse, but Bagley now promised he would in future.

Interpretations

The Governor's decision to send Bagley's slaves home reveals a tension between the Company's demand for labour and its interest in seeing the land cultivated. Bagley had kept both slaves at the Company's work until his plantation fell into ruin, which defeated the very purpose of his settlement on the island, namely to farm the land for the provisioning of the inhabitants and the refreshment of calling ships. This shows the administration recognising that draining a settler's labour into Company work undermined the food supply the whole settlement depended upon, so the labour had to be returned to the soil.

The contrast between the treatment of Swallow and of others turned on the security behind the debt. Swallow was freely allowed continued credit at the stores because he paid down his debt quickly and held a large stock of land and cattle, which stood as security for anything further he took. This shows a creditor extending easy terms to a debtor whose assets guaranteed repayment, the willingness to supply goods rising directly with the tangible wealth standing behind the account.

The Widow Mashborne's case illustrates how the Company weighed hardship and good faith in deciding whether to press for interest. She was excused interest because she did what she could, because her husband had spent heavily bringing his family over and had died before profiting, and because a debt advanced to him in England might soon be discharged. This reveals an administration tempering its financial demands with judgement of circumstance, remitting interest where a debtor's misfortune and evident honesty made strict enforcement seem unjust.

Speculations

The Governor chose to order Orlando Bagley to withdraw his two slaves from the Company's work, even though their labour there was helping to pay down Bagley's debt of £57 0s 0d. He grounded the decision on the ruin of Bagley's plantation, seeing that keeping the slaves at Company work defeated the purpose of settling the land, which was to raise provisions for the inhabitants and the shipping. The obvious course, with a debtor eager to work off what he owed, would have been to let the slaves continue at the Company's service and take the benefit, yet the Governor preferred to send them back to the failing plantation, judging the island's food supply more important than the immediate recovery of the debt.

35

31

March 1716.

The Widdow Carne Owed One Hundred Ninety four

Pounds but Sayes She Cannot pay off any more at present

and is unwilling to allow Interest She has a great Deal of

Land of Capt Goodwins now in Possesion and a good

House in the valley that was Mr Carnes who left nothing

Else to pay his debts which amounted to above

three times the value of that House the that House is

worth more than he Owed the Compa at his Death and

therefore She desires that we do not take any of Capt

Goodwins Estate from his Children for payment of

Mr Carnes Debts but to pay the Compa out of Carnes Estate

and She Promisses to make Carnes Children Equall to

her own which Request I think is reasonable, Especially

because we all know She is at least Six Hundred

Pounds the Poorer for marrying Carne and that all

that Carne had would not withbut her fortune have

paid half his debts and as Carne in his life time

Sold Capt Goodwins House to pay part of his

own debts So I think Carnes House rather than

Capt Goodwins Land Should be Sold for the

Payment of the remainder of Carnes debts and

that tis Proper that we for the Honble Compa Should

Seize of the Same and Sell it by Consent of the

Widdow to the best bidder.

William Slaughter Owed Sixty five Pounds and he

Proposes to work at Stone Laying and his black, I told

him that I gave no more now then half a Crown a day

and he being one of those that left the work a year

agoe because he would not work for Less then five

Shillings

Margin Notes:

Carne.

Slaughter.

The Widow Carne owed £194 0s 0d, but said she could not pay off any more at present and was unwilling to allow interest. She held a great deal of Captain Goodwin's land, now in her possession, and a good house in the valley that had been Mr Carne's, who left nothing else to pay his debts, which amounted to above three times the value of that house. The house was worth more than he owed the Company at his death. She asked, therefore, that Captain Goodwin's estate not be taken from his children for the payment of Carne's debts, but that the Company be paid out of Carne's estate instead, and she promised to make Carne's children equal to her own.

The Governor thought this request reasonable, especially since everyone knew she was at least six hundred pounds the worse for marrying Carne. All that Carne had would not, without her own fortune, have paid half his debts. Since Carne in his lifetime had sold Captain Goodwin's house to pay part of his own debts, the Governor thought Carne's house, rather than Captain Goodwin's land, should be sold for the payment of the remainder of Carne's debts. He judged it proper that the Company seize the house and sell it by consent of the widow to the best bidder.

William Slaughter owed £65 0s 0d and proposed to work at stone laying, together with his slave. The Governor told him that he now gave no more than half a crown a day, and Slaughter was one of those who had left the work a year before, because he would not work for less than five shillings [...]

Interpretations

The widow's request untangled two estates that her late husband's debts had entwined, protecting one family's inheritance at the cost of her own. Carne had left debts above three times the value of his house and had, in his lifetime, sold Captain Goodwin's house to meet part of them, drawing Goodwin's estate into his own insolvency. By asking that Carne's house be sold rather than Goodwin's land, and promising to make Goodwin's children equal to her own, she sought to keep the two inheritances separate and to bear the loss herself, which the Governor accepted as just given how far her own fortune had already been sunk in her husband's debts.

The Governor's reasoning that Carne's house should be sold because Carne himself had sold Goodwin's shows a principle of tracing liability to its proper source. Since it was Carne's debts that had consumed Goodwin's property, it was Carne's own asset, the house, that ought to answer for the remainder, rather than further stripping the Goodwin children. This reveals a concern to match the burden of a debt to the estate that had incurred it, unwinding the entanglement of the two properties in the order that fairness required.

Slaughter's case returns to the wage dispute that recurs through these debtor examinations, fixing the Company's rate against the labourers' demand. The Governor stated plainly that he now paid only half a crown a day, while Slaughter was among those who had left the work a year before rather than accept less than five shillings. This shows the gulf between what the Company would pay and what the workers had held out for, the administration having evidently faced down the demand and settled wages well below the five shillings the labourers had sought.

Speculations

The Governor chose to have Carne's own house seized and sold for his debts, rather than take Captain Goodwin's land that the widow also held. He rested this on the history that Carne had himself sold Goodwin's house in his lifetime to pay part of his debts, so that Carne's remaining asset ought to answer for the rest instead of further reducing the Goodwin children's inheritance. The simpler course, with valuable Goodwin land already in the widow's possession, would have been to sell that to satisfy the Company, yet the Governor preferred to trace the debt back to Carne's own property and spare the Goodwin estate, accepting the widow's plea that the two families' fortunes be kept distinct.

36

32

March 1716.

Shillings tho he had then agreed with me for three Shill

pday for which reason Since I can doe without him I would

not employ him unless he would take Six pence Less, So

he now agrees to work for Halfe a Crown even.

Thomas Leech Sayes that Last March he Owed

twenty two pounds five Shillings (Altho by the Abstract

I do not find Acco of more then four pound fourteen

Shillings which Shews that Calling over these Accounts

once a year is most Necessary) but he has nothing to pay

it wth but one black who half a year home he could Send

to work, I told him that would not doe but he must gett

Some Security for the debt he proffers to Send three dozen

of ffowles about a month Hence and will Endeavour

to raise more as fast as he Can

Byadjue a black of Ripih Wills Accused by James

Draper for Stealing from him one pound of Tea, One

Pound of Sugar Candy a handkercheif and a Hatt,

while he was asleep, the black Pretended he found them,

So Ordered him to be Corrected with fifty Lashes

According to the Law of this Place; & to work a work

for the Honble Company.

Ph overseer of the blacks at Sandybay brought

the Govr inn his Acco and there he find Thomas Leeches

black put down to the Creditt of James Greentree who

keeps a Store House in this valley So that Leeches debt

must be paid to Greentree first and his black made oath

in the mean time which is a direct Cheat to the

Honble Compa almost as bad as Transferring is But I

I think Since his debt is more than he Can pay perhaps

while

Margin Notes:

T Leech.

Byadjue a Wills

black punished

for theft from

Mr Draper.

Govr Acct abt

Leech Blacks

working for Mr

Greentree

Govr

William Slaughter had left the work a year before because he would not work for less than five shillings, though he had then agreed with the Governor for three shillings a day. For that reason, since the Governor could do without him, he would not employ Slaughter unless he would take sixpence less, so Slaughter now agreed to work for even half a crown.

Thomas Leech said that the previous March he owed £22 5s 0d, though by the abstract the Governor found an account of no more than £4 14s 0d, which showed how necessary it was to go over these accounts once a year. Leech had nothing to pay it with but one slave, whom he could send to the work half a year hence. The Governor told him that this would not do, but that he must give some security for the debt. Leech offered to send three dozen fowls about a month later, and would try to raise more as fast as he could.

A slave of Rippin Wills was accused by James Draper of stealing from him one pound of tea, one pound of sugar candy, a handkerchief and a hat while Draper was asleep. The slave pretended he had found them, so the Governor ordered him to be given fifty lashes according to the law of the island, and then to work a week for the Company.

The overseer of the slaves at Sandy Bay brought the Governor his account, in which he found Thomas Leech's slave entered to the credit of James Greentree, who kept an under storehouse in the valley. This meant that Leech's debt had to be paid to Greentree first, and his slave made another debt in the meantime, which was a direct cheat to the Company, almost as bad as the transferring of notes. The Governor thought that, since Leech's debt was more than he could pay, perhaps [...]

Interpretations

The stark gap between Leech's own figure of £22 5s 0d and the abstract's £4 14s 0d exposes why the Company insisted on an annual reckoning of its accounts. The discrepancy showed that without a yearly review the record and the debtor's understanding could drift far apart, leaving the true state of a debt uncertain. This confirms the audit of the store's books as an essential discipline, the means by which errors and divergences were caught before they hardened into disputes.

The punishment of Rippin Wills's slave reveals the summary and brutal justice meted out to slaves under the island's own law. The slave was sentenced to fifty lashes and a week's forced labour for the Company on Draper's accusation of theft, a penalty imposed directly by the Governor without any process resembling that afforded a free man. This shows the separate and harsher legal regime that governed slaves, corporal punishment and appropriated labour standing as the routine response to alleged crime.

The discovery of Leech's slave credited to Greentree's account uncovered another device by which the under storehouse keepers diverted the Company's due. By having a debtor's slave work to his own credit rather than the Company's, a keeper could ensure his private debt was satisfied first while a fresh debt accrued to the store, which the Governor condemned as a cheat akin to the passing of notes. This reveals a further channel of the keepers' fraud, the misdirection of a debtor's labour to serve the keeper's interest ahead of the Company's.

Speculations

The Governor chose not to employ William Slaughter at the three shillings a day they had earlier agreed, insisting instead that he take half a crown or be turned away. He rested this on his own freedom to do without the man, having faced down the labourers who left the work a year before rather than accept less than five shillings. The natural course, with an agreed rate already settled between them, would have been to take Slaughter back at three shillings, yet the Governor preferred to press the wage lower still, using his lack of need for the labour to break the rate down to half a crown and drive home the defeat of the workers' demand.

37

33

March 1716.

while he lives, this Black for his Masters Roguery ought

to be Seized on for the Honble Company.

William Beale Punch man Owed One Hundred

and fifteen pounds and Sayed he had Enough to pay

it with Bills but Sayed he could not gett them Entered

in the Store House because he could not afford to letts

them gaine So much by his bills as they did by the

others who Sold Arrack but told me he would give

me Ten pound in Silver mony if I would Order his

bills to be transferred to his Creditts he.

Wherefore I have Ordered him to be Arrested for his

Debt at the Companys Suit and he is now in Custody And

it is my opinion that a full Stop be put to the Iniquity of

these Proceedings by Regulateing the abuse of these Trans

ferrs for it is not Enough to Discount their Extortionate

bills by bribeing of the Councill but they have the Confidence

to Attaque the Governr too.

For which reason I will lay the ax to the root of the tree

and have no transfer made but in Consultation.

For it is not the Storekeepers but the accomptants business

to make transfers, and in his absence the Secretaries but

for the future it shall be nobodys to doe it Singly but every

Every bodys to do it Publickly by Consent of yr Majority

of the Council and not by a bare Majority Neither, for if

but one gives a good reason against Transferring I

think that Transferring ought not to be made.

I have Just now heard that Thomas Leech his wife

is brought to bed of two boys, and therefore tho he deserves

his black to be Seized on it will be too rigerous to do it now

and.

Margin Notes:

Proffers a bribe

to yr Govr.

Arrested

No Transfer but

in Council

The Governor held that while Leech lived, his slave ought to be seized for the Company on account of his master's roguery.

William Beale, a punch man, owed £115 0s 0d and said he had enough to pay it with in bills, but could not get them entered in the storehouse because he could not afford to let them gain as much by his bills as they did by the others who sold arrack. Beale told the Governor that he would give him ten pounds in silver money if he would order his bills to be transferred to his credit.

For this reason the Governor ordered Beale to be arrested for his debt at the Company's suit, and he was now in custody. It was the Governor's opinion that a full stop should be put to the iniquity of these proceedings by regulating the abuse of the transfers, for it was not enough that the keepers discounted their extortionate bills by bribing the Council, but they now had the confidence to attempt to bribe the Governor too.

For this reason the Governor would lay the axe to the root of the tree and have no transfer made except in consultation. It was not the storekeeper's business to make transfers but the accountant's, and in his absence the secretary's. In future nobody would do it alone, but everybody would do it publicly by consent of the majority of the Council, and not by a bare majority either, for if even one member gave a good reason against a transfer, the Governor thought it ought not to be made.

The Governor had just heard that Thomas Leech's wife had been brought to bed of two boys. Therefore, though Leech deserved to have his slave seized, it would be too rigorous to do it now.

Interpretations

Beale's attempted bribe brought the keepers' corruption directly to the Governor's door and hardened his resolve to reform the system. Beale offered ten pounds in silver to have his bills transferred to his credit in the store, revealing that the keepers routinely bought favourable treatment for their paper, and that they now presumed to purchase the Governor himself. His arrest for the debt shows the Governor refusing the bribe and instead turning the machinery of the Company's suit against the very practice Beale sought to exploit.

The Governor's remedy struck at the procedure by which transfers were made, removing the discretion that had allowed corruption to flourish. He ruled that no transfer should be made except openly in Council, that it was the accountant's or secretary's business and not the storekeeper's, and that a single reasoned objection should be enough to stop it. This reveals a structural reform aimed at the root of the abuse, replacing the private act of an individual keeper with a public decision requiring near-unanimous consent, so that no transfer could be slipped through for a bribe.

The mechanism of the fraud emerges clearly in Beale's complaint about the gain taken on transferred bills. The keepers who dealt in arrack took a large discount on the bills they entered, profiting from the difference, and Beale could not match what they allowed the Council, so his own bills were shut out. This shows how control of the transfer process let the keepers enrich themselves at the expense of both honest debtors and the Company, the discretion to accept or refuse a bill being the lever of their extortion.

Speculations

The Governor chose to have William Beale arrested and prosecuted at the Company's suit, rather than quietly accept the ten pounds in silver offered to transfer his bills. He grounded this on the affront of a second attempt at bribery reaching the Governor himself, seeing in it proof that regulating the transfers had become urgent. The path of least resistance, and the one the keepers plainly expected, would have been to take the money and enter the bills as others did, yet the Governor preferred to turn the Company's legal power against the man who tried to buy him, making Beale's arrest the occasion to lay the axe to the root of the whole corrupt practice.

38

34

March 1716.

and am for trying a Little Longer if our forbeerance

will have any good Effect upon him.

Giles Smith has been with me again and Sayes he Shall

be able in march next to pay in good Creditt forty Pound more, and

Desires if he do's So that we may take his own Security for the

rest, which I think is Pretty well.

Stephen Luffkin owed thirty three Pounds, Proposes to

pay ten pound next March, and it being a debt of Long

Standing he is willing to pay Interest for the remainder

The Widdow Grace Porteous owed One Hundred

ninety Six pounds, her Husband lately dead was Surgn

of the place but deceased Insolvent whereupon I Ordered

the Secretary Mr Byfeld to take an Acco of the

Goods for the Honble Compa and to make a Publick Sale

thereof but have Left the poor Widdow a bed, & bedding

three Chairs a Chest with her own wearing Cloths and

a little of the China ffurniture to Dress Her Victualls

and Ordered to her Husbands Cloths and the remainder

of the Goods to be Sold at a Publick Out Cry with

twelve months Creditt that they might Yeild the better

Price (which Creditt are all to be Entered to the

Honble Compa account But She had a black man

Named Jack, and a woman Slave Named Dinnah

with a female Child, the which I would not Suffer to be

Sold by Out Cry because the Honble Compa is in Such

want of Slaves, and therefore I had them appraised

by one of the Council Mr Byfeld, and Mr Wrangham

d Clentonr who Vallued them at fifty Pounds, which

is to be placed to her Creditt as well as the Goods

the Widdow is now So poor that the Parrish Contribute

towards Her Maintenance.

The

Margin Notes:

Luffkin.

Widdow Porteous

The Governor was for trying a little longer, to see whether his forbearance would have any good effect upon Leech.

Giles Smith had been with the Governor again and said he would be able the next March to pay in good credit forty pounds more. He asked that, if he did so, they might take his own security for the rest, which the Governor thought reasonable enough.

Stephen Luffkin owed £33 0s 0d and proposed to pay ten pounds the next March. Since it was a debt of long standing, he was willing to pay interest on the remainder.

The Widow Grace Porteous owed £196 0s 0d. Her husband, lately dead, had been surgeon of the island, but died insolvent, so the Governor ordered the secretary Mr Byfield to take an account of the goods for the Company and to make a public sale of them. He left the poor widow a bed and bedding, three chairs, a chest, her own wearing clothes and a little of the china furniture to serve her meals. He ordered her husband's clothes to be given to her as well, and the remainder of the goods to be sold at public outcry with twelve months’ credit, so that they might yield a better price, the credit all to be entered to the Company’s account. She had a male slave named Jack and a woman slave named Diannah with a female child, whom the Governor would not allow to be sold at outcry, because the Company was in such want of slaves. He therefore had them appraised by Mr Byfield, one of the Council, together with Mr Wrangham and a planter, who valued them at £50 0s 0d, which was to be placed to her credit along with the goods. The widow was now so poor that the parish contributed towards her maintenance.

Interpretations

The Governor's treatment of the Widow Porteous shows the law of insolvency tempered by a measure of humanity toward a destitute widow. Though her late husband died owing £196 0s 0d and his goods were seized for public sale, the Governor set aside a bed, chairs, a chest, her clothes and a little tableware, sparing her the barest necessities of life. This reveals a practice of leaving an insolvent's widow the essentials rather than stripping her entirely, the recovery of the debt stopping short of reducing her to complete destitution.

The decision to appraise the slaves privately rather than sell them at auction exposes the Company's acute need for slave labour on the island. Because the Company was so short of slaves, the Governor would not let Jack, Diannah and her child be sold by public outcry, but had them valued and taken up at £50 0s 0d against the widow's debt. This shows the Company diverting valuable slaves to its own use ahead of the open market, its scarcity of labour overriding the ordinary course of a public insolvency sale.

The grant of twelve months’ credit at the public sale reveals a deliberate strategy to maximise the return on the insolvent estate. By allowing buyers a year to pay, the Governor expected the goods to fetch a better price than a cash sale would bring, the credit itself becoming an asset entered to the Company's account. This demonstrates an understanding that extended credit could raise the yield of a forced sale, the administration managing the disposal to recover as much of the debt as possible.

Speculations

The Governor chose to withhold the three slaves from the public auction and have them appraised for the Company at £50 0s 0d, rather than let them be sold at outcry with the rest of the widow's goods. He grounded this on the Company's pressing want of slaves, singling them out from an estate otherwise ordered to be sold openly for the best price. The straightforward course, having directed a public sale of the insolvent's property, would have been to include the slaves and let the bidding set their value, yet the Governor preferred to reserve them for the Company at a fixed appraisal, the shortage of labour outweighing whatever a competitive sale might have yielded.

39

35

March 1716.

The Council present being asked if they agreed

or made any Objection to this report, Capt Bazett

Saijs he thinks it a little hard to ask any body for

Interest because it has not been usuall to doe So here

the Governr Sayes he has written down in his report

the reason why and he do's think it very Proper &

doubts not of finding it turn to Account, and Hope

when they find they must pay Interest for Debts

of Long Standing it will be a Spurr to them to Clear

their Accots a little the Oftener.

The Governr having at the Complaint of Gunner ffrench

Discharged two blacks of Docter Thomlinsons from

the work they being weakly and not So fitt as others, and

being Importuned to Imploy them againe has sett them

at work for twelve pence pday which he Says he thinks

is more then they deserve, Doct Thomlinson appeared

and Desired a Presedent for Lowering of Wages might

not be made of his blacks Mr Bazett Says tis his opinion

that no body Can afford to Send a black to work for less

then Eighteen pence pday and that Governr Robats

repented many times that he had Lowered them to 18d

and the Doctors other five Slaves being Good Blacks

those two may goe Very well among them, The Govr

Says he will buy what blacks he Can and as Soon

as he has Ten will begin the Presedent himself and

lett them to the Honble Company for one Shilling

Each pday but he is Answered that if he do's So

he will find no body Else to doe So too, because tis So

little

Margin Notes:

Interest for

Debts.

Thomlinsor blks

complained on

Lowering Blacks

Wages to 12d

day.

Govr will do it him

self.

The Council present was asked whether it agreed or had any objection to the report. Captain Bazett said he thought it a little hard to ask anybody for interest, since it had not been usual to do so on the island. The Governor answered that he had written down in his report the reason why, and did think it very proper, and doubted not of finding it turn to account. He hoped that when the debtors found they must pay interest on debts of long standing, it would spur them to clear their accounts a little the oftener.

The Governor, at the complaint of Gunner French, had discharged two slaves of Doctor Thomlinson from the work, they being weakly and not so fit as others. Being pressed to employ them again, he had set them to work at twelve pence a day, which he said was more than they deserved. Doctor Thomlinson appeared and asked that no precedent for the lowering of wages be made of his slaves. Mr Bazett said it was his opinion that nobody could afford to send a slave to work for less than eighteen pence a day, and that Governor Roberts had many times reported that he had lowered them to eighteen pence. Since the Doctor's other five slaves were good slaves, these two might go very well among them. The Governor said he would buy what slaves he could, and as soon as he had ten would set the precedent himself and let them to the Company for one shilling each a day. He was answered that if he did so, he would find nobody else to do the same, because it was so little [...]

Interpretations

The dispute over the hire rate for slaves exposes a conflict between the Governor's drive to cut costs and the slaveholders' insistence on a floor beneath their returns. Bazett held that no one could afford to hire out a slave for less than eighteen pence a day, while the Governor set Thomlinson's two weak slaves at twelve pence and threatened to bring the rate down to a shilling once he had slaves of his own. This reveals the tension at the heart of the labour market, the Company as employer pressing wages down while the owners defended the rate that made hiring out their slaves worthwhile.

Thomlinson's plea that his slaves not be made a precedent shows how a single rate, once set, was feared to govern the whole market. The doctor accepted the lowered rate for his two weak slaves only under protest, anxious that it not become the standard applied to his five good ones or to the slaves of others. This reveals how the hire rate functioned as a shared benchmark, a reduction forced in one case threatening to pull down the return on all, so that owners resisted any lowering even of a marginal case.

The Governor's answer to Bazett on interest ties this sitting back to the whole debtor reckoning that fills the preceding pages. He defended the novel charge of interest as a spur to make debtors clear their accounts more often, treating a device unusual on the island as a tool to quicken a sluggish flow of repayment. This shows the reasoning behind a departure from local custom, interest introduced not for its own return alone but to change the behaviour of men who let their debts run for years.

40

36

March 1716.

little the People Can gett Nothing by it. Upon

the whole the Governr Leaving it to the Council is

desired to Employ all the Seven Blacks of Dr Thomlinsons

as before.

Edward Brereton made Complt That going by

Mr Robinsons House on Satturday last, his dogg Run

very feirce at him, and thereupon he Called to the black

wench and bid her Call the dogg away or Else he would

Shoot him next time he Came by there, which Robinson

over hearing bid him Kiss the dogs Arse Brereton bid him kiss

it your Selfe Upon which Robinson Called him Severall

ffames as rogue Rascall &c and threatned to break

his head and Come up Close to him, and Shoved him

him along, and Sayd he Supposed the Said Brereton

was Sett on by Somebody, Meaning Capt Haswell

by knoding his head towards his houss, and Saying

he would have his Sattisfaction of him if it Cost

fifty pounds, and Said Capt Haswell was a Sorry

ffellow wth other reflecting words Swearing at the

Same time two or three Oaths. To all which the

Said Brereton made Oath. Whereupon.

Ordered That the Said John Robinson be

fined the Sume of Six Shilling for Swearing to yr

use of the Poor, And for his Affronting Capt

Haswell without any Just reason. He be bound over

to his good behaviour till next Sessions.

Mr Henry Francis being Summoned down

on the Account of Elizabeth Maxwell at a Complaint

of her Mother Mary Orchard, for not useing her well

and.

Margin Notes:

Brereton compl

agst

Robinson.

Fined 6s &

bound over to

good behavr.

Mary Orchard

compl agst

Henr Francis.

The people could gain little by working so cheaply. On the whole, the Governor left the matter to the Council, which wished to employ all seven of Doctor Thomlinson's slaves as before.

Edward Brereton complained that, going by Mr Robinson's house on the previous Saturday, Robinson's dog ran very fiercely at him. He called to the black wench and bid her call the dog away, or else he would shoot it the next time he came by. Robinson, overhearing, told him to kiss the dog's backside himself. Brereton then called Robinson several names, such as rogue and rascal, and threatened to break his head, coming up close to him and shoving him along. Robinson said he supposed Brereton was set on by somebody, meaning Captain Haswell, and he nodded his head towards Haswell's house. He said he would have his satisfaction of Brereton if it cost him fifty pounds, and called Captain Haswell a sorry fellow, with other insulting words, swearing two or three oaths at the same time. To all this Brereton made oath.

The Council ordered that John Robinson be fined the sum of six shillings for swearing, to the use of the poor, and for affronting Captain Haswell without any just reason. He was to be bound over to his good behaviour until the next sitting.

Mr Henry Francis had been summoned down on account of Elizabeth Maxwell, at the complaint of her mother Mary Orchard, for not using her well [...]

Interpretations

The fine imposed on Robinson shows the small machinery by which the Council policed swearing and public affronts among the inhabitants. He was fined six shillings for his oaths, the money directed to the use of the poor, and bound over to good behaviour until the next sitting. This reveals how minor breaches of order were handled, a modest penalty turned to charitable use combined with a recognisance that held the offender to keep the peace under threat of forfeiture.

Robinson's suspicion that Brereton had been set on by Captain Haswell points to the undercurrent of faction that ran beneath even a trivial quarrel over a dog. He read the confrontation not as a chance dispute but as an attack contrived by an enemy, nodding toward Haswell's house and vowing satisfaction whatever it cost. This shows how personal rivalries coloured the reading of ordinary incidents, a barking dog and a shove becoming, in the mind of one party, the visible edge of a hidden design.

The direction of the fine to the use of the poor illustrates how the penalties for petty offences were folded into the parish's provision for its needy. Rather than accruing to the Company or the court, the six shillings went to relieve the poor, tying the punishment of disorder to the support of the destitute. This reveals a small circuit of local governance, the fines levied on the unruly serving to fund the parish's charitable obligations.

41

37

March 1716.

and for taking Seven pound a year for her boarding

appeared and Sayd that neither he nor his wife, had

any way misused the Girle Nor had he any more for

her board then the usuall Price of Seven pounds a year,

It appears to us that the Girle (who wth her mother

is now present) is very well usd and that there's no

Cause of any Complt Seven pounds a year being the

usuall rate for boarding any Children on this

Place. Therefore Mr Francis is dismist and the

Said Girle Ordered to remaine with him at least

till She is of age to Choose a Guardian.

Ordered That the following Advertize

ment be Issued out. By the Worsh Governr

& Counr An Advertizem.

These are to give Notice to the Inhabitants of this

Island that the Governr & Council doth intend to Hold

their Quarterly Sessions at the Sessions House in

James valley near Union Castle on Wednesday the

11th of Aprill next Insuing the date hereof.

Wherefore those Persons who have any Actions

Causes, or Suits Depending (or may have hereafter)

are required to Enter their Actions According to the usuall

Custome of Ten days before and to file up their Decla

rations five days before the Said 11 of Aprill in due

fourm that the Deffendants may have timely Notice

to make their Defence, Otherwise the Plaintiffs may

plead

Margin Notes:

Eliz Maxwell

to remain wth

Henr Francis

Sessions to be

held.

The complaint against Henry Francis was for not using the girl well and for taking seven pounds a year for her boarding. Francis appeared and said that neither he nor his wife had in any way mistreated the girl, nor had he charged more for her board than the usual price of seven pounds a year.

It appeared to the Council that the girl, who was now present with her mother, was very well used, and that there was no cause for any complaint, seven pounds a year being the usual rate for boarding any children on the island. Francis was therefore dismissed, and the girl ordered to remain with him at least until she was of age to choose a guardian.

The Council ordered that the following advertisement be issued.

The Governor and Council gave notice to the inhabitants of the island that they intended to hold their quarterly sitting at the sessions house in James Valley near Union Castle on Wednesday 11 April next. Those persons who had any actions, causes or suits pending, or might have hereafter, were required to enter their actions ten days before, according to the usual custom, and to file their declarations five days before 11 April, in due form, so that the defendants might have timely notice to make their defence. Otherwise the plaintiffs might [...]

Interpretations

The resolution of the boarding complaint reveals a settled rate for the maintenance of children on the island and the Council's role in overseeing such arrangements. Seven pounds a year was found to be the usual charge for boarding any child, so Francis had neither overcharged nor mistreated the girl, and the complaint failed. This shows the Council adjudicating a domestic dispute by reference to an established local standard, the customary rate serving as the measure against which the mother's grievance was tested.

The order that the girl remain with Francis until old enough to choose a guardian discloses the legal recognition of an age at which a minor might select who should have charge of her. Rather than returning her to her mother or leaving the matter open, the Council fixed her place until she reached the age of choice. This reveals a structured approach to guardianship, the child's own future election of a guardian anticipated and her present custody settled in the meantime.

The notice for the quarterly sittings sets out the procedural timetable by which civil litigation was regulated on the island. Actions had to be entered ten days before the sitting and declarations filed five days before, so that defendants received timely notice to prepare their defence. This reveals the ordered forms of the island's court, borrowed from English practice, imposing fixed intervals for pleading that ensured both parties came to the sitting properly warned and ready.

42

38

March 1716.

plead a Non Suit, But if any Ship Should happen

to Arrive here between this and the day above Men

tioned then the Sessions will be Deferrd till the

monday next after her Departure.

Therefore all Persons Concernd are to

take Particular Notice Accordinge

Dated at Union Castle in James

valley this 30th day of March 1716.

Signd pr order of the

Governr &c: Council.

Jno Alexander

The following Advertizemt was Issued out.

Island St Helena By order of the Worsh

Governr An Advertizem.

Whereas it hath Pleased the Providence

of Almighty God to lay a very Great Affliction

on the Governr which has disabled him from

holding a Sessions at the Intended time; He has

therefore Ordered this Publick Advertizemt

to be given that he is Obliged to put off the Sessions

to Some further time, of which there Shall be

due Warning, and all Persons Concerned are

desired.

Margin Notes:

Island St Helena

Sessions put off

Otherwise the plaintiffs might be nonsuited. But if any ship should happen to arrive between the date of the notice and the day mentioned, the sitting would be deferred until the Monday next after her departure. All persons concerned were therefore to take particular notice accordingly. The notice was dated at Union Castle in James Valley on 30 March 1716 and signed by order of the Governor and Council by John Alexander.

A further advertisement was issued.

The Governor and Council gave notice that, since it had pleased the providence of Almighty God to lay a very great affliction on the Governor, which disabled him from holding the sitting at the intended time, he had ordered this public notice to be given that he was obliged to put off the sitting to some further time. Due warning of this would be given, and all persons concerned were desired [...]

Interpretations

The provision to defer the sitting whenever a ship arrived reveals how completely the island's business bent to the demands of passing vessels. A sitting fixed for a set day would be put off until the Monday after any ship departed, since the arrival of shipping drew away the attention of the whole settlement. This shows the primacy of the ships in island life, the ordinary work of the court yielding to the far greater urgency of provisioning and dealing with the vessels on which St Helena depended.

The threat of a nonsuit gave the procedural timetable its force, penalising a plaintiff who failed to plead in due form and time. A litigant who did not enter his action and file his declaration within the set intervals risked being nonsuited, that is, having his suit dismissed for want of proper prosecution. This reveals how the court enforced its forms, the loss of the action standing as the sanction that compelled plaintiffs to observe the fixed steps of pleading.

The deferral of the sitting on account of the Governor's affliction shows how far the working of the court depended on the person of the Governor himself. His illness alone was enough to halt the quarterly sitting, there being no other officer who could hold it in his place. This reveals the concentration of judicial authority in a single figure, the administration of justice on the island bound up with the Governor's own health and presence.

43

39

March 1716

desired to take Notice hereof accordingly

Dated at Union Castle in James

Valley this 5th day of Aprill 1716.

Signd pr order of the Governr

Jno Alexander

The Gunner brought in the following Acco of Expence

An Acco of the Expence of Gunners Stores from the 1st day

of March 171 5/6 to the last of Do vizt

Musq, ffalk, Cohorn 0 1/2

March 6 To Mr Tovey

Musq 4, ffalk 21, Cohorn 33

15 Do For Generall Aislabye going aboard

ffalk 7, Cohorn 7

For the Duke of Cambridge Sailing for England

Cohorn 10

For the Use of the Guard

Musket Batts Expended at yr Planta House

70

Bruikaneers at Do

2

Flints for the Guard

48

Match for Do

28

Cartridge Cap Do the Surgn

1

Do Do to Lieut Mason

1

Do for the Guerd

4

(Signd) Jno French

Musq 6, 28, 48, 2, 70, ffalk 4, 28, Cohorn 50 1/2

All persons concerned were desired to take notice accordingly. The notice was dated at Union Castle in James Valley on 5 April 1716 and signed by order of the Governor by John Alexander.

The Gunner brought in the following account of the expense of the gunner's stores from 1 March to the last day of March 1716. The columns recorded minute guns fired, other shot or gunfire, and powder in pounds.

6 March, to Mrs Tovey, minute guns 0, other 0, powder 0.5 lb

15 March, for General Aislabie going aboard, minute guns 4, other 21, powder 33 lb

for the Duke of Cambridge sailing for England, minute guns 0, other 7, powder 7 lb

for the use of the guard, powder 10 lb

musket balls expended at the plantation house, 70

buccaneers at the plantation house, 2

flints for the guard, 48

match for the guard, 28

cartridge caps delivered to the surgeon, 1

cartridge caps delivered to Lucas Mason, 1

cartridge caps for the guard, 4

Totals, 6 28 48 2 70, minute guns 4, other 28, powder 50.5 lb

The account was signed by John French.

Interpretations

The account records the ceremonial and defensive expenditure of the island's gunpowder over a single month, distinguishing salutes from ordinary military supply. The firing of minute guns and rounds for General Aislabie going aboard and for the Duke of Cambridge sailing marked the departures of a dignitary and a Company ship with formal salutes, a customary courtesy that consumed a notable quantity of powder. This shows how the island expended a scarce and costly commodity on the rituals of respect owed to rank and to the Company's vessels.

The gunner's account illustrates the careful tracking of munitions on a remote garrison where every charge of powder had to be accounted for. Powder, shot, flints, match and cartridge caps were each recorded against the occasion of their use, from salutes to the daily needs of the guard, and the small issues to the surgeon and to a named man were noted alongside the larger firings. This reveals the discipline of a military store, munitions being a controlled resource whose consumption was documented item by item.

The Duke of Cambridge was a Company ship, its departure for England saluted from the island's guns as it left the road. Such vessels were the lifeline of the settlement, carrying its trade and its correspondence, and their arrivals and departures were events of the first importance. The powder spent to salute the ship marks the ceremonial weight attached to the shipping on which the island's whole existence depended.

44

40

Island St Helena An Account of Families

into the Secretarys Office between

Whites, Blacks

Persons names, Men, Women, Youths, Maidens, Boys to 12 Y, Girls to 13, Children, Totall, Men, Women, Boys, Girls, Totall, Cattle

Capt Geo Haswell Deplcol: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 1, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 2, Totall 6, Cattle 1

Cor Matt Bazett 3 in Coun: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 6, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 4, Cattle 1

Mr Jos Thomlinson Chapl: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 1, Totall 1, Men 6, Women 2, Boys 1, Girls 2, Totall 11, Cattle 0

Thom Eason Ensign: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 2, Men 2, Women 2, Boys 4, Girls 0, Totall 8, Cattle 0

Jno Alexander Bd & Secretary: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 2, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 1, Girls to 13 0, Children 5, Totall 9, Men 3, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 3, Totall 7, Cattle 2

John ffrench Gunner: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 4, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 3, Cattle 0

Jno Goodwin Writer: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 3, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 1, Totall 4, Cattle 0

Thom Southen: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 1, Girls to 13 0, Children 6, Totall 8, Men 2, Women 0, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 3, Cattle 0

John Worrall Serjeants: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 4, Men 1, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 1, Totall 4, Cattle 0

Wm Slaughter Serjeants: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 1, Children 3, Totall 6, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 3, Cattle 0

Thom Dutch: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 4, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Christ Hell: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 3, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Ja Leech Gun mate: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 3, Men 0, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1, Cattle 0

Ja Wood Corporal: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 1, Girls to 13 0, Children 1, Totall 4, Men 3, Women 2, Boys 1, Girls 1, Totall 7, Cattle 1

Sam Jessey Sq & Gun: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 5, Totall 8, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 1, Totall 4, Cattle 0

Will Worrall Sq & Gun: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 3, Men 2, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 2, Cattle 0

Lewis Latour Montross: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 1, Totall 2, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Hum Edwards Montross: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 1, Girls to 13 0, Children 4, Totall 6, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Frances ffunge Armour: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 3, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Tho Hayse Montrosses: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 4, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Giles Hayes Montrosses: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Ralph Orme Montrosses: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 3, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Will Postley Montrosses: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 0, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1, Cattle 0

Jno Orchard Montrosses: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Joseph Bates Marshall: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 Y 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0, Cattle 0

Carried over: Men 0, Women 21, Youths 4, Maidens 4, Boys to 12 Y 2, Girls to 13 0, Children 56, Totall 90, Men 32, Women 14, Boys 11, Girls 11, Totall 68, Cattle 5

This was an account of families returned into the secretary's office, listing each head of family with the whites of the household divided into men, women, youths, maidens, boys to 12 years, girls to 13 years and children, then a white total, and the blacks divided into men, women, boys and girls, then a black total, with a final column for cattle.

Captain George Haswell, deputy governor: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 1, black men 2, women 1, boys 1, girls 2, black total 6, cattle 1

Captain Matthew Bazett, third in council: white men 0, women 1, youths 1, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 6, black men 2, women 1, boys 1, girls 0, black total 4, cattle 1

Mr Joseph Thomlinson, chaplain: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 1, white total 1, black men 6, women 2, boys 1, girls 2, black total 11, cattle 0

Thomas Casen, ensign: white men 0, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 2, black men 2, women 2, boys 4, girls 0, black total 8, cattle 0

John Alexander, deputy secretary and storekeeper: white men 0, women 1, youths 2, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 0, children 5, white total 9, black men 3, women 1, boys 0, girls 3, black total 7, cattle 2

John French, gunner: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 4, black men 2, women 1, boys 0, girls 0, black total 3, cattle 0

John Goodwin, writer: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 3, black men 2, women 1, boys 0, girls 1, black total 4, cattle 0

Thomas Southen: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 0, children 6, white total 8, black men 2, women 0, boys 1, girls 0, black total 3, cattle 0

John Worrall, sergeant: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 4, black men 1, women 1, boys 1, girls 1, black total 4, cattle 0

William Slaughter, sergeant: white men 0, women 1, youths 1, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 1, children 3, white total 6, black men 2, women 1, boys 0, girls 0, black total 3, cattle 0

Thomas Dutch: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 4, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

Christopher Hell, gunner's mate: white men 0, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 3, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

Isaac Leech, gunner's mate: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 3, black men 0, women 1, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1, cattle 0

Isaac Wood, corporal: white men 0, women 1, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 0, children 1, white total 4, black men 3, women 2, boys 1, girls 1, black total 7, cattle 1

Samuel Jessey, planter and gunner: white men 0, women 1, youths 1, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 5, white total 8, black men 2, women 1, boys 0, girls 1, black total 4, cattle 0

William Worrall, planter and gunner: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 3, black men 2, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 2, cattle 0

Lewis Latour, matross: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 1, white total 2, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

Humphrey Edwards, matross: white men 0, women 0, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 0, children 4, white total 6, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

Frances Funge, armourer: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 3, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

Thomas Hayes, matross: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 4, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

Giles Hayes, matross: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

Ralph Orme, matross: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 3, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

William Portley, matross: white men 0, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 0, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1, cattle 0

John Orchard, matross: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

Joseph Bates, marshal: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0, cattle 0

Carried over: white men 0, women 21, youths 4, maidens 4, boys 4, girls 2, children 56, white total 90, black men 32, women 14, boys 11, girls 11, black total 68, cattle 5

Interpretations

The muster records the population of the island by household, dividing every family into its white members by age and sex and its slaves by the same reckoning, with cattle noted alongside. This shows the administration counting people and stock together as the measurable resources of the settlement, the return giving the Company a precise picture of how many mouths it governed, how many hands it could call on and how the slaves were distributed among the families.

The concentration of slaves in the households of the senior officers reveals how far slaveholding tracked rank and office on the island. The chaplain Thomlinson held eleven slaves, the deputy governor Haswell six, and the storekeeper Alexander seven, while many of the matrosses at the foot of the list held none at all. This shows the ownership of labour following the hierarchy of the Company's service, the men of standing commanding the slaves whose hire and produce, as the debtor examinations showed, underpinned much of the island's economy.

A matross was the lowest grade of the artillery, a soldier who assisted the gunners in serving and loading the great guns, ranking below a gunner's mate. The many matrosses listed here, most with a wife and children but no slaves and no cattle, formed the base of the garrison and the poorest layer of the settled population. Their presence in numbers shows the military character of the island, its people drawn largely from the ranks of the Company's small standing force.

45

41

Land & Cattle on St Island for the Year 1715. As given

the 12th & 28th day of March 171 5/6

Neat Cattle, Acres of Land.

Cowes, Bullocks, Heifers, Steers, Yearlongs, Calves, Totall, Manured, Unmanured, Totall

Capt Geo Haswell Deplcol: Cowes 6, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 4, Calves 6, Totall 17, Manured 0, Unmanured 0, Totall 0

Cor Matt Bazett 3 in Coun: Cowes 12, Bullocks 0, Heifers 2, Steers 0, Yearlongs 11, Calves 12, Totall 38, Manured 35, Unmanured 20, Totall 55

Mr Jos Thomlinson Chapl: Cowes 4, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 2, Calves 4, Totall 10, Manured 0, Unmanured 01, Totall 01

Thom Eason Ensign: Cowes 7, Bullocks 0, Heifers 3, Steers 4, Yearlongs 0, Calves 8, Totall 22, Manured 0, Unmanured 45, Totall 45

Jno Alexander Bd & Secretary: Cowes 10, Bullocks 0, Heifers 5, Steers 4, Yearlongs 0, Calves 8, Totall 29, Manured 58, Unmanured 0, Totall 58

John ffrench Gunner: Cowes 4, Bullocks 0, Heifers 4, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 4, Totall 12, Manured 78, Unmanured 05, Totall 83

Jno Goodwin Writer: Cowes 9, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 8, Calves 6, Totall 23, Manured 29, Unmanured 0, Totall 29

Thom Southen: Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 3, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 4, Totall 9, Manured 12, Unmanured 8, Totall 20

John Worrall Serjeants: Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 3, Calves 2, Totall 7, Manured 0, Unmanured 3, Totall 3

Wm Slaughter Serjeants: Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 0, Unmanured 0, Totall 0

Thom Dutch: Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 2, Unmanured 0, Totall 2

Christ Hell: Cowes 5, Bullocks 0, Heifers 2, Steers 2, Yearlongs 0, Calves 5, Totall 14, Manured 5, Unmanured 6, Totall 11

Ja Leech Gun mate: Cowes 16, Bullocks 1, Heifers 4, Steers 4, Yearlongs 0, Calves 15, Totall 41, Manured 48, Unmanured 30, Totall 78

Ja Wood Corporal: Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 5, Totall 9, Manured 32, Unmanured 0, Totall 32

Sam Jessey Sq & Gun: Cowes 4, Bullocks 0, Heifers 2, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 6, Totall 12, Manured 5, Unmanured 12, Totall 17

Will Worrall Sq & Gun: Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 3, Totall 7, Manured 30, Unmanured 1, Totall 31

Lewis Latour Montross: Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 0, Unmanured 15, Totall 15

Hum Edwards Montross: Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 2, Calves 2, Totall 6, Manured 0, Unmanured 0, Totall 0

Frances ffunge Armour: Cowes 1, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 1, Totall 2, Manured 10, Unmanured 20, Totall 30

Tho Hayse Montrosses: Cowes 1, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 2, Yearlongs 0, Calves 1, Totall 4, Manured 0, Unmanured 0, Totall 0

Giles Hayes Montrosses: Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 1, Calves 3, Totall 0, Manured 0, Unmanured 0, Totall 0

Carried over: Cowes 5, Bullocks 1, Heifers 28, Steers 16, Yearlongs 31, Calves 95, Totall 270, Manured 343, Unmanured 168, Totall 511

This was an account of the land and cattle held on the island for the year 1715, given on 12 and 28 March 1716. The cattle were divided into cows, bullocks, heifers, steers, young ones and calves, then a total, and the land into acres of arable free and acres enclosed, then a total. The names are those of the heads of family from the muster on the facing page, set here against each household's holdings.

Captain George Haswell: cows 6, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 4, calves 6, cattle total 17, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Captain Matthew Bazett: cows 12, bullocks 0, heifers 2, steers 0, young 11, calves 12, cattle total 38, arable free 35, enclosed 20, land total 55

Mr Joseph Thomlinson: cows 4, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 2, calves 4, cattle total 10, arable free 0, enclosed 1, land total 1

Thomas Casen: cows 7, bullocks 0, heifers 3, steers 4, young 0, calves 8, cattle total 22, arable free 0, enclosed 45, land total 45

John Alexander: cows 10, bullocks 0, heifers 5, steers 4, young 0, calves 8, cattle total 29, arable free 58, enclosed 0, land total 58

John French: cows 4, bullocks 0, heifers 4, steers 0, young 0, calves 4, cattle total 12, arable free 78, enclosed 5, land total 83

John Goodwin: cows 9, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 8, calves 6, cattle total 23, arable free 29, enclosed 0, land total 29

Thomas Southen: cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 3, steers 0, young 0, calves 4, cattle total 9, arable free 12, enclosed 8, land total 20

John Worrall: cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 3, calves 2, cattle total 7, arable free 0, enclosed 3, land total 3

William Slaughter: cows 0, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 0, cattle total 0, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Thomas Dutch: cows 0, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 0, cattle total 0, arable free 0, enclosed 2, land total 2

Christopher Hell: cows 5, bullocks 0, heifers 2, steers 2, young 0, calves 5, cattle total 14, arable free 5, enclosed 6, land total 11

Isaac Leech: cows 16, bullocks 1, heifers 4, steers 4, young 0, calves 15, cattle total 41, arable free 48, enclosed 30, land total 78

Isaac Wood: cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 0, young 0, calves 5, cattle total 9, arable free 32, enclosed 0, land total 32

Samuel Jessey: cows 4, bullocks 0, heifers 2, steers 0, young 0, calves 6, cattle total 12, arable free 5, enclosed 12, land total 17

William Worrall: cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 0, young 0, calves 3, cattle total 7, arable free 30, enclosed 1, land total 31

Lewis Latour: cows 0, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 0, cattle total 0, arable free 0, enclosed 15, land total 15

Humphrey Edwards: cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 2, calves 2, cattle total 6, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Frances Funge: cows 1, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 1, cattle total 2, arable free 10, enclosed 20, land total 30

Thomas Hayes: cows 1, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 2, young 0, calves 1, cattle total 4, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Giles Hayes: cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 0, young 1, calves 3, cattle total 0, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Totals: cows 94, bullocks 1, heifers 28, steers 16, young 31, calves 95, cattle total 270, arable free 343, enclosed 168, land total 511

Interpretations

The survey set the island's livestock and landholdings side by side, family by family, giving the Company a complete register of the settlement's productive base. Recording cattle by kind and land by tenure let the administration see at a glance who held the means of production and in what measure, the return standing as a yearly stocktaking of the resources on which the island's food supply and its ability to victual shipping depended. Read against the muster of households, it shows how cattle and land, like slaves, were concentrated in relatively few hands.

The division of land into arable free and enclosed reveals two distinct forms of tenure operating on the island. Free arable was open or common ground available for cultivation, while enclosed land had been fenced off into private holdings, the distinction that ran through the earlier disputes over straying cattle and broken fences. That the enclosed acreage stood well below the free shows a settlement where much of the ground remained unfenced, which explains the recurring trouble when unpenned stock wandered into the crops.

The great preponderance of cows and calves over bullocks and steers in the count points to a herd kept chiefly for breeding and milk rather than for draught or beef. With ninety-four cows and ninety-five calves against a single bullock, the island's cattle were plainly managed to increase the stock, a rational choice on a settlement always short of animals and needing to build its herds. This breeding emphasis fits the debtor examinations, where men repeatedly offered young cattle and were reluctant to part with breeding stock they were working to multiply.

46

42

Whites, Blacks

Person Names (vizt), Men, Women, Youths, Maidens, Boys to 12 yr, Girls to 13 yr, Children, Totall, Men, Women, Boys, Girls, Totall

Brought over: Men 0, Women 21, Youths 4, Maidens 4, Boys to 12 yr 4, Girls to 13 yr 2, Children 55, Totall 90, Men 32, Women 14, Boys 11, Girls 11, Totall 68

Jeptha ffowler: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Benja Pledger: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 1

Renatus Trenn: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Tho Allis Planter: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 5, Men 2, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 1, Totall 3

Rob Angus & Jn ffs Anderson: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Rob Addis Orphans: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 4, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 1, Totall 1

Jn Bagley & 2 Apprent: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 1, Girls to 13 yr 1, Children 5, Totall 10, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 1, Totall 2

Arthur Bradley: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 6, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Rich & Ant Beale: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 2, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Edm Bodley: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Orlando Bagley: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 1, Children 5, Totall 9, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 2, Totall 5

Robert Bell: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 5, Men 2, Women 2, Boys 0, Girls 1, Totall 5

Willi Beale: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 1, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 5, Totall 8, Men 0, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 2

Thom Burnham: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 1, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 4, Totall 7, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

John Coles: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 3, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 5, Totall 10, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 4, Girls 0, Totall 7

John Coulson: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

Grace Coulson Widd: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 1, Totall 1, Men 2, Women 3, Boys 2, Girls 2, Totall 9

Frances Carne D & son: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 7, Men 7, Women 2, Boys 2, Girls 4, Totall 15

Mary Conaway D: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

John Crosby &c: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 5, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Willm Cooles: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 5, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Jon Doveton: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 5, Totall 7, Men 4, Women 3, Boys 2, Girls 1, Totall 10

Jam Draper: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 5, Totall 7, Men 2, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 2

Mary Easthope: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 1, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 4, Totall 3, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

Henry Francis: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 1, Girls to 13 yr 1, Children 1, Totall 4, Men 5, Women 3, Boys 3, Girls 4, Totall 15

Tho Free & Servant: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 6, Men 4, Women 2, Boys 1, Girls 4, Totall 11

ffrenchs Orphans: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 1, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 2, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Carried over: Men 19, Women 39, Youths 11, Maidens 10, Boys to 12 yr 10, Girls to 13 yr 6, Children 115, Totall 210, Men 69, Women 32, Boys 27, Girls 32, Totall 160

This continued the account of families returned into the secretary's office, the whites divided into men, women, youths, maidens, boys to 12 years, girls to 13 years and children, then a white total, and the blacks into men, women, boys and girls, then a black total.

Brought over: white men 0, women 21, youths 4, maidens 4, boys 4, girls 2, children 55, white total 90, black men 32, women 14, boys 11, girls 11, black total 68

Jephthah Fowler: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Benjamin Pledger: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 1, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

Renatus Snow: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Thomas Allis, planter: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 5, black men 2, women 0, boys 0, girls 1, black total 3

Robert Angus: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Robert Addis, orphans: white men 0, women 0, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 4, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 1, black total 1

John Bagley and 2 apprentices: white men 1, women 1, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 1, children 5, white total 10, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 1, black total 2

Arthur Bradley: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 0, children 3, white total 6, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Richard and Anthony Beale: white men 1, women 0, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 2, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Edmund Bodley: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Orlando Bagley: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 1, girls 0, children 5, white total 9, black men 2, women 1, boys 0, girls 2, black total 5

Robert Bell: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 1, children 3, white total 5, black men 2, women 2, boys 0, girls 1, black total 5

William Beale: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 0, children 5, white total 8, black men 0, women 1, boys 1, girls 0, black total 2

Thomas Burnham: white men 1, women 0, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 0, children 4, white total 7, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

John Coles: white men 1, women 1, youths 3, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 5, white total 10, black men 2, women 1, boys 4, girls 0, black total 7

John Coulson: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

Grace Coulson, widow: white men 0, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 2, women 3, boys 2, girls 2, black total 9

Frances Carne and son: white men 1, women 1, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 7, black men 7, women 2, boys 2, girls 4, black total 15

Mary Conaway: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

John Crosby: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 5, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

William Coles: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 5, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

John Doveton: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 5, white total 7, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

James Draper: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 5, white total 7, black men 4, women 3, boys 2, girls 1, black total 10

Mary Easthope: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 3, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

Henry Francis: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 1, children 1, white total 4, black men 5, women 3, boys 3, girls 4, black total 15

Thomas Free and servant: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 6, black men 4, women 2, boys 1, girls 4, black total 11

French's orphans: white men 0, women 0, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 1, girls 0, children 0, white total 2, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Carried over: white men 19, women 39, youths 11, maidens 10, boys 10, girls 6, children 115, white total 210, black men 69, women 32, boys 27, girls 32, black total 160

Interpretations

This portion of the muster records the freeholders and planters of the island alongside the officers of the first page, showing a settled civilian population beside the garrison. The households here include planters, tradesmen with apprentices, widows and groups of orphans, which reveals a community of some depth, with families established across two generations and property passing to children left fatherless. The presence of named orphan groups shows how the register tracked the dependents of dead settlers as distinct households in their own right.

The heavy concentration of slaves in a handful of these families stands out against the many households holding none. The estates of Frances Carne and Henry Francis each counted fifteen slaves, Thomas Free eleven and James Draper ten, while numerous smaller households had one or none at all. This confirms the pattern of the earlier debtor examinations, where the larger planters reckoned their slaves' labour by the score of pounds, the ownership of many slaves marking out the wealthier planting families from the mass of the settlement.

The listing of apprentices and servants within households shows the forms of bound labour that operated alongside slavery on the island. John Bagley was recorded with two apprentices and Thomas Free with a servant, which reveals that white labour too was held under indenture and articles, the young bound to a master to learn a trade. This demonstrates a layered labour system, the settlement drawing on apprenticed and indentured whites as well as enslaved blacks to supply the hands its households and trades required.

47

41

Neat Cattle, Acres Land

Bulls, Cowes, Bullocks, Heifers, Steers, Yearlongs, Calves, Totall, Manured, Manured, Totall

Brought over: Bulls 5, Cowes 94, Bullocks 1, Heifers 28, Steers 16, Yearlongs 31, Calves 95, Totall 270, Manured 343, Manured 168, Totall 511

Jeptha ffowler: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 1, Yearlongs 0, Calves 3, Totall 7, Manured 5, Manured 0, Totall 5

Benja Pledger: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 1, Yearlongs 0, Calves 2, Totall 5, Manured 18, Manured 30, Totall 48

Renatus Trenn: Bulls 1, Cowes 7, Bullocks 0, Heifers 3, Steers 3, Yearlongs 0, Calves 6, Totall 20, Manured 0, Manured 0, Totall 0

Tho Allis Planter: Bulls 1, Cowes 7, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 7, Totall 15, Manured 36, Manured 3, Totall 39

Rob Angus & Jn ffs Anderson: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 3, Totall 6, Manured 0, Manured 20, Totall 20

Rob Addis Orphans: Bulls 1, Cowes 5, Bullocks 0, Heifers 2, Steers 3, Yearlongs 3, Calves 5, Totall 19, Manured 60, Manured 0, Totall 60

Jn Bagley & 2 Apprent: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 2, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 1, Totall 6, Manured 0, Manured 0, Totall 0

Arthur Bradley: Bulls 1, Cowes 5, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 3, Yearlongs 2, Calves 5, Totall 16, Manured 20, Manured 76, Totall 96

Rich & Ant Beale: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 1, Heifers 2, Steers 2, Yearlongs 0, Calves 3, Totall 11, Manured 20, Manured 31, Totall 31

Edm Bodley: Bulls 0, Cowes 1, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 2, Calves 1, Totall 4, Manured 0, Manured 0, Totall 0

Orlando Bagley: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 1, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 3, Totall 8, Manured 22 1/2, Manured 6, Totall 9 8 1/2

Robert Bell: Bulls 2, Cowes 22, Bullocks 4, Heifers 4, Steers 0, Yearlongs 12, Calves 14, Totall 58, Manured 30, Manured 25, Totall 55

Willi Beale: Bulls 0, Cowes 5, Bullocks 0, Heifers 3, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 5, Totall 13, Manured 15, Manured 0, Totall 15

Thom Burnham: Bulls 0, Cowes 6, Bullocks 4, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 6, Totall 16, Manured 25, Manured 5, Totall 30

John Coles: Bulls 1, Cowes 10, Bullocks 4, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 12, Calves 15, Totall 47, Manured 89, Manured 11, Totall 100

John Coulson: Bulls 0, Cowes 1, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 1, Calves 1, Totall 3, Manured 5, Manured 30, Totall 35

Grace Coulson Widd: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 2, Totall 4, Manured 7, Manured 0, Totall 7

Frances Carne D & son: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 1, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 2, Totall 5, Manured 15, Manured 5, Totall 20

Mary Conaway D: Bulls 1, Cowes 18, Bullocks 1, Heifers 7, Steers 8, Yearlongs 0, Calves 18, Totall 53, Manured 142 1/4, Manured 9, Totall 151 1/4

John Crosby &c: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 2, Calves 2, Totall 6, Manured 20, Manured 5, Totall 25

Willm Cooles: Bulls 0, Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 0, Manured 0, Totall 0

Jon Doveton: Bulls 0, Cowes 6, Bullocks 0, Heifers 3, Steers 2, Yearlongs 0, Calves 6, Totall 17, Manured 40, Manured 27, Totall 67

Jam Draper: Bulls 0, Cowes 6, Bullocks 0, Heifers 2, Steers 4, Yearlongs 0, Calves 6, Totall 18, Manured 40 1/2, Manured 23 3/4, Totall 64 1/4

Mary Easthope: Bulls 0, Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 12, Manured 0, Totall 12

Carried over: Bulls 12, Cowes 222, Bullocks 15, Heifers 58, Steers 44, Yearlongs 65, Calves 211, Totall 627, Manured 908 1/4, Manured 474 3/4, Totall 1383

This continued the account of land and cattle held on the island for 1715. The cattle were divided into bulls, cows, bullocks, heifers, steers, young ones and calves, then a total, and the land into acres of arable free, acres enclosed and a total. The names are those of the heads of family from the muster on the facing page, set against each household's holdings, the first line carrying over the totals of the preceding page.

Brought over: bulls 5, cows 94, bullocks 1, heifers 28, steers 16, young 31, calves 95, cattle total 270, arable free 343, enclosed 168, land total 511

Jephthah Fowler: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 0, young 0, calves 3, cattle total 7, arable free 5, enclosed 0, land total 5

Benjamin Pledger: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 1, young 0, calves 2, cattle total 5, arable free 18, enclosed 30, land total 48

Renatus Snow: bulls 1, cows 7, bullocks 0, heifers 3, steers 3, young 0, calves 6, cattle total 20, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Thomas Allis: bulls 1, cows 7, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 7, cattle total 15, arable free 36, enclosed 3, land total 39

Robert Angus: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 3, cattle total 6, arable free 0, enclosed 20, land total 20

Robert Addis, orphans: bulls 1, cows 5, bullocks 0, heifers 2, steers 3, young 3, calves 5, cattle total 19, arable free 60, enclosed 0, land total 60

John Bagley: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 2, steers 0, young 0, calves 1, cattle total 6, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Arthur Bradley: bulls 1, cows 5, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 3, young 2, calves 5, cattle total 16, arable free 20, enclosed 76, land total 96

Richard and Anthony Beale: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 1, heifers 2, steers 2, young 0, calves 3, cattle total 11, arable free 20, enclosed 31, land total 31

Edmund Bodley: bulls 0, cows 1, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 2, calves 1, cattle total 4, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Orlando Bagley: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 1, heifers 1, steers 2, young 0, calves 3, cattle total 8, arable free 22.5, enclosed 6, land total 9.8.5

Robert Bell: bulls 2, cows 22, bullocks 4, heifers 4, steers 0, young 12, calves 14, cattle total 58, arable free 30, enclosed 25, land total 55

William Beale: bulls 0, cows 5, bullocks 0, heifers 3, steers 0, young 0, calves 5, cattle total 13, arable free 15, enclosed 0, land total 15

Thomas Burnham: bulls 0, cows 6, bullocks 4, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 6, cattle total 16, arable free 25, enclosed 5, land total 30

John Coles: bulls 0, cows 10, bullocks 4, heifers 0, steers 0, young 12, calves 15, cattle total 47, arable free 89, enclosed 11, land total 100

John Coulson: bulls 0, cows 1, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 1, calves 1, cattle total 3, arable free 5, enclosed 30, land total 35

Grace Coulson, widow: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 2, cattle total 4, arable free 7, enclosed 0, land total 7

Frances Carne and son: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 1, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 2, cattle total 5, arable free 15, enclosed 5, land total 20

Mary Conaway: bulls 1, cows 18, bullocks 1, heifers 7, steers 8, young 0, calves 18, cattle total 33, arable free 142.25, enclosed 9, land total 151.25

John Crosby: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 2, calves 2, cattle total 6, arable free 20, enclosed 5, land total 25

William Coles: bulls 0, cows 0, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 0, cattle total 0, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

John Doveton: bulls 0, cows 6, bullocks 0, heifers 3, steers 2, young 0, calves 6, cattle total 17, arable free 40, enclosed 27, land total 67

James Draper: bulls 0, cows 6, bullocks 0, heifers 2, steers 4, young 0, calves 6, cattle total 18, arable free 40.5, enclosed 23.75, land total 64.25

Mary Easthope: bulls 0, cows 0, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 0, cattle total 0, arable free 12, enclosed 0, land total 12

Totals: bulls 12, cows 222, bullocks 15, heifers 58, steers 44, young 65, calves 211, cattle total 627, arable free 908.25, enclosed 474.75, land total 1,383

Interpretations

The full survey brought the island's herds and holdings to a grand total of 627 head of cattle and 1,383 acres, a complete inventory of the settlement's agricultural wealth across all its families. Setting the two pages together shows the Company holding a precise measure of every beast and acre in private hands, the return serving as the foundation for judging what the island could yield in provisions and how far its resources had grown. This annual reckoning gave the administration the means to assess each planter's stake and the settlement's capacity as a whole.

The wide disparity in holdings laid bare by the totals confirms a settlement of marked inequality in land and stock. A few households, such as Mary Conaway with over 150 acres and Robert Bell with fifty-eight head of cattle, commanded holdings many times greater than the smallholders who appear with a handful of beasts and no land at all. This shows how the island's productive resources were concentrated among a minority of substantial planters, the same families who, as the debtor rolls revealed, could offer cattle and credit while poorer men had only their labour.

The recording of fractional acres in the enclosed and free columns points to the careful measurement and division of land as the settlement matured. Holdings noted to a quarter of an acre show that ground had been surveyed and apportioned with some precision, a sign of pressure on a limited stock of usable land. On a small island where cultivable ground was finite, such exact reckoning reflects the value attached to every measured acre and the need to record each holding accurately for the Company's purposes.

48

42

Whites, Blacks

Person names, Men, Women, Youths, Maidens, Boys to 12, Girls to 13, Children, Totall, Men, Women, Boys, Girls, Totall

Brought over: Men 19, Women 39, Youths 11, Maidens 10, Boys to 12 10, Girls to 13 6, Children 115, Totall 210, Men 69, Women 32, Boys 27, Girls 32, Totall 160

Richard Gurling: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 4, Totall 6, Men 4, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 6

Rot Gurling & 1 Orphans: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 5, Men 2, Women 0, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 3

Mercy Gargen Wid: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 4, Men 3, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 5

James Greentree & Da Hine: Men 2, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 1, Children 5, Totall 10, Men 5, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 1, Totall 8

Mary Harper Tenr Wid: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Mary Harper Junr D: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 4, Totall 6, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 2

Dorothy Hayse Wid: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 2, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

John Stading: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 1, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 1, Totall 4, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Sutton Isaac Senr: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 2, Men 0, Women 1, Boys 2, Girls 1, Totall 4

Sutton Isaac Junr & Servt: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 4, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 4, Totall 7, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 1, Girls 1, Totall 3

Josh Johnson & 2 youths: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 2, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 4, Totall 8, Men 6, Women 0, Boys 3, Girls 3, Totall 12

John Knipe: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 4, Men 2, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 2

Thom Leech: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 5, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

Francis Leech: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

John Long: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 4, Men 0, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

Stephen Luffkin: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 4, Totall 5, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

Jane Mudge Widdo: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 3, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

John Marsh Single man: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Walter Morris D: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

Mr Mary Mashborne Widd: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 1, Totall 2, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 2, Totall 6

Eliz Maxwell Orphans: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 1, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Robert Marsh: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 1, Girls to 13 0, Children 3, Totall 7, Men 3, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 2, Totall 7

Martin Norman: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Jno Nichols Senr & 2 sons: Men 3, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 3, Boys to 12 1, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 9, Men 2, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 2

Samuel Price: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 1, Totall 2, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Gabriel Powell & An Hoskison: Men 2, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 1, Children 3, Totall 8, Men 5, Women 3, Boys 3, Girls 5, Totall 16

John Robbison: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 1, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 0, Girls to 13 0, Children 2, Totall 6, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 1, Totall 5

Carried over: Men 43, Women 57, Youths 19, Maidens 15, Boys to 12 13, Girls to 13 9, Children 167, Totall 325, Men 111, Women 44, Boys 44, Girls 48, Totall 247

This continued the account of families returned into the secretary's office, the whites divided into men, women, youths, maidens, boys to 12 years, girls to 13 years and children, then a white total, and the blacks into men, women, boys and girls, then a black total.

Brought over: white men 19, women 39, youths 11, maidens 10, boys 10, girls 6, children 115, white total 210, black men 69, women 32, boys 27, girls 32, black total 160

Richard Girling: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 4, white total 6, black men 4, women 1, boys 1, girls 0, black total 6

Robert Girling and orphans: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 5, black men 2, women 0, boys 1, girls 0, black total 3

Mercy Gargen, widow: white men 0, women 1, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 4, black men 3, women 1, boys 1, girls 0, black total 5

James Greentree and daughter Hine: white men 2, women 1, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 1, children 5, white total 10, black men 5, women 1, boys 1, girls 1, black total 8

Mary Harper, widow: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Mary Harper the younger: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 4, white total 6, black men 1, women 0, boys 1, girls 0, black total 2

Dorothy Hayes, widow: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 2, black men 0, women 1, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

John Stading: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 1, girls 0, children 1, white total 4, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Sutton Isaack the elder: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 2, black men 0, women 1, boys 2, girls 1, black total 4

Sutton Isaack the younger and servant: white men 1, women 1, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 4, white total 7, black men 1, women 0, boys 1, girls 1, black total 3

Joshua Johnson and 2 youths: white men 1, women 1, youths 2, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 4, white total 8, black men 6, women 0, boys 3, girls 3, black total 12

John Knipe: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 4, black men 2, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 2

Thomas Leech: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 5, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

Francis Leech: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

John Long: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 4, black men 0, women 1, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

Stephen Luffkin: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 4, white total 5, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

Jane Mudge, widow: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 3, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

John Marsh, single man: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Walter Morris, single man: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

Mrs Mary Mashborne, widow: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 1, white total 2, black men 2, women 1, boys 1, girls 2, black total 6

Elizabeth Maxwell, orphan: white men 0, women 0, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Robert Marsh: white men 1, women 1, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 0, children 3, white total 7, black men 3, women 1, boys 2, girls 1, black total 7

Martin Norman: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

John Nichols the elder and 2 sons: white men 3, women 0, youths 0, maidens 3, boys 1, girls 0, children 2, white total 9, black men 2, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 2

Samuel Price: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 1, white total 2, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Gabriel Powell and Anthony Hoskison: white men 2, women 1, youths 1, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 1, children 3, white total 8, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

John Robinson: white men 1, women 1, youths 1, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 2, white total 6, black men 2, women 1, boys 1, girls 1, black total 5

Carried over: white men 43, women 57, youths 19, maidens 15, boys 15, girls 9, children 167, white total 325, black men 111, women 44, boys 44, girls 48, black total 247

Interpretations

This section of the muster gathers many of the debtors examined in the earlier consultations, letting their households be read against the debts they had struggled to clear. Men such as John Knipe, Stephen Luffkin, John Long and Samuel Price, who had appeared before the Governor proposing terms of payment, are shown here with their families and their few slaves, which grounds the abstract sums of the debtor rolls in the households that owed them. The muster thus completes the picture of the settlement's economy, showing the domestic circumstances behind each man's promises to pay in cattle, produce or labour.

The number of widows and orphan households in this portion of the list reflects the heavy mortality that fell on a remote settlement and the Company's tracking of its dependents. Dorothy Hayes, Mary Mashborne, Mercy Gargen, Jane Mudge and the orphans of Robert Girling and of Elizabeth Maxwell all appear as heads of household, several of them the very people whose insolvent estates and petitions filled the consultations. This shows how death repeatedly broke up families on the island, leaving widows and children as distinct households that the administration counted and, where destitute, supported.

The appearance of single men and of households formed around apprentices and servants shows the varied make-up of the island's population beyond the settled family. John Marsh and Walter Morris are noted as single men, while several households joined a master with youths or a servant, which reveals a population not composed solely of families but including unmarried labourers and bound young men. This diversity of household forms shows the settlement drawing its people from many sources, the roll counting every kind of establishment from the substantial planter's family to the lone man with a single slave.

49

43

Neat Cattle, Acres of Land

Bulls, Cowes, Bullocks, Heifers, Steers, Yearlongs, Calves, Totall, Manured, Unmanured, Totall

Brought over: Bulls 12, Cowes 222, Bullocks 15, Heifers 58, Steers 44, Yearlongs 65, Calves 211, Totall 627, Manured 908 1/4, Unmanured 474 3/4, Totall 1383

Richard Gurling: Bulls 1, Cowes 16, Bullocks 7, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 12, Calves 15, Totall 51, Manured 31, Unmanured 11, Totall 42

Rot Gurling & 1 Orphans: Bulls 0, Cowes 1, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 1, Totall 2, Manured 30, Unmanured 5, Totall 35

Mercy Gargen Wid: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 6, Steers 1, Yearlongs 0, Calves 3, Totall 13, Manured 10, Unmanured 41, Totall 51

James Greentree & Da Hine: Bulls 0, Cowes 14, Bullocks 1, Heifers 1, Steers 4, Yearlongs 0, Calves 13, Totall 33, Manured 79, Unmanured 58, Totall 137

Mary Harper Tenr Wid: Bulls 0, Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 0, Unmanured 0, Totall 0

Mary Harper Junr D: Bulls 0, Cowes 4, Bullocks 1, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 3, Calves 4, Totall 12, Manured 0, Unmanured 14 1/2, Totall 14 1/2

Dorothy Hayse Wid: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 2, Calves 2, Totall 6, Manured 10, Unmanured 0, Totall 10

John Stading: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 2, Yearlongs 0, Calves 3, Totall 8, Manured 19, Unmanured 12, Totall 31

Sutton Isaac Senr: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 1, Calves 1, Totall 4, Manured 10, Unmanured 2 1/2, Totall 12 1/2

Sutton Isaac Junr & Servt: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 1, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 3, Totall 8, Manured 15, Unmanured 2 1/2, Totall 17 1/2

Josh Johnson & 2 youths: Bulls 0, Cowes 11, Bullocks 0, Heifers 2, Steers 0, Yearlongs 5, Calves 11, Totall 29, Manured 94, Unmanured 33, Totall 127

John Knipe: Bulls 0, Cowes 4, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 1, Yearlongs 0, Calves 5, Totall 10, Manured 14 1/2, Unmanured 20, Totall 34 1/2

Thom Leech: Bulls 0, Cowes 1, Bullocks 0, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 1, Totall 3, Manured 10, Unmanured 0, Totall 10

Francis Leech: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 3, Totall 7, Manured 0, Unmanured 0, Totall 0

John Long: Bulls 0, Cowes 5, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 3, Yearlongs 0, Calves 5, Totall 13, Manured 20, Unmanured 0, Totall 20

Stephen Luffkin: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 2, Totall 5, Manured 10, Unmanured 1, Totall 11

Jane Mudge Widdo: Bulls 0, Cowes 5, Bullocks 0, Heifers 2, Steers 1, Yearlongs 0, Calves 4, Totall 12, Manured 20, Unmanured 0, Totall 20

John Marsh Single man: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 2, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 2, Totall 6, Manured 0, Unmanured 0, Totall 0

Walter Morris D: Bulls 0, Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 10, Unmanured 1 1/2, Totall 11 1/2

Mr Mary Mashborne Widd: Bulls 0, Cowes 4, Bullocks 0, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 5, Totall 10, Manured 0, Unmanured 0, Totall 0

Eliz Maxwell Orphans: Bulls 0, Cowes 5, Bullocks 2, Heifers 1, Steers 1, Yearlongs 0, Calves 5, Totall 14, Manured 3 1/2, Unmanured 0, Totall 3 1/2

Robert Marsh: Bulls 1, Cowes 9, Bullocks 2, Heifers 2, Steers 4, Yearlongs 0, Calves 8, Totall 26, Manured 40, Unmanured 10, Totall 50 1/2

Martin Norman: Bulls 1, Cowes 4, Bullocks 2, Heifers 0, Steers 1, Yearlongs 0, Calves 4, Totall 12, Manured 40, Unmanured 0, Totall 40

Jno Nichols Senr & 2 sons: Bulls 3, Cowes 40, Bullocks 8, Heifers 5, Steers 10, Yearlongs 10, Calves 44, Totall 120, Manured 216, Unmanured 39, Totall 255

Samuel Price: Bulls 0, Cowes 11, Bullocks 1, Heifers 2, Steers 0, Yearlongs 9, Calves 9, Totall 32, Manured 20, Unmanured 25, Totall 45

Gabriel Powell & An Hoskison: Bulls 18, Cowes 382, Bullocks 40, Heifers 86, Steers 72, Yearlongs 107, Calves 364, Totall 1069, Manured 1010 1/4, Unmanured 755 3/4, Totall 2366

This continued the account of land and cattle held on the island for 1715. The cattle were divided into bulls, cows, bullocks, heifers, steers, young ones and calves, then a total, and the land into acres of arable free, acres enclosed and a total. The names are those of the heads of family from the muster on the facing page, set against each household's holdings, the first line carrying over the totals of the preceding page.

Brought over: bulls 12, cows 222, bullocks 15, heifers 58, steers 44, young 65, calves 211, cattle total 627, arable free 908.25, enclosed 474.75, land total 1,383

Richard Girling: bulls 4, cows 16, bullocks 7, heifers 0, steers 0, young 12, calves 15, cattle total 51, arable free 31, enclosed 11, land total 42

Robert Girling and orphans: bulls 0, cows 1, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 1, cattle total 2, arable free 30, enclosed 5, land total 35

Mercy Gargen, widow: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 6, steers 1, young 0, calves 3, cattle total 13, arable free 10, enclosed 41, land total 51

James Greentree and daughter Hine: bulls 0, cows 14, bullocks 1, heifers 1, steers 4, young 0, calves 13, cattle total 33, arable free 79, enclosed 58, land total 137

Mary Harper the younger: bulls 0, cows 4, bullocks 1, heifers 0, steers 0, young 3, calves 4, cattle total 12, arable free 0, enclosed 14.5, land total 14.5

Dorothy Hayes, widow: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 2, calves 2, cattle total 6, arable free 10, enclosed 0, land total 10

John Stading: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 2, young 0, calves 3, cattle total 8, arable free 19, enclosed 12, land total 31

Sutton Isaack the elder: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 1, calves 1, cattle total 4, arable free 10, enclosed 2.5, land total 12.5

Sutton Isaack the younger and servant: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 1, heifers 1, steers 0, young 0, calves 3, cattle total 8, arable free 15, enclosed 2.5, land total 17.5

Joshua Johnson and 2 youths: bulls 0, cows 12, bullocks 0, heifers 2, steers 0, young 5, calves 11, cattle total 29, arable free 94, enclosed 33, land total 127

John Knipe: bulls 0, cows 4, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 1, young 0, calves 5, cattle total 10, arable free 14.5, enclosed 20, land total 34.5

Thomas Leech: bulls 0, cows 1, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 0, young 0, calves 1, cattle total 3, arable free 10, enclosed 0, land total 10

Francis Leech: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 0, young 0, calves 3, cattle total 7, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

John Long: bulls 0, cows 5, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 3, young 0, calves 5, cattle total 13, arable free 20, enclosed 0, land total 20

Stephen Luffkin: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 0, young 0, calves 2, cattle total 5, arable free 10, enclosed 1, land total 11

Jane Mudge, widow: bulls 0, cows 5, bullocks 0, heifers 2, steers 1, young 0, calves 4, cattle total 12, arable free 20, enclosed 0, land total 20

John Marsh, single man: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 2, steers 0, young 0, calves 2, cattle total 6, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Walter Morris, single man: bulls 0, cows 0, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 0, calves 0, cattle total 0, arable free 10, enclosed 1.5, land total 11.5

Mrs Mary Mashborne, widow: bulls 0, cows 4, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 0, young 0, calves 5, cattle total 10, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

Robert Marsh: bulls 0, cows 5, bullocks 2, heifers 1, steers 1, young 0, calves 5, cattle total 14, arable free 3.5, enclosed 0, land total 3.5

John Nichols the elder and 2 sons: bulls 1, cows 9, bullocks 2, heifers 2, steers 4, young 0, calves 8, cattle total 26, arable free 40, enclosed 10, land total 50.5

Gabriel Powell and Anthony Hoskison: bulls 1, cows 4, bullocks 2, heifers 0, steers 1, young 0, calves 4, cattle total 12, arable free 40, enclosed 0, land total 40

John Robinson: bulls 3, cows 40, bullocks 8, heifers 5, steers 10, young 10, calves 44, cattle total 126, arable free 216, enclosed 39, land total 255

Samuel Price: bulls 0, cows 11, bullocks 1, heifers 2, steers 0, young 0, calves 9, cattle total 32, arable free 20, enclosed 23, land total 45

Totals: bulls 18, cows 382, bullocks 40, heifers 86, steers 72, young 107, calves 364, cattle total 1,069, arable free 1,010.25, enclosed 755.75, land total 2,366

Interpretations

The final totals of the survey give the whole island 1,069 head of cattle and 2,366 acres of land, the complete measure of the settlement's agricultural resources in 1715. Read against the household muster, this closing reckoning lets the Company see the full extent of what its people held and produced, the foundation for judging the island's capacity to feed itself and supply the ships. The register stands as a yearly audit of the settlement's material strength, cattle and land counted with the same care given to the people themselves.

The single largest holding on the page, John Robinson's 126 head of cattle and 255 acres, illuminates the debtor examination in which he had appeared. Robinson had told the Governor he could not pay in cattle because his beasts were all young, and here his forty-four calves against forty cows confirm a herd heavily weighted toward increase. This shows the truth behind his plea, a large but immature stock that he was reluctant to break up, the muster corroborating the very reason he gave for withholding payment.

The scale of the enclosed acreage in this portion, set against the free arable, marks these households as among the more substantially established on the island. Large holdings such as Greentree's 137 acres and Johnson's 127 combined open and fenced ground in significant measure, the enclosure representing the labour and investment of settling the land. On an island where fencing was costly and cattle strayed readily, a large enclosed holding stood as a mark of a planter's permanence and standing, distinguishing the settled proprietors from the smallholders and the landless.

50

44

Whites, Blacks

Person names (vizt), Men, Women, Youths, Maidens, Boys to 12 yr, Girls to 13 yr, Children, Totall, Men, Women, Boys, Girls, Totall

Brought over: Men 43, Women 57, Youths 19, Maidens 15, Boys to 12 yr 15, Girls to 13 yr 9, Children 167, Totall 325, Men 111, Women 44, Boys 44, Girls 48, Totall 247

James Rider single man: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 1, Men 2, Women 0, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 3

Giles Smith: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 1, Totall 3, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Charles Steward Chil: Men 0, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 4, Totall 5, Men 4, Women 0, Boys 1, Girls 2, Totall 7

Rich Swallow Senr & 1 app: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 4, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 1, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 6, Totall 14, Men 7, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 1, Totall 8

Jn Sinsmick: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 1, Totall 3, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Rich Swallow Junr: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 2, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Marg Sich & granddaught: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 1, Totall 3, Men 3, Women 2, Boys 4, Girls 6, Totall 15

William Seale: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 4, Totall 7, Men 1, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 1, Totall 3

Thoms Swallow & grand: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 2, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 1, Children 1, Totall 6, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 2, Girls 0, Totall 5

John Tvaits: Men 1, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 5, Men 1, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 3

James Vesey: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 2, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 1, Children 2, Totall 7, Men 1, Women 2, Boys 1, Girls 0, Totall 4

Bridget Welch Wid: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 3, Totall 4, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Simon Whaley: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 1, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 4, Totall 8, Men 1, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

Ripin Wills & grand: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 1, Totall 3, Men 2, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 3

Franc Wrangham: Men 1, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 4, Totall 6, Men 4, Women 1, Boys 1, Girls 2, Totall 8

Eliz Wrangham Orp: Men 0, Women 1, Youths 0, Maidens 1, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 1, Totall 1, Men 0, Women 1, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 1

Mr Tovey, wife & Chil: Men 55, Women 70, Youths 23, Maidens 23, Boys to 12 yr 20, Girls to 13 yr 11, Children 203, Totall 405, Men 139, Women 54, Boys 56, Girls 61, Totall 25

Officers Sold ffs & Servts: Men 140, Women 0, Youths 0, Maidens 0, Boys to 12 yr 0, Girls to 13 yr 0, Children 0, Totall 140, Men 0, Women 0, Boys 0, Girls 0, Totall 0

Totall: Men 195, Women 70, Youths 23, Maidens 23, Boys to 12 yr 20, Girls to 13 yr 11, Children 203, Totall 545, Men 139, Women 54, Boys 56, Girls 61, Totall 310

This concluded the account of families returned into the secretary's office, the whites divided into men, women, youths, maidens, boys to 12 years, girls to 13 years and children, then a white total, and the blacks into men, women, boys and girls, then a black total.

Brought over: white men 43, women 37, youths 19, maidens 15, boys 15, girls 9, children 167, white total 325, black men 111, women 44, boys 44, girls 48, black total 247

James Rider, single man: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 1, black men 2, women 0, boys 1, girls 0, black total 3

Giles Smith: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 1, white total 3, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Charles Steward, widow: white men 0, women 0, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 4, white total 5, black men 4, women 0, boys 1, girls 2, black total 7

Richard Swallow the elder and apprentice: white men 1, women 1, youths 4, maidens 1, boys 1, girls 0, children 6, white total 14, black men 7, women 0, boys 0, girls 1, black total 8

John Sinsmith: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 1, white total 3, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Richard Swallow the younger: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 2, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Margaret Silk and granddaughter: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 1, white total 3, black men 3, women 2, boys 4, girls 6, black total 15

William Seale: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 4, white total 7, black men 1, women 1, boys 0, girls 1, black total 3

Thomas Swallow and grandchild: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 2, boys 0, girls 1, children 1, white total 6, black men 2, women 1, boys 2, girls 0, black total 5

John Twaits: white men 1, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 1, girls 0, children 3, white total 5, black men 1, women 1, boys 0, girls 0, black total 3

James Vesey: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 2, boys 1, girls 1, children 2, white total 7, black men 1, women 2, boys 1, girls 0, black total 4

Bridget Welsh, widow: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 3, white total 4, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Simon Whaley: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 1, girls 0, children 4, white total 8, black men 1, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

Rippin Wills and grandchild: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 1, white total 3, black men 2, women 1, boys 0, girls 0, black total 3

Francis Wrangham: white men 1, women 1, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 4, white total 6, black men 4, women 1, boys 1, girls 2, black total 8

Elizabeth Wrangham, orphan: white men 0, women 1, youths 0, maidens 1, boys 0, girls 0, children 1, white total 1, black men 0, women 1, boys 0, girls 0, black total 1

Mr Tovey, wife and children: white men 55, women 70, youths 23, maidens 23, boys 20, girls 11, children 203, white total 405, black men 139, women 54, boys 56, girls 61, black total 310

Officers, soldiers and servants: white men 140, women 0, youths 0, maidens 0, boys 0, girls 0, children 0, white total 140, black men 0, women 0, boys 0, girls 0, black total 0

Totals: white men 195, women 70, youths 23, maidens 23, boys 20, girls 11, children 203, white total 545, black men 139, women 54, boys 56, girls 61, black total 310

Interpretations

The muster closes by adding the garrison to the settled families, bringing the whole population of the island to 545 whites and 310 slaves. The final rows fold in Mr Tovey's household and a body of a hundred and forty officers, soldiers and servants, the military establishment counted separately from the planting families. This shows the double character of the settlement, a civilian community of planters and tradesmen resting on a Company garrison, the two together making up the entire body of people the administration governed and had to feed.

The many familiar names in this last portion tie the census back to the disputes and debts that fill the consultations. Richard Swallow, John Twaits, James Vesey, Simon Whaley, John Sinsmith and Francis Wrangham had all appeared before the Governor over their debts, and Rippin Wills was the master of the slave punished for theft, while Tovey was the author of the accusing letters. This shows the census as the human register underlying the whole record, each household on the page a party to the transactions and quarrels set down in the pages before.

The counting of the garrison as a hundred and forty men without families of their own reveals the transient, male character of the military establishment. Unlike the planting households with their wives, children and slaves, the soldiers and servants were listed as a single body of men, quartered and provisioned by the Company rather than settled on the land. This shows the distinction between the permanent population that struck root in the island and the shifting garrison that manned its defences, the two forming the whole from which the settlement drew its strength.

51

45

Neat Cattle, Acres of Land

Bulls, Cowes, Bullocks, Heifers, Steers, Yearlongs, Calves, Totall, Manured, Manured, Totall

Brought over: Bulls 18, Cowes 382, Bullocks 40, Heifers 86, Steers 72, Yearlongs 107, Calves 364, Totall 1069, Manured 1610 1/4, Manured 755 3/4, Totall 2366

James Rider single man: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 1, Heifers 1, Steers 2, Yearlongs 0, Calves 4, Totall 11, Manured 30 1/2, Manured 2 1/2, Totall 33

Giles Smith: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 1, Yearlongs 0, Calves 2, Totall 5, Manured 10, Manured 31, Totall 41

Charles Steward Chil: Bulls 1, Cowes 21, Bullocks 9, Heifers 5, Steers 0, Yearlongs 9, Calves 5, Totall 60, Manured 41, Manured 42, Totall 88

Rich Swallow Senr & 1 app: Bulls 2, Cowes 10, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 7, Calves 5, Totall 24, Manured 39, Manured 36, Totall 75

Jn Sinsmick: Bulls 0, Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 0, Manured 0, Totall 0

Rich Swallow Junr: Bulls 0, Cowes 2, Bullocks 0, Heifers 3, Steers 1, Yearlongs 0, Calves 1, Totall 7, Manured 0, Manured 0, Totall 0

Marg Sich & granddaught: Bulls 0, Cowes 12, Bullocks 1, Heifers 3, Steers 3, Yearlongs 0, Calves 10, Totall 29, Manured 70, Manured 8, Totall 78

William Seale: Bulls 0, Cowes 6, Bullocks 0, Heifers 1, Steers 3, Yearlongs 0, Calves 6, Totall 16, Manured 40, Manured 0, Totall 40

Thoms Swallow & grand: Bulls 1, Cowes 10, Bullocks 2, Heifers 4, Steers 3, Yearlongs 0, Calves 9, Totall 29, Manured 40, Manured 31, Totall 71

John Tvaits: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 3, Calves 3, Totall 9, Manured 15 1/2, Manured 16, Totall 31 1/2

James Vesey: Bulls 1, Cowes 11, Bullocks 3, Heifers 2, Steers 0, Yearlongs 10, Calves 12, Totall 39, Manured 20, Manured 12, Totall 32

Bridget Welch Wid: Bulls 0, Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 0, Manured 0, Totall 0

Simon Whaley: Bulls 0, Cowes 1, Bullocks 0, Heifers 1, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 2, Manured 13 1/3, Manured 10, Totall 23 1/3

Ripin Wills & grand: Bulls 0, Cowes 3, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 2, Calves 3, Totall 8, Manured 40, Manured 0, Totall 40

Franc Wrangham: Bulls 1, Cowes 16, Bullocks 2, Heifers 4, Steers 5, Yearlongs 0, Calves 15, Totall 43, Manured 65, Manured 11, Totall 76

Eliz Wrangham Orp: Bulls 1, Cowes 6, Bullocks 0, Heifers 3, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 7, Totall 17, Manured 10, Manured 2, Totall 12

Mr Tovey, wife & Chil: Bulls 25, Cowes 488, Bullocks 58, Heifers 113, Steers 90, Yearlongs 138, Calves 456, Totall 1368, Manured 2044 7/12, Manured 957 1/4, Totall 3001 10/12

Officers Sold ffs & Servts: Bulls 0, Cowes 0, Bullocks 0, Heifers 0, Steers 0, Yearlongs 0, Calves 0, Totall 0, Manured 0, Manured 0, Totall 0

Totall: Bulls 25, Cowes 488, Bullocks 58, Heifers 113, Steers 90, Yearlongs 138, Calves 456, Totall 1368, Manured 2044 7/12, Manured 957 1/4, Totall 3001 10/12

This concluded the account of land and cattle held on the island for 1715. The cattle were divided into bulls, cows, bullocks, heifers, steers, young ones and calves, then a total, and the land into acres of arable free, acres enclosed and a total. The names are those of the heads of family from the muster on the facing page, set against each household's holdings, the first line carrying over the totals of the preceding page.

Brought over: bulls 18, cows 382, bullocks 40, heifers 86, steers 72, young 107, calves 364, cattle total 1,069, arable free 1,010.25, enclosed 755.75, land total 2,366

Giles Smith: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 1, heifers 1, steers 2, young 0, calves 4, cattle total 11, arable free 30.5, enclosed 2.5, land total 33

Charles Steward, widow: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 1, young 0, calves 2, cattle total 5, arable free 10, enclosed 31, land total 41

Richard Swallow the elder: bulls 1, cows 21, bullocks 9, heifers 5, steers 0, young 9, calves 5, cattle total 60, arable free 41, enclosed 42, land total 88

John Sinsmith: bulls 2, cows 10, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 7, calves 5, cattle total 24, arable free 39, enclosed 36, land total 75

Margaret Silk and granddaughter: bulls 0, cows 2, bullocks 0, heifers 3, steers 1, young 0, calves 1, cattle total 7, arable free 0, enclosed 0, land total 0

William Seale: bulls 0, cows 12, bullocks 1, heifers 3, steers 3, young 0, calves 10, cattle total 29, arable free 70, enclosed 8, land total 78

Thomas Swallow and grandchild: bulls 0, cows 6, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 3, young 0, calves 6, cattle total 16, arable free 40, enclosed 0, land total 40

John Twaits: bulls 1, cows 10, bullocks 2, heifers 4, steers 3, young 0, calves 9, cattle total 29, arable free 40, enclosed 31, land total 71

James Vesey: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 3, calves 3, cattle total 9, arable free 15.5, enclosed 16, land total 31.5

Simon Whaley: bulls 1, cows 11, bullocks 3, heifers 2, steers 0, young 10, calves 12, cattle total 39, arable free 20, enclosed 12, land total 32

Rippin Wills and grandchild: bulls 0, cows 1, bullocks 0, heifers 1, steers 0, young 0, calves 0, cattle total 2, arable free 13.5, enclosed 10, land total 23.5

Francis Wrangham: bulls 0, cows 3, bullocks 0, heifers 0, steers 0, young 2, calves 3, cattle total 8, arable free 40, enclosed 0, land total 40

Mr Tovey: bulls 1, cows 16, bullocks 2, heifers 4, steers 5, young 0, calves 15, cattle total 43, arable free 65, enclosed 11, land total 76

Officers, soldiers and servants: bulls 1, cows 6, bullocks 0, heifers 3, steers 0, young 0, calves 7, cattle total 17, arable free 10, enclosed 2, land total 12

Totals: bulls 25, cows 488, bullocks 58, heifers 113, steers 90, young 138, calves 456, cattle total 1,368, arable free 2,044.4375, enclosed 957.25, land total 3,001.10.19

Interpretations

The grand totals close the survey at 1,368 head of cattle and just over three thousand acres of land, the whole agricultural resource of St Helena in 1715. Set beside the census of 545 whites and 310 slaves, these figures give the Company its complete annual measure of the island, the people, the stock and the ground reckoned together. This paired accounting of population and produce was the foundation of the settlement's management, the means by which the administration judged what the island held and what it could be expected to yield.

The very small holding attached to the whole body of officers, soldiers and servants confirms the garrison's detachment from the land. The hundred and forty men of the military establishment held only seventeen head of cattle and twelve acres between them, a negligible share against the planters' holdings. This shows that the soldiers lived provisioned by the Company rather than by their own farming, the burden of feeding them falling on the store and on the produce of the planting families rather than on any land the garrison itself worked.

The considerable expansion of enclosed acreage revealed across the whole survey, approaching a thousand acres fenced against some two thousand of free arable, marks a settlement steadily converting open ground to private holding. Enclosure represented the labour of fencing and the security of exclusive tenure, the process at the root of the disputes over straying cattle that opened this record. That so much land had been enclosed by 1715 shows the settlement maturing from open grazing toward defined and defended property, the island's agriculture taking on the fixed forms of permanent cultivation.

52

46

Island St Helena. Aprill 1716

At a Consultation Held on Tuesday

the 24th Day of Aprill 1716. At Union Castle in

James Valley. Isaac Pyke Esqr Govr

George Haswell Dpty 2

Pres: Matthw Bazett 3

Edward Byfeld c.

The following Petitions were Presented.

Island St Helena. To the Worsh Isaac Pyke Esqr

Governr &c Council.

The most Humble Petition of

William Beale freeman.

Humbly Sheweth That whereas your Petition was

of late Imprisond for a debt owing to the Honble Company

humbly desire I may be released from my Confinement

and allowed the Accustomed Priviledge of paying the

usuall Interest for what I shall not have Creditts for at the

Adjustment of my Accounts

If your Worships be please to grant my Enlargement

I may the Sooner be Capacitated to discharge my Debts

and further will be of most Important Service to the Main

tenance of your Poor Petitionr Family which will ever

be bound to pray as in duty for Your Worships &c

Aprill 24th 1716 (Signd) Wm Beale

Ordered.

That

Margin Notes:

Island St Helena

Wm Beale

Petn to be

Dischd

At a consultation held on Tuesday 24 April 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley, Governor Pyke sat with George Haswell as deputy governor, Matthew Bazett third in council and Edward Byfield.

The following petitions were presented.

William Beale, a freeman, petitioned the Governor and Council. He had lately been imprisoned for a debt owing to the Company, and asked to be released from his confinement and allowed the usual privilege of paying the customary interest on whatever he was not credited for at the adjustment of his accounts. If the Governor would grant his release, he would be the sooner able to discharge his debt, which would be of great service to the maintenance of his poor family. Beale signed the petition, dated 24 April 1716.

The Council then made its order [...]

Interpretations

Beale's petition marks the sequel to his arrest recorded in the March consultations, where he had offered the Governor ten pounds to transfer his bills and was imprisoned at the Company's suit instead. He now sought release on the same terms allowed to other debtors, asking to pay the usual interest on the balance he could not clear at the reckoning. This shows the man who had attempted to bribe his way to favourable treatment reduced to petitioning for the ordinary indulgence, his confinement having brought him to seek only what the honest debtors were granted.

The privilege of paying interest on an unsatisfied balance emerges here as the settled mechanism by which a debtor secured his liberty and time to pay. Beale asked to be allowed interest on what he was not credited for at the adjustment of his accounts, treating the charge of interest not as a penalty but as the price of continued credit and freedom. This reveals how the interest introduced at the March reckoning had become the accepted instrument for managing a debt, the debtor accepting the charge in exchange for release and the chance to clear his account over time.

The argument that his liberty would serve the maintenance of his family shows the practical case a debtor made for release over imprisonment. Beale urged that a confined man could not work to discharge his debt, whereas a free one could support his household and pay down what he owed. This reveals the reasoning that told against holding a debtor in gaol, imprisonment serving neither the creditor, who wanted payment, nor the family left without its provider, so that release on security was the course that best answered the interests of all.

53

47

Aprill 1716.

former Petition twas Ordered that Capt Mashborne

and Charles Steward Shoud Survey the Said Fences

and Vallue the Same which having never Yet been

done Your Petitionr doth Humbly move & pray

that the Said ffences may be as Soon as Possible

Surveyd and vallued According to the Order of the

above recited Order of Council.

Aprill 24 1716.

And (as in duty bound)

shall for ever pray &c

(Signd) Gabriell Powell.

Granted. And that Capt Bazett & Mr

Byfeld be appointd to goe and Vallue the Said ffences

as Soon as they have time, and report the same the Council

day following.

Mr Byfeld reports that now he has Cloathed all

the Honble Comps Blacks and has brought in a Calendate

of what the blacks are likely to Stand the Honble Comp in

Yearly, and whereas Some of them are Lusty Men or

Women and Some Children but thinks his Calculate will

be very Exact But we all think that two pair of breeches

is little Enough for a man a year Especially if made

of Such Slight Stuff as these Kerseys are, and Some of the

Men and Women will wear out two Jacketts So that

upon the whole we further think that Each black if due

Care be taken of them will Stand the Honble Comps in

forty Shillings pr annum Ordered That it be

left to Mr Byfelds Care to gett the two Bales of Kerseys

that are now in the Stores, made up into Cloths for the

Blacks against they want more.

Ordered

Margin Notes:

Gab Powel to be

paid ffor envy ye

Cesk.

Cloathing of

HCs Blacks

will cost 40s pann

Gabriel Powell petitioned the Council over a former order that Captain Mashborne and Charles Steward should survey and value certain fences. Since this had never yet been done, he asked that the fences be surveyed and valued as soon as possible, according to the earlier order of the Council. Powell signed the petition, dated 24 April 1716.

The Council granted the request, and ordered that Captain Bazett and Mr Byfield go and value the fences as soon as they had time, and report to the Council the following consultation day.

Mr Byfield reported that he had now clothed all the Company's slaves, and brought in a calendar of what the slaves were likely to cost the Company yearly. Since some of them were grown men or women and some were children, he thought his estimate would be very exact. All agreed that two pairs of breeches was little enough for a man in a year, especially if made of such flimsy stuff as the kerseys were, and that some of the men and women would wear out two jackets. On the whole, they further judged that each slave, if proper care were taken of them, would cost the Company forty shillings a year to clothe.

The Council ordered that it be left to Mr Byfield's care to have the two bales of kerseys now in the stores made up into clothes for the slaves against they wanted more.

Interpretations

The reckoning of the annual cost of clothing the Company's slaves reveals the administration treating its slave labour as a capital asset to be maintained at a calculated expense. Byfield brought in an estimate of forty shillings a year for each slave, distinguishing grown men and women from children, and allowing for the rapid wear of the flimsy kersey cloth. This shows the Company costing the upkeep of its slaves with the same care it gave to any other charge, the maintenance of the labour force reduced to a fixed annual figure per head.

The heavy dependence of the clothing scheme on the coarse kersey held in the stores ties this order back to the great quantities of that cloth recorded in the earlier accounts. The two bales now to be made up into slave clothing explain the bulk purchases of kersey that had dwarfed the retail trade, the cloth bought not for sale but to clothe the Company's own labourers. This shows the connection between the store's stock and the maintenance of the slaves, the coarse woollen serving as the standard material for outfitting those the Company owned.

The judgement that the cloth was too flimsy to last a man two pairs of breeches a year exposes a tension between economy and durability in provisioning the slaves. The Council recognised that the cheap kersey wore out quickly, so that a false economy in the cloth raised the frequency and cost of replacement. This reveals a practical calculation behind the clothing of the labour force, the administration weighing the low price of poor material against the expense of clothing worn through, and fixing its annual estimate accordingly.

54

48

Aprill 1716

That an Order be made and Sent to Richard Swallow

for his delivering Said Blacks he haveing no Just right

to Detain them any Longer Mr Tovey haveing given

bond for his daughter in Law Margaret Bagleys

Portion and Share of her father Thomas Bagleys Estate

And in Case of his Refusall to Comply herewith then

the Said Tovey to goe with the Marshall and take

them by fforce

Copy of the receipt before mentioned.

Received this 23 Aprill 1716. of Antipas Tovey

a bond of this date wherein Mr John Alexander and

Mr William Seale are bound in the Penal Sume

of Two Hundred and Sixty Pounds to my Self and

Mr Richard Swallow for Payment of One Hundred

and thirty Pounds to Margaret Bagley an Infant

(the daughter and Sole Heiress of Thom Bagley Dec)

at age or day of Marriage which Shall first Happen

as Witness my hand in St Helena the day & year

abovesaid

(Signd) Orlando Bagley

Witness Jos Bates.

Island St Helena. To the Worsh Isaac Pyke Esqr Governr

&c Council The most Humble Petition

of Gabriel Powell free Holder Humbly

Sheweth That your Petitioner did on the 14 day of

September 1714 Exhibit a Petition to your Worsp and then

Council Humbly praying Sattisfaction for the Fences

and Charge your Petitionr and wife (while a Widd) Built

and was at in Enclosing about three Acres of the Honble

Comps Land lying under the High Peak Upon which

former

Margin Notes:

Ordered him.

receipt for yr

Bond of Security.

Island St Helena

The Council ordered that an order be sent to Richard Swallow to deliver up the slaves, since he had no just right to detain them any longer, Mr Tovey having given bond for his daughter-in-law Margaret Bagley's portion and share of her father Thomas Bagley's estate. Should Swallow refuse to comply, Tovey was to go with the marshal and take them by force.

There followed a copy of the receipt mentioned above.

Antipas Tovey acknowledged that on 23 April 1716 he had received a bond of that date, by which Mr John Alexander and Mr William Seale were bound in the penal sum of £260 0s 0d to himself and Mr Richard Swallow, for the payment of £130 0s 0d to Margaret Bagley, an infant, the daughter and sole heiress of Thomas Bagley, deceased, at whichever should first happen of her coming of age or her marriage. Tovey signed the receipt at St Helena on the day and year above, witnessed by Joseph Bates.

Gabriel Powell, a freeholder, petitioned the Governor and Council. He set out that on 14 September 1715 he had exhibited a petition to the Governor and Council, asking for compensation for the fences, and charged that his wife, while a widow, had built and enclosed about three acres of the Company's land lying under High Peak. Upon this [...]

Interpretations

The order to Swallow shows how the settlement of a dead man's estate for the benefit of an infant heiress was secured through a bond and enforced by the threat of force. Tovey had given a bond in the penal sum of £260 0s 0d to guarantee payment of £130 0s 0d to Margaret Bagley when she came of age or married, and on that security the slaves Swallow held were to be surrendered. This reveals the machinery protecting a minor's inheritance, the bond standing as the guarantee that her portion would be paid, and the marshal ready to compel delivery of the property that formed part of her estate.

The penal sum of double the debt in Bagley's bond illustrates the standard form by which such undertakings were secured. The bond bound Alexander and Seale in £260 0s 0d for the payment of £130 0s 0d, the penalty set at twice the sum to be paid as the customary means of ensuring performance. This shows the legal device of the penal bond at work, the obligor liable to the larger sum should he default, the doubled penalty giving the creditor a powerful hold to compel payment of the actual debt.

The provision fixing payment to the heiress at her coming of age or marriage, whichever fell first, reveals the law's care to preserve a minor's property until she could manage it herself. Margaret Bagley, an infant and sole heiress, was to receive her portion only on reaching adulthood or entering marriage, the two events at which a woman gained control of her inheritance. This shows how the estate of a dead father was held in trust for his infant daughter, the bond ensuring the sum would be there for her at the moment she became entitled to it.

55

49

Aprill 1716.

former Petition twas Ordered that Capt Mashborne

and Charles Steward Shoud Survey the Said Fences

and Vallue the Same which having never Yet been

done Your Petitionr doth Humbly move & pray

that the Said ffences may be as Soon as Possible

Surveyd and vallued According to the Order of the

above recited Order of Council.

Aprill 24 1716.

And (as in duty bound)

shall for ever pray &c

(Signd) Gabriell Powell.

Granted. And that Capt Bazett & Mr

Byfeld be appointd to goe and Vallue the Said ffences

as Soon as they have time, and report the same the Council

day following.

Mr Byfeld reports that now he has Cloathed all

the Honble Comps Blacks and has brought in a Calendate

of what the blacks are likely to Stand the Honble Comp in

Yearly, and whereas Some of them are Lusty Men or

Women and Some Children but thinks his Calculate will

be very Exact But we all think that two pair of breeches

is little Enough for a man a year Especially if made

of Such Slight Stuff as these Kerseys are, and Some of the

Men and Women will wear out two Jacketts So that

upon the whole we further think that Each black if due

Care be taken of them will Stand the Honble Comps in

forty Shillings pr annum Ordered That it be

left to Mr Byfelds Care to gett the two Bales of Kerseys

that are now in the Stores, made up into Cloths for the

Blacks against they want more.

Ordered

Margin Notes:

Gab Powel to be

paid ffor envy ye

Cesk.

Cloathing of

HCs Blacks

will cost 40s pann

Gabriel Powell petitioned the Council over a former order that Captain Mashborne and Charles Steward should survey and value certain fences. Since this had never yet been done, he asked that the fences be surveyed and valued as soon as possible, according to the earlier order of the Council. Powell signed the petition, dated 24 April 1716.

The Council granted the request, and ordered that Captain Bazett and Mr Byfield go and value the fences as soon as they had time, and report to the Council the following consultation day.

Mr Byfield reported that he had now clothed all the Company's slaves, and brought in a calendar of what the slaves were likely to cost the Company yearly. Since some of them were grown men or women and some were children, he thought his estimate would be very exact. All agreed that two pairs of breeches was little enough for a man in a year, especially if made of such flimsy stuff as the kerseys were, and that some of the men and women would wear out two jackets. On the whole, they further judged that each slave, if proper care were taken of them, would cost the Company forty shillings a year to clothe.

The Council ordered that it be left to Mr Byfield's care to have the two bales of kerseys now in the stores made up into clothes for the slaves against they wanted more.

Interpretations

The reckoning of the annual cost of clothing the Company's slaves reveals the administration treating its slave labour as a capital asset to be maintained at a calculated expense. Byfield brought in an estimate of forty shillings a year for each slave, distinguishing grown men and women from children, and allowing for the rapid wear of the flimsy kersey cloth. This shows the Company costing the upkeep of its slaves with the same care it gave to any other charge, the maintenance of the labour force reduced to a fixed annual figure per head.

The heavy dependence of the clothing scheme on the coarse kersey held in the stores ties this order back to the great quantities of that cloth recorded in the earlier accounts. The two bales now to be made up into slave clothing explain the bulk purchases of kersey that had dwarfed the retail trade, the cloth bought not for sale but to clothe the Company's own labourers. This shows the connection between the store's stock and the maintenance of the slaves, the coarse woollen serving as the standard material for outfitting those the Company owned.

The judgement that the cloth was too flimsy to last a man two pairs of breeches a year exposes a tension between economy and durability in provisioning the slaves. The Council recognised that the cheap kersey wore out quickly, so that a false economy in the cloth raised the frequency and cost of replacement. This reveals a practical calculation behind the clothing of the labour force, the administration weighing the low price of poor material against the expense of clothing worn through, and fixing its annual estimate accordingly.

56

50

Aprill 1716.

Ordered that James Vesey upon the

Complaint of the Overseers of the Honble Comps

Plantations be Summoned to attend next Consul

tation day. Alsoe John Long as Evidences

against him.

Mr Byfeld brought in the Account of the

Generall Table Expence for One month which

amounts to Seventy Eight Pounds Eighteen Shillings

and Six pence Halfe Penny.

Copy of an Order Sent to Richard Swallow Carpent

(vizt) Whereas Mr Antipas Tovey

has given Sufficient Security Pursuant to an Order

of Council bearing date the 28th February 171 5/6 for

his daughter in law Margarett Bagleys Portion

and Share of her father Thomas Bagleys Estate

and Such as Orlando Bagley first Named do's Ap

prove of You are therefore hereby Ordered &

required to Deliver unto the Marshall on receipt hereof

the three Blacks therein Named vizt Robbin, Leicus

and Cloice, you having no right to detain them any

Longer, Since Security is given and Approved of

Hereof ffaile not as you'll Answer the Contrary

at your Perill. Dated & given undr my hand this 24

day of Aprill. 1716. (Signd) Isaac Pyke

To Richd Swallow Snr

& Carpenter.

Jonathan.

Margin Notes:

Mr Vesey to be

Summoned.

Dyett Expence.

Ordr to R Swallow

to deliver 3 Blacks

to Mr Tovey.

The Council ordered that James Vesey, on the complaint of the overseers of the Company plantations, be summoned to attend the next consultation day, and also John Long, as evidence against him.

Mr Byfield brought in the account of the general table expense for one month, which came to £78 18s 6.5d.

There followed a copy of an order sent to Richard Swallow, a carpenter.

The order set out that Mr Antipas Tovey had given sufficient security, following an order of Council dated 28 February 1716, for his daughter-in-law Margaret Bagley's portion and share of her father Thomas Bagley's estate, such security as Orlando Bagley, first named, approved. Swallow was therefore ordered and required to deliver to the marshal, on receipt of the order, the three slaves named in it, namely Robin, Lucas and Cloice, since he had no right to detain them any longer once security had been given and approved. He was to fail not in this, as he would answer the contrary at his peril. The order was dated and given under the Governor's hand on 24 April 1716 and signed by Governor Pyke, addressed to Richard Swallow the elder, carpenter.

Interpretations

The order names the three slaves, Robin, Lucas and Cloice, whose delivery was the point of the whole dispute, showing them as the tangible portion of the infant heiress's inheritance. They formed part of Thomas Bagley's estate, and their possession passed to secure his daughter Margaret's share once Tovey's bond was accepted. This reveals how slaves were treated as heritable property in the settlement of an estate, human beings numbered and named among the assets that made up a child's portion and transferred from one holder to another as security was given.

The insistence that Swallow had no right to detain the slaves once security was given and approved shows the legal logic by which possession followed the securing of the debt. Swallow had evidently held the slaves as a form of security for the portion owed, but once Tovey's bond supplied that security in another form, Swallow's ground for keeping them fell away. This reveals how the giving of a bond dissolved a prior claim of possession, the property passing on once the obligation it had secured was otherwise guaranteed.

The general table expense of £78 18s 6.5d recorded here ties into the running accounts of the Company's establishment that appear through the record. This was the monthly cost of the Company's table, the provisioning of the officers and household maintained at the Company's charge, a substantial standing expense distinct from the store's retail trade. Its regular entry shows the administration tracking the cost of feeding its establishment as a fixed charge, the table a recurring burden on the Company's accounts alongside the clothing of its slaves and the running of its plantations.

57

51

Aprill 1716.

Jonathan Higham desired the following Indenture might

be Entered.

Island St Helena. This Indenture Witnesseth That Jonath

Higham Junr Son of Jonathan Higham Senr of Said Island

Souldier with the Consent and Direction of the Worshipp

the Governr &c Doth put himselfe Apprentice to the afore

named Jonathan Higham Senr to Serve him from the

date hereof untill he be of the Age of Twenty one Years the

design of this being that the Said Jonathan Higham Jun

shall work at his Trade of Stone Cutting for his father

He being a very Poor man untill he attain to the age

aforemencond & for the True performance hereof

the aforenamd Jonat Higham Junr is bound by

these Presents. In Witness Whereof have here unto

Sett his hand & Seale this 24 Day of Aprill AD 16.

his

Jonathan Higham Junr

Mark

Signd Seald & Del.

in the Presence of

Isaac Pyke

Matthew Bazett

Thus far was copyd

and Sent pr ship

Nathaniel

Edward Byfeld

Jonathan Higham asked that the following indenture might be entered.

The indenture recorded that Jonathan Higham the younger, son of Jonathan Higham the elder, a soldier of the island, with the consent and direction of the Governor and Council, bound himself apprentice to his father Jonathan Higham the elder, to serve him from the date of the indenture until he reached the age of twenty-one years. The purpose was that the son should work at his father's trade of stone cutting for him, the father being a very poor man, until the son attained that age. For the true performance of this, Jonathan Higham the younger bound himself by the indenture. He set his hand and seal to it on 24 April 1716, signing with his mark, sealed and delivered in the presence of Governor Pyke and Matthew Bazett.

This far was copied and sent per ship Nathaniel. The document was also signed by Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The indenture of a son to his own father as apprentice reveals a legal device used to formalise and secure the labour of a child within a poor family. Rather than an ordinary apprenticeship binding a boy to an outside master, this bound Jonathan Higham the younger to his father to learn and work at stone cutting until he came of age. This shows how the form of apprenticeship could serve a family's own need, giving the poor father a legally enforceable claim on his son's labour in the trade that supported them both.

The requirement of the Governor and Council's consent to the indenture shows the administration's oversight of the binding of the island's young. Even an arrangement between father and son needed official sanction, the Council's approval recorded as part of the instrument. This reveals how the settlement regulated the labour of minors, the authority overseeing the terms on which the young were bound even within their own families, so that no apprenticeship was made without its knowledge.

The stone cutting trade named in the indenture ties this family's livelihood to the building work that recurs through the record, from the mason's chisels in the store accounts to the fortifications the Company maintained. A poor soldier who worked as a stone cutter depended on his son learning the same skill to sustain the household, the trade offering steady employment on an island that needed masons for its walls and buildings. This shows how a family's fortunes rested on the transmission of a useful craft from father to son, the indenture securing that transmission in law.

58

52

Island St Helena.

At a Consultation Held on

Tuesday the first day of May 1716, at the

Union Castle in James Valley.

Isaac Pyke Esqr Govr

George Haswell Dpty

Pres: Matthw Bazett 3 &

Edward Byfeld.

On Satturday last the 29th of Aprill Arrived

the Ship Nathaniel Capt Jonathan Negus from

Bombay but last from the Cape of Good Hope

That whereas we haveing four Notorious

Rogues on this Island vizt William Gdyn William

Cook Kendal Mein and William Eagle we thinke

it is very Proper to send them off as fast as we Can

for the Security of this Place and of the Honble Comps

Shiping Least by their false Notions & Suggestions

they might Cause their Infectious Humours to

Spread among the Seamen.

Capt Haswell Says he thinks tis not Proper to send

any more then one of them in this Ship, and he to

be put in Irons. It being a Small Ship, but thinks

tis Proper he Shord be Corrected before he goes for

his Notorious Roguery. Ordered that Willm

Gwyn be Punnished and then Sent on board.

The Governr Proposes that Every one of Council

do by thursday next Acquaint him what they think

Proper

Margin Notes:

arrival of the

Nathaniel

Rogues to be

Sent off

first punished

Gwyn only Sent

off now.

At a consultation held on Tuesday 1 May 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley, Governor Pyke sat with George Haswell as deputy governor, Matthew Bazett third in council and Edward Byfield.

On the previous Saturday, 29 April, the ship Nathaniel under Captain Jonathan Negus arrived from Bombay, but last from the Cape of Good Hope.

The Council held that, since there were four notorious rogues on the island, namely William Gwyn, William Cook, Kendal Mein and William Eagle, it was proper to send them off as fast as possible for the security of the island and of the Company's shipping. It was feared that by their false notions and suggestions they might cause their infectious ideas to spread among the seamen.

Captain Haswell said he thought it not proper to send more than one of them in this ship, as she was a small ship, and that this one should be put in irons. He judged it proper that the man be corrected before he went, for his notorious roguery. The Council ordered that William Gwyn be punished and then sent on board.

The Governor proposed that every member of the Council acquaint him by the next Thursday what they thought proper [...]

Interpretations

The decision to remove the four men from the island reveals the administration's fear of subversive influence spreading from the settlement to the ships that were its lifeline. The Council judged that the false notions and suggestions of these men might infect the seamen, so their removal served to protect the crews of the Company's vessels from ideas that could undermine discipline. This shows how the security of the shipping governed the treatment of troublemakers, the men expelled not merely as local nuisances but as a contagion that had to be kept from the sailors on whom the island depended.

The language of infection applied to the men's ideas discloses how disorder was conceived as a kind of disease to be contained. Their notions were called infectious and their influence a spreading contamination, the metaphor casting political or moral subversion as a sickness that might pass from the rogues to the seamen. This reveals the administration's understanding of sedition, treated like a plague to be isolated and removed before it could take hold among the vulnerable body of the crews.

The care taken over how many such men a single small ship could safely carry shows the practical limits on the island's power to rid itself of its troublemakers. Haswell judged that only one of the four could be sent in the Nathaniel, and that he should go in irons after correction, the removal constrained by the capacity and safety of the vessel. This reveals how the disposal of undesirables depended on the shipping available, the island able to export its rogues only as fast as passing ships could be found to carry them securely.

Kendal Mein appears here among the four rogues, the same man Tovey had described at length in his accusing letters as a hardened swearer newly come to the island and mixed up in the talk of a plot to seize a vessel. His inclusion in the list marked for removal shows the Council acting on the disquiet those letters had raised, the suspected conspirator now among those to be shipped off for the security of the settlement.

59

53

May 1716.

Proper to be wrote to the Honble Comps by this

Ship Nathaniel.

George Sanders Soldr and School Master was

Summoned to appear this day for Suffering his black

Named Peter to Cutt Severall Standing and Green

trees and Carrying them to Convert to his owne

use without leave for So doing from off the Land

that goes by the Name of Perkins Plantation now

in the Possesion of the Honble Comps

The Said Sanders appeared and Said he had Occasion

for Some wood to help fence in the Land whereon he

now lives and sent his Black to Cutt & bring some wood

down to the place where wanted, but Where he did Cutt

the wood he dont know but thought it had been in his

Pasture Land and that if the black did goe and Cutt

Said wood where he Should not twas without his

Order or knowledge. Whereupon

Richard Swallow Senr was Called & sworne

who Deposes that Some of the People of his House

told him that Some body was Cutting of wood upon

the Land calld Perkins upon which he Immediatly

went up there and Saw the Said Sanders black Named

Peter a Carrying Wood upon his Shoulder from off that

Land aforesaid.

William Postley overseer at Perkins Plantation

being Examined Sayd the Said Swallow told him as above

and that he went Yesterday and Saw where Sixteen Trees

had been Cutt but Cant tell whether Sanders black

Cutt.

Margin Notes:

to write to yr Hs Comp

by yr Nathll

Sanders Sumond

for Cutting wood.

Rd Swallows Sonr

deposit

Wm Postley.

Each member of the Council was to say what they thought proper to be written to the Company by the ship Nathaniel.

George Sanders, a soldier and schoolmaster, was summoned to appear for allowing his slave, named Peter, to cut several standing and green trees and carry them off, converting them to his own use without leave, from the land known as Perkins Plantation, now in the possession of the Company.

Sanders appeared and said he had needed some wood to help fence in the land where he now lived, and had sent his slave to cut and bring some down to the place where it was wanted. He did not know where the slave had cut the wood, but thought it had been on his own pasture land, and said that if the slave went and cut wood where he should not, it was without his order or knowledge.

Richard Swallow the elder was called and sworn. He deposed that some of the people of his house told him somebody was cutting wood on the land called Perkins. He immediately went up there and saw Sanders' slave, named Peter, carrying wood on his shoulder off that land.

William Portley, overseer at Perkins Plantation, was examined and said that Swallow had told him the same, and that he went the previous day and saw where sixteen trees had been cut, but could not tell whether Sanders' slave had cut them [...]

Interpretations

The case turned on the theft of standing timber from Company land, an offence that struck at the scarce and jealously guarded wood supply of the island. Sanders was charged with allowing his slave to cut green and standing trees from Perkins Plantation and carry them off, the felling of sixteen trees representing a significant loss on a settlement short of timber. This shows the seriousness with which the removal of wood was treated, the same anxiety over a dwindling resource that had driven the earlier case against Henry Francis and the control of boats and timber.

Sanders' defence that the trespass was without his order or knowledge reveals the legal question of a master's responsibility for the acts of his slave. He did not deny that his slave took the wood, but sought to escape liability by claiming ignorance of where the cutting was done, throwing the fault onto the slave's own action. This raises the issue of how far a master answered for what his slave did on his behalf, Sanders attempting to sever his own responsibility from the act he had set in motion by sending the slave for wood.

The reliance on the testimony of the overseer and of a neighbour who caught the slave in the act shows how such trespasses were detected and proved on the island. Swallow saw the slave carrying wood off the land, and Portley counted the stumps of the felled trees, the offence established by direct observation and physical evidence. This reveals the practical means by which the Company protected its land, the watchfulness of overseers and neighbours supplying the proof needed to bring a charge of cutting timber without leave.

60

54

May 1716.

Cutt them all, or not. Ordered That

the Said Sanders be find the Sume of twenty

Shillings for Every tree his black Cutt, According

to an Order of Council in Governr Robats his

time, dated the 19 day of May 1709.

John Worrall Serjt was Summoned to

appear this day for Carrying a bill into the Stores

for to have five Shillings pday Creedtd for work he

formerly did at the ffortefications when the Govr

agreed with him for no more then three Shillings

pday. Ordered that the Overplus for So

many days he Carried So in above three Shillings

pday be Deducted from his Creditt in the Store

Books.

William Slaughter Serjt Did alsoe Carry

a bill after the Intent and manner which is

Ordered to be deducted likewise as afores.

And to prevent such Clandestine Practices

The Governour Says, for the future he will give

a Note to the Accomptant for all mony that

shall be Entered for work done for the Honble

Company.

James Vesey Planter was

Summond According to an Order of Council

dated the 24 Aprill Last for driveing the Honble

Comps Hogs from off their Usuall Pastureage

and puting his own Hogs on the Same Place.

Margin Notes:

Sanders fined

16s

Serjt Worrall

false acct

for works

regulated.

Serjt Slaughter

ye same

Govr to give a

Note for ye future

James Vesey

appears

The witness could not tell whether the slave had cut all sixteen trees or not.

The Council ordered that Sanders be fined twenty shillings for every tree his slave had cut, according to an order of Council made in Governor Roberts's time, dated 16 May 1709.

John Worrall, a sergeant, was summoned to appear for carrying a bill into the stores to have five shillings a day credited for work he had formerly done at the fortifications, when the Governor had agreed with him for no more than three shillings a day. The Council ordered that the surplus for the days he had so carried, above three shillings a day, be deducted from his credit in the store books.

William Slaughter, a sergeant, had also carried a bill after the same intent and manner, which was ordered to be deducted likewise.

To prevent such clandestine practices in future, the Governor said he would give a note to the accountant for all money that should be entered for work done for the Company.

James Vesey, a planter, was summoned according to an order of Council dated 24 April, for driving the Company's hogs off their usual pasturage and putting his own hogs on the same place [...]

Interpretations

The fine of twenty shillings a tree levied on Sanders reveals the settled tariff by which the Company punished the cutting of its timber, drawn from a standing order years old. The penalty was fixed per tree according to a rule made in Governor Roberts's time in 1709, so that the loss was priced by the number felled. This shows the administration enforcing the protection of its wood through an established scale of fines, the offence measured and charged tree by tree under a regulation that had governed such cases for years.

The cases of Worrall and Slaughter expose an attempt by the sergeants to claim more for their labour than had been agreed, by entering inflated bills at the store. Each had carried a bill demanding five shillings a day for work done at three, seeking to have the difference credited to his account, which the Governor detected and ordered struck out. This ties directly to the wage dispute that ran through the debtor examinations, the men who had held out for higher pay now trying to recover it covertly through the store books, and the Governor moving to close the gap.

The Governor's resolve to give the accountant a note for all money entered for Company work reveals a procedural reform to stop the false claiming of wages. By requiring his own authorisation for every sum credited for labour, he removed the opportunity for a workman to enter a bill at a rate never agreed. This shows the administration tightening its control over the store's accounts, the same concern with clandestine manipulation of the books that had driven the reform of the transfers, now applied to the crediting of wages for work done.

61

55

May 1716.

The Said Vesey appeard and Denyd the Com

plaint made against him but owned he did drive

his hogs near the place where the Comps goes

and by Chance they fell in Company together

but he and his black Soon parted them and

drove his Hogs a Mile at least further, and if

any of the Companys did go as farr it might

be by Scenting or following the track of his

Hogs. William Postley overseer at Perkins

Plantation Says he mett Said Vesey and his

Black on monday (the 23) before, who told him

Six of the Companys Hogs was in boxwood

Plain, and going to see for them, found that the

Companys Hogs was drove away from their

usuall Range, and was above a Mile from the

Place Named by Vesey, but above two Miles

from their usuall Place of Pasturage; and

Saw the tracks of one Shoe and bare foot

of two Persons, which he Supposes to be Vesey

and his black, and Consequently the Persons

that So drove away the Honble Comps Hogs

from where there was good food for them

to a very Rockey and barron place.

John Long & Francis Steward Planters Says they

do beleive that the Said Vesey and his black did drive

the Companys Hogs from their Usuall range

and

Margin Notes:

Wm Postley

Evidence

Vesey appeared and denied the complaint against him, but admitted he had driven his hogs near the place where the Company's hogs went. He said that by chance the two lots fell in together, but that he and his slave soon parted them and drove his own hogs at least a mile further off. If any of the Company's hogs went as far, it might be by scenting or following the track of his own.

William Portley, overseer at Perkins Plantation, said he met Vesey and his slave on the previous Monday, 23 April, who told him that six of the Company's hogs were in Boxwood Plain. Going to see for them, Portley found that the Company's hogs had been driven away from their usual range, and were above a mile from the place named by Vesey, but above two miles from their usual pasturage. He saw the tracks of one shoe and the bare foot of two persons, which he supposed to be Vesey and his slave, and consequently the persons who had driven the Company's hogs from where there was good food to a very rocky and barren place.

John Long and Francis Steward, planters, said they believed Vesey and his slave had driven the Company's hogs from their usual range [...]

Interpretations

The dispute over the hogs reveals a settler manipulating the grazing of the Company's stock to the advantage of his own, an offence against the common pasturage on which the island's animals depended. Vesey was charged with driving the Company's hogs from their good feeding ground to a barren place and putting his own in their stead, so seizing the better pasture for his herd. This shows how competition for limited grazing bred quarrels among the inhabitants, the deliberate displacement of another's stock treated as a wrong the Council would examine and punish.

The tracking of footprints as evidence discloses the rudimentary but effective methods by which such trespasses were investigated on the island. Portley followed the marks of one shod and two bare feet to fix Vesey and his slave as the persons who had driven the hogs, the physical trace on the ground standing as proof of their presence. This reveals how offences in the open country were brought home to their authors, the reading of tracks supplying the evidence where no one had directly witnessed the act.

Vesey's explanation that the Company's hogs might have followed his own by scent shows the defence of natural animal behaviour raised against a charge of deliberate driving. He sought to attribute the movement of the Company's stock to the hogs' own inclination to follow a herd rather than to any act of his, offering an innocent cause for their displacement. This reveals the difficulty of proving intent in such a case, the accused able to point to the ordinary habits of the animals as an alternative to the charge that he had driven them off by design.

62

56

May 1716.

and that the place Vesey named is above a mile

from the place he told Postley the Comps Hoggs

were at Ordered That the Said

James Vesey be not Suffered to keep his Hogs

Upon that range where they are now for halfe

a years time from this day.

The following Petitions was Presented

Island St Helena. To the Worsp Isaac Pyke Esqr Govr

&c Council The most Humble

Petition of George & Thoms Brayne

(Youths) Humbly

Sheweth That your Petitionrs having no trade or

Employment whereby to Support themselves. one

being Seventeen and the other Sixteen years of age

are Very desireous to Serve the Honble Comps as Sold

for the terme of Seven years Wherefore Humbly

Prays your Worsp & Council to Intertaine us as

Such and Shall to Our Utmost take Care to Demean

our Selves in all respects as we ought, and beg

a favourable Compltyance with this our Humble

and Earnest request.

And as in duty bound

shall for ever pray &c

his

May 1st 1716. George + Brayne

mark

his

Thoms + Brayne

mark

Island

Margin Notes:

Geo & Tho Brayn he

to Serve yr H Comp

7 Year.

The planters added that the place Vesey named was above a mile from where he had told Portley the Company's hogs were.

The Council ordered that James Vesey not be allowed to keep his hogs on that range where they now were for the space of half a year from that day.

The following petitions were presented.

George and Thomas Brayne, youths, petitioned the Governor and Council. Having no trade or employment by which to support themselves, one being seventeen and the other sixteen years of age, they were very desirous to serve the Company as soldiers for the term of seven years. They asked the Governor and Council to accept them as such, promising to conduct themselves in all respects as they ought, and begged a favourable answer to their request. Both signed the petition with their marks, dated 1 May 1716.

Interpretations

The penalty imposed on Vesey shows the Council protecting the common grazing by temporary exclusion rather than a fine, matching the remedy to the nature of the offence. He was barred from keeping his hogs on the disputed range for half a year, a punishment that directly reversed the advantage he had seized by displacing the Company's stock. This reveals how the administration policed the shared pasturage, denying the offender the very benefit he had sought so that the Company's hogs might return to the ground he had driven them from.

The petition of the two Brayne youths to enlist as soldiers reveals how the garrison drew its recruits from the island's own young men who lacked other means of support. Having no trade, the brothers of sixteen and seventeen sought seven years’ service with the Company as their path to a livelihood, the military establishment offering employment to those the settlement could not otherwise absorb. This shows the garrison functioning as a refuge for the trade-less young, the Company's need for soldiers meeting the young men's need for maintenance.

The fixed term of seven years in the enlistment echoes the standard span of apprenticeship and indenture that recurs through the record, marking military service as another form of bound engagement. The Braynes offered themselves for the same seven-year term that governed apprenticeships, the soldier's enlistment structured like the binding of a servant or apprentice to a master. This reveals the common shape of bound labour on the island, whether in a trade or in the garrison, the seven-year term standing as the customary measure of such committed service.

63

57

Island St Helena. May 1716.

To the Worsh Isaac Pyke Esqr Govr

Esqr Governr &c Council.

The most Humble Petition of John

Maynard Ship-right.

Sheweth. That whereas your Petitionr having a

Covenant Servant bound Apprentice in England did at

his Comeing out for Bencoolen and ever Since his Stay here

beleived he Needed not doubt of his Said Servants dyeting at

the Honble Comps Charge as well as your Petitionr and

haveing been at daily Expence for Dyeting him Since the

Departure of Ship Cardonnell, and which hath been

Equivolent to 12 pr day Doth.

Therefore Humbly move and pray Your

Worship and Council to grant your Petitionr Such an

Allowance for dyett as you in your Prudence Shall

think fitt to Defray the Charge your Petitionr hath

been at for his Said Servant. And as in duty bound

shall Ever pray &c

May 1st 1716. John Maynard

Wee haveing no Presedent of this nature and Such

a request being unusuall. Ordered that this Petition

be rejected.

Island St Helena. To the Worsh Isaac Pyke

Esqr Governr &c & Council.

The most Humble Petition of

Edward Holliwell Writer.

most

Margin Notes:

Maynards

Petn for his

Servt Dyett

rejected

John Maynard, a shipwright, petitioned the Governor and Council. He had a covenant servant bound apprentice in England, whom he brought out on his way to Bencoolen. Ever since his stay on the island, he had believed he needed not doubt that his servant would be fed at the Company's charge, as he himself was, and he had been at daily expense in feeding the man since the departure of the ship Cardonnell, which had amounted to twelve pence a day. He therefore asked the Governor and Council to grant him such an allowance for diet as they thought fit, to defray the charge he had borne for his servant. Maynard signed the petition, dated 1 May 1716.

Since there was no precedent of this nature and the request was unusual, the Council ordered that the petition be rejected.

Edward Holliwell, a writer, petitioned the Governor and Council [...]

Interpretations

The rejection of Maynard's petition for want of precedent reveals how far the Council relied on established practice in deciding claims upon the Company's purse. Maynard sought an allowance for feeding his covenant servant, but because no such claim had been granted before and the request was unusual, the Council refused it outright. This shows the administration's caution in creating new charges against the Company, an unprecedented demand denied precisely because granting it would establish a precedent others might follow.

The position of Maynard's covenant servant illuminates the movement of bound labour through the island toward the Company's eastern settlements. The man was an apprentice bound in England and carried out on the way to Bencoolen, one of many such indentured workers passing through St Helena as they moved between the Company's stations. This reveals the island's place on the network of the Company's labour supply, a waypoint where servants and apprentices bound for distant posts were held and fed while awaiting onward passage.

The distinction between who was fed at the Company's charge and who was not exposes the limits of the Company's obligation to provision those passing through. Maynard himself was maintained at the Company's cost, but his servant was not, and Maynard's assumption that the man would be covered proved mistaken. This reveals how narrowly the Company drew the bounds of its keep, extending it to the principal but not to his dependent servant, so that the cost of feeding the bound man fell on the master rather than the Company.

The Cardonnell was a Company ship, its departure marking the point from which Maynard began to bear the daily cost of feeding his servant on the island. Named here as the vessel whose sailing left him at that expense, it was one of the Company's ships passing through on the eastern route, the same shipping that carried servants, provisions and correspondence between the scattered settlements. Its mention fixes the moment his charge began, the ship's departure the event from which his petition was reckoned.

64

58

May 1716.

most Humbly.

Sheweth That whereas your Petitioner

on Mr Newingtons removal, reed your Worships

Order to Continue the Accots of the Work men be

Employed at the Honble Comps Works and for

my Fidelity, Care and daily trouble therein

had your Worsps Promise of Encouragement

those Books only (Excepting other dutys in the Secretarys

Office) requireing one persons application, Humbly

Conceives he may Presume to remind your Worship of the

Just Endeavours of your Petitionr to merit the Promise

made him. If you Shall pleas to make an Additionall

augmentation to my Present Sallary it will prove of

Extraordinary Service to my Occasions and Undoubtedly

Excite me to a more Strenuous Vigilancy to Serve

the Honble Comps and ever Oblige me (as in duty

bound) to pray for Yor Worsp &c and Council.

Aprill 24th 1716. Edward Holliwell

We are very Sensible that the Said Holliwell has

abundance of trouble about the Work Peoples Accounts

and is very faithfull in that Employ, But cant Allow

him any more Sallary then what he at Present has

However for his Care and future Dilligence and to

Encourage him therein Do think it fitt and reasonable

to allow him two Shillings pr week more than his

Usuall Sallary while he Continues keeping that Acco.

Copy of an agreement the Govornr made with Thoms

Burnham, about the Building the two Gun ridge

House.

The

Margin Notes:

Holliwells Petn

for more pay.

2s pr week alld

him.

Edward Holliwell, a writer, petitioned the Governor and Council for more pay. On Mr Newington's removal, he had received the Council's order to continue keeping the accounts of the workmen employed at the Company's works. For his faithfulness, care and daily trouble in that work, he had received the Governor's promise of encouragement, those books alone, apart from the other duties in the secretary's office, requiring one person's full application. He ventured to remind the Governor of his honest efforts to merit the promise made him. If the Governor would make some addition to his present salary, it would be of great service to his circumstances and would spur him to still more strenuous diligence in serving the Company. Holliwell signed the petition, dated 24 April 1716.

The Council answered that it was well aware Holliwell had a great deal of trouble over the workmen's accounts and was very faithful in that work, but it could not allow him any more salary than he presently had. However, for his care and future diligence, and to encourage him in the work, it thought it fit and reasonable to allow him three shillings a week more than his usual salary while he continued to keep those accounts.

There followed a copy of an agreement the Governor made with Thomas Burnham about the building of the two gun ridge house.

Interpretations

The Council's response to Holliwell reveals a careful distinction between a permanent rise in salary and a temporary allowance tied to a particular task. It refused to increase his standing salary, but granted three shillings a week extra only while he continued to keep the workmen's accounts, so that the additional pay would cease when the duty did. This shows the administration guarding against a lasting increase in its wage bill, rewarding the extra work with a conditional allowance rather than a rise that would persist beyond the task that earned it.

The additional burden that fell on Holliwell after Newington's removal illuminates how the loss of one officer loaded his work onto another. The keeping of the workmen's accounts, described as requiring one person's whole application, was added to Holliwell's existing duties in the secretary's office when Newington left. This reveals the thin staffing of the island's administration, the departure of a single clerk throwing a full workload onto a colleague who had to be compensated for taking it on.

The keeping of the workmen's accounts emerges here as a substantial and distinct task, the very records at the centre of the wage disputes running through these consultations. The bills the sergeants had tried to inflate and the wages the Governor sought to control were entered in these books, so the diligent keeping of them mattered to the Company's protection against false claims. This shows why the work was valued enough to reward, the accurate accounting of the workmen's pay standing as a safeguard the administration was willing to encourage with extra allowance.

65

59

May 1716

The House is to be forty one feet from out to out

besides the Chimney.

The Chimney is to be Exactly of the same bigness

Every way as Mr Coulsons and to be built at the East

end of the House

The inside of the House is to be all the way

twelve feet wide.

The room where the Chimney is to be fifteen feet

Long the Inside besides the Chimney.

No windows on the backside the House.

There is to be two Large Windows and one door

in the middle of the ffront.

There is to be a Passage or Entry between the two

rooms of Six foot and a half wide, or Seven, on Each

side of the Entry Eighteen or twenty Inches.

The West End is to be twelve foot Square.

The Walls to be laid one foot within the ground for

Security of the foundation, but the floor of the House

to be two foot above the Ground to Preserve it drye

and then the Ceiling or under part of the Roof to be

full Eight foot from the floor.

This House to be built in three months time and

the Proportion of the work to be Vallued and Mr

Burnham to be paid as he was to be paid for the other

Old House that is twenty Six pound but So much as this

House is Larger or has more Walls then the other head

he is to be paid in Proportion after that rate.

But none of this House is to be built of that Sort of

Stone the other was but of good hard Stone

all

Margin Notes:

Agreemt wt Thos

Burnham to build

ye 2 Gunridge

House.

This was the agreement with Thomas Burnham to build the two gun ridge house, setting out its dimensions and terms.

The house was to be forty-one feet from outside to outside, not counting the chimney. The chimney was to be exactly the same size in every way as Mr Coulson's, and built at the east end of the house. The inside of the house was to be twelve feet wide throughout. The room where the chimney stood was to be fifteen feet long on the inside, not counting the chimney. There were to be no windows on the back of the house. There were to be two large windows and one door in the middle of the front. There was to be a passage or entry between the two rooms, six and a half or seven feet wide, with eighteen or twenty inches on each side of the entry. The west end was to be twelve feet square.

The walls were to be laid one foot within the ground for the security of the foundation, but the floor of the house to stand two feet above the ground to keep it dry, and the ceiling or underside of the roof to be a full eight feet from the floor.

The house was to be built within three months, and the proportion of the work valued. Burnham was to be paid as he had been for the other old house, that is twenty-six pounds, but since this house was larger or had more walls than the other, he was to be paid in proportion at that rate. None of this house was to be built of that sort of stone the other was, but of good hard stone [...]

Interpretations

The building agreement reveals the careful specification by which the Company contracted for construction, fixing every dimension and material in advance. The contract set out the length, width, window placement, foundation depth and floor height in precise measurements, leaving nothing to the builder's discretion. This shows the administration procuring its buildings by detailed written contract, the exact terms protecting the Company against poor or skimped work and giving a clear standard against which Burnham's performance could be measured.

The insistence on good hard stone in place of the sort used for the earlier house exposes a concern with durability learned from past experience. The contract expressly required better stone than had gone into the previous building, a stipulation that points to dissatisfaction with the earlier work. This reveals the Company applying the lessons of former construction to its new contracts, specifying superior material to avoid the decay or failure that the poorer stone had evidently produced.

The method of pricing the work by proportion to a known benchmark shows a practical means of costing a building against an established rate. Burnham was to be paid as he had been for the old house, twenty-six pounds, but more in proportion since this house was larger, the price scaled to the additional walling. This reveals how the Company fixed a fair charge for construction by reference to a previous job of known cost, adjusting the sum to the size of the new work rather than negotiating a wholly fresh price.

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May 1716

All the back wall and the Chimney Part of the

Old House is to be left Standing.

Mr Burnham to have two of the Companys

blacks for three months in Consideration that this

House is to be Pointed and better built then the

other was.

And in Case the House be built in three

months Mr Burnham to have forty Shillings

reward besides his payment but otherwise he is

to be abated twenty Shillings of his Price.

Isa Pyke

(Signd) Tho: Burnham

Capt Negus. You are hereby desired and required to

send out your Stream Cable or a very good Hawser

with a Small Anchor near the Shore, or Else to

make fast one End of your Said Cable, or Hawser

to the Rocks and to heave in by it as near the

Rocks as will be Safe which you will know by

Sounding; the Intent of this order is that no Shipps

may Come ahead of you to Cutt you Out there being

two Ships now Comeing into the road which there

we Expect to be the Honble Comps Shiping Yet

because we are Informd of Severall Corsature

Ships abroad we think the Utmost Caution is to

be Used for the Security of Our Honble Masters

Estates. Wee are Your Loveing ffriends.

Union Castle St Helena. Isa Pyke

May the 2 1716. Geo Haswell

Matt Bazett

Edw Byfeld

Margin Notes:

Capt Negus.

Letter to Capt

Negus.

to come nearer

inn

All the back wall and the chimney part of the old house was to be left standing. Burnham was to have two of the Company's slaves for three months, in consideration that this house was to be pointed and better built than the other was. If the house were built within three months, Burnham was to have forty shillings reward besides his payment, but otherwise twenty shillings was to be abated from his price. The agreement was signed by Governor Pyke and Thomas Burnham.

There followed a letter to Captain Negus, directing him to bring his ship nearer in.

Captain Negus was desired and required to send out his stream cable or any good hawser with a small anchor near the shore, or else to make fast one end of the cable or hawser to the rocks and heave in by it as near the rocks as would be safe, which he would know by sounding. The intent of the order was that no ship might come ahead of him and cut him out. Two ships were now coming into the road, which the Council expected to be the Company's shipping, yet because they were informed of several pirate ships abroad, they thought the utmost caution should be used for the security of their masters' estates. The letter closed as from his loving friends and was signed by Governor Pyke, George Haswell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield, dated at Union Castle, St Helena, on 2 May 1716.

Interpretations

The letter to Negus reveals the constant threat of piracy that shaped the defence of the island's roadstead and its shipping. The Council feared that a pirate vessel might slip in ahead of the Nathaniel and cut her out from her anchorage, so it directed the captain to warp his ship close to the rocks where she could be protected. This shows how the danger of piracy governed the handling of ships in the road, the vessels drawn under the shelter of the shore batteries against the risk of attack from the sea.

The instruction to make fast to the rocks and heave in by cable discloses the seamanship by which a ship was secured in a threatened anchorage. Negus was to run a hawser to the rocks and haul his ship inshore, sounding as he went to keep her safe, so placing her where no enemy could easily reach her. This reveals the practical measures taken to protect a valuable vessel in an exposed road, the ship manoeuvred close under the land where the guns of the fort could cover her.

The reference to the security of the masters’ estates shows how the defence of the shipping was understood as the protection of the Company's property. The ships and their cargoes were the Company's investment, so guarding them against piracy was guarding the estates of the Company itself. This reveals the commercial logic behind the military caution, the Council's care for the ships in the road driven by their duty to preserve the property of the masters they served.

The two ships approaching, expected to be the Company's own, tie this order to the arrival of the shipping on which the island depended, the same Nathaniel whose coming had opened the May consultations now to be defended in the road. The Council's readiness to treat even expected vessels with caution, in case pirates lurked among them, shows the anxious vigilance of a settlement whose lifeline lay in the ships it could neither do without nor wholly trust until they were known.

67

61

May 1716.

Capt Negus. Sr I doe not See your People yet heaving in

and So doubt of their haveing received our Order if they

want a boat they may take any one of the Honble Comps

boats from the Shoar Jam.

Your Lov ffriend & Servt

Isa Pyke

Capt Negus. I have sent you off a good boat to use as you

have Occasion and have directed the People to Observe

your Orders. Yor Lov ffriend.

Isa Pyke

Capt Negus. This boat comes to bring you the end of a

Large Hawser to haul your Ship Nearer in by, that these

ships may not goe ahead of you the other End I have

Caused to be fastned to the rocks on Shoar and I have

Written to these French ships that I shall Permitt them to

Come into this road on Condition they do not goe ahead

of you and told them in my Letter that unless they goe

a Stern of you I will fire at them I desire you to

Come nearer in I have sent thirty men to Assist you.

May 2 1716. Jam

Your Loveing ffriend.

Isa Pyke

Capt Negus. Sr There is a Ship now Comeing

into this road which may be for Ought I know at

Present upon a bad account, because I wrote you word

before that divers Pyrats were abroad, I have been

Acquainted that the ffrench Intended to Saile too

day, if they doe Saile then I desire you to Haul

nearer

Governor Pyke wrote again to Captain Negus, saying he did not yet see his people heaving in, and so doubted whether they had received the order. If they wanted a boat, they might take any one of the Company's boats from the shore. He signed himself as Negus's loving friend and servant.

In a further note the Governor told Negus he had sent off a good boat for him to use as he had occasion, and had directed his people to observe the orders. He signed himself as Negus's loving friend.

In another note the Governor explained that the boat came to bring Negus the end of a large hawser to haul his ship nearer in, so that the other ships might not get ahead of him, the other end having been made fast to the rocks on shore. He had written to the French ships that he would permit them to come into the road on condition they did not get ahead of Negus, and had told them in his letter that unless they came astern of him he would fire at them. He asked Negus to come nearer in, and had sent thirty men to assist him. He signed himself as Negus's loving friend, dated 2 May 1716.

In a further note the Governor told Negus there was a ship now coming into the road which, for all he knew, might be there on a bad account. Since he had written before that several pirates were abroad, and had been informed that the French intended to sail that day, if they did sail he asked Negus to haul nearer [...]

Interpretations

The urgency of the Governor's repeated notes reveals how seriously the Council took the danger to a ship lying in an exposed road with strangers approaching. He wrote again and again as the situation developed, sending a boat, then a hawser, then thirty men, pressing Negus to warp his ship close under the shore before the other vessels could get ahead of her. This shows the anxious management of the anchorage in real time, the Governor directing the defence of the Nathaniel through a stream of messages as the threat unfolded.

The conditional permission granted to the French ships discloses the delicate handling of foreign vessels at a time of suspected piracy. The Governor allowed them into the road only on condition they stayed astern of Negus, threatening to fire on them if they came ahead, so admitting them under strict control rather than barring or freely welcoming them. This reveals the careful diplomacy of a small garrison, obliged to receive foreign ships yet unwilling to let them into a position from which they might do harm.

The dispatch of thirty men to assist Negus shows the Company committing its own soldiers to the defence of a ship in the road. The garrison's men were sent aboard or to the shore to help warp the vessel and man her defence, the island's small military strength thrown behind the protection of the shipping. This reveals how the security of the ships drew directly on the garrison, the soldiers who guarded the settlement also serving to defend the vessels on which its trade and survival depended.

The position of a ship relative to the shore batteries emerges as the key to her safety in the road. The whole aim of hauling Negus nearer in and keeping the other ships astern of him was to place the Nathaniel where the guns of the fort could protect her and no stranger could get between her and the shore. This reveals the tactical logic of the anchorage, safety lying in the shelter of the land and the covering fire of the batteries, exposure in being left ahead and open to attack from seaward.

68

62

May 1716.

nearer in Jam Yor Lov ffriend.

Union Castle St May yr 5 1716. Isa Pyke

Island St Helena At a Consultation

held on Satturday the 5 of May 1716

at Union Castle in James Valley.

Isaac Pyke Esqr Govr

George Haswell Dpty

Pres: Matthw Bazett 3

Edward Byfeld.

The following Petition was Presented

To the Worsh Isaac Pyke Esqr

Governr &c Councill.

The Humble Petition of Antipas

Tovey.

Sheweth To yor Worsp That your Petitionr being bound in

Penal Sums to the Value of Near three Hundred Pounds

to keep the Peace (which he never broke) the Person who

Swore the Peace against him being the agressor now

takes the advantage to Insult your Petitioner (who

thought himselfe his Superior) not being able to

Defend himself he daily goes in danger of his Life

and

Margin Notes:

Mr Tovey's Petn

agst

Gunr French

&c.

The Governor closed his last note to Captain Negus by asking him again to haul nearer in, signing himself as Negus's loving friend, dated at Union Castle on 5 May 1716.

At a consultation held on Saturday 5 May 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley, Governor Pyke sat with George Haswell as deputy governor, Matthew Bazett third in council and Edward Byfield.

The following petition was presented.

Antipas Tovey petitioned the Governor and Council. He set out that he stood bound in penal sums to the value of near three hundred pounds to keep the peace, which he had never broken. The person who had sworn the peace against him was the real aggressor, and now took advantage to insult Tovey, who thought himself the man's superior. Since Tovey was not able to defend himself, he went daily in danger of his life [...]

Interpretations

Tovey's petition returns to the long-running feud with Gunner French recorded through the earlier consultations, now cast in terms of the bonds that bound him to keep the peace. He was tied by recognisances to the value of near three hundred pounds, and complained that the very man who had sworn the peace against him now provoked him with impunity, knowing that Tovey dared not retaliate for fear of forfeiting his bonds. This shows how a peace bond, meant to prevent violence, could be turned into a shield behind which an adversary might safely give offence.

The mechanism of swearing the peace against another reveals a legal device by which one party could bind an enemy to good behaviour on oath of fear. French had sworn that he went in fear of Tovey, obliging Tovey to enter bonds to keep the peace, which Tovey now protested had been done by the real aggressor to disarm his victim. This shows how the swearing of the peace could be used offensively, the complainant securing his own freedom to provoke while the man bound over was left unable to respond without penalty.

Tovey's grievance that his social inferior now insulted him with impunity discloses the wounded sense of rank that ran through the whole quarrel. He thought himself French's superior, and felt the insult the more keenly for coming from a man he considered beneath him, yet the peace bond left him powerless to answer. This reveals how questions of status sharpened the dispute, the humiliation lying not only in the provocation but in having to bear it from one Tovey regarded as his lesser.

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63

May 1716.

and Humbly prays your Protection or if through

your Petitionrs folly he lies under Such disadvantage

thus daily to be Insulted Damd and threatned by Such

an Infamous Person as Mr John French is the

Person your Petitioner Complains of, Humbly

prays he may be sent Home by this Ship there

to Answer to his Honble Masters the Discharge

of that duty Intrusted him with.

And Yr Petitionr as in duty bound

shall ever pray &c

May 3 1716

(Signed) Antip Tovey.

The Said Tovey was calld and added by word of

mouth as followeth

1 That on Tuesday night last after the Bonfire Mr French

Sayed as he past by Mr Toveys Door Damn that fellow

he has been by here two or three times I will Cutt of his

Ears by God.

2 On Wednesday Evening French Stood at Richard Swallows

Door and Swore and Curst many times in the Presences

of Said Swallow and Francis Wrangham, and did Point

at the Said Tovey and Swore he was a rogue and a

Villain and he would See what he could doe.

3 And that last night French Said he had a hundred

Pound to Spend as well as others had, and that he could

goe home and Shew his face to the Company.

4 And Tovey doth beleve French Spoke this to provoke

him to break the Peace now he was bound over that

he might have the advantage of his Security.

Mr For

Margin Notes:

further charge

agst

ffrench.

Tovey asked for the Governor's protection, saying that if through his own folly he lay under such disadvantage as to be daily insulted, damned and threatened by so infamous a person as John French, then he asked that French be sent home by the ship, to answer to the Company's masters for the discharge of the duty entrusted to him. Tovey signed the petition, dated 3 May 1716.

Tovey was called and added the following charges by word of mouth.

1: On the previous Tuesday night, after the bonfire, French said as he passed by Tovey's door, damn that fellow, that he had been by here two or three times and would cut off his ears, by God.

2: On Wednesday evening French stood at Richard Swallow's door and swore and cursed many times in the presence of Swallow and Francis Wrangham. He pointed at Tovey and swore he was a rogue and a villain, and that he would see what he could do.

3: On the previous night French said he had a hundred pounds to spend as well as others had, and that he could go home and show his face to the Company.

4: Tovey believed French spoke this to provoke him to break the peace, now that he was bound over, so that French might have the advantage of his security.

Interpretations

The charges Tovey laid against French expose the deliberate strategy of provocation behind the quarrel, aimed at making the bound man forfeit his security. French repeatedly cursed, threatened and insulted Tovey before witnesses, and Tovey believed this was calculated to goad him into breaking the peace so that his bonds would be forfeited. This shows how a peace bond could become a trap, the adversary safe to provoke while the man bound over stood to lose his sureties if he retaliated, the provocation itself the weapon.

The threat to cut off Tovey's ears reveals the violent character of the enmity beneath the legal manoeuvring. French's words, sworn to have been uttered after the bonfire, carried a threat of mutilation that shows the depth of the hatred between the two men. This reveals that the dispute, however it played out through petitions and bonds, rested on a real and dangerous animosity, the formal machinery of the peace overlaying a quarrel that threatened to erupt into bodily harm.

French's boast that he had a hundred pounds to spend and could show his face to the Company discloses the confidence of a man who believed himself secure in his standing. He claimed the means and the character to face the Company's masters, asserting that he need fear no consequence from his conduct toward Tovey. This reveals the sense of impunity that emboldened one party in the feud, French presenting himself as a man of substance and good repute against whom Tovey's complaints would carry no weight.

Speculations

Tovey chose to ask that French be sent home to England to answer to the Company's masters, rather than seek some remedy against him on the island itself. He grounded this on his own helplessness, bound over to keep the peace and unable to defend himself against a man he believed was deliberately provoking him to forfeit his security. The obvious course for a man in fear of his life would have been to seek the protection of the island's own authority against his tormentor, yet Tovey preferred to have his enemy removed entirely from the settlement, judging that only French's departure across the ocean would end a persecution the local peace bonds had left him powerless to resist.

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May 1716

5 For Mr Tovey Sayes about Sixteen months agoe

he haveing been Grosely abused by Mr French and

beyond what he could bear did goe to French next

Day and Demanded Satisfaction for the Affronts

French took his Sword & followed him and they

did fight and the Gunner letting his Sword fell

was thereby Disarmed Tovey then told him his Life

was in his Power but yet Sayed I will do you no hurt

and then both Shook hands agreeing to be friends and

that Since then French had given a great Provocation

and his Life was in his Power he thirsted not

for his Blood and forbore doing him the least Injury

And therefore Says he thinks that the Gunner keeps

the Peace against him now more for revenge then

fear because now he is bound over to the Peace

French do's all he Can to make him break it.

To the first Article Mr French Says he denys

it but Acknowledges that he Sayes he would have Cutt

off his (meaning Toveys) Eares if he had known his

designe.

To the Second he Says he did Say Tovey would

Sweear any thing and that if he would doe

one rogues Trick he would do another but did not Point

at him.

To the third Article he Says he owns it for he Can

as well afford to goe Home as Tovey.

To the forth Article he denys he Spake any thing

with Such Intent.

To the fifth Article Mr French Says he wholly

denys it.

Captain

Margin Notes:

ffrenchs reply.

5: Tovey said that about sixteen months earlier, having been grossly abused by French and beyond what he could bear, he went to French the next day and demanded satisfaction for the insults. French took his sword and followed him, and they fought. When the gunner let his sword fall and was thereby disarmed, Tovey told him his life was in his power, but said he would do him no hurt, and then both shook hands and agreed to be friends. Since then French had given great provocation, and though his life had again been in Tovey's power, Tovey had not thirsted for his blood but forbore doing him the least injury. He therefore thought the gunner now swore the peace against him more for revenge than fear, because now that Tovey was bound over to keep the peace, French did all he could to make him break it.

French made his reply to the charges.

To the first article, French denied it, but acknowledged that he said he would have cut off Tovey's ears if he had known his design.

To the second, he said he did say Tovey would swear anything, and that if he would do one rogue's trick he would do another, but he did not point at him.

To the third article, he owned it, for he could as well afford to go home as Tovey.

To the fourth article, he denied he spoke anything with such intent.

To the fifth article, French wholly denied it.

Interpretations

The account of the earlier duel and reconciliation reveals the code of personal honour that governed disputes between men of standing on the island. Tovey had demanded satisfaction for an insult, the two had fought with swords, and when Tovey disarmed French he spared his life and the two shook hands as friends. This shows how such quarrels were expected to be resolved by the forms of gentlemanly combat, the sparing of a beaten adversary and the handshake of reconciliation standing as the honourable close to an affair of insult.

Tovey's emphasis on twice sparing French's life discloses the moral advantage he sought to claim in the dispute. By stressing that he had held French's life in his power and forborne to harm him, Tovey cast himself as the magnanimous party and French as the ingrate who repaid mercy with provocation. This reveals how the memory of the duel was pressed into service in the present quarrel, Tovey's restraint offered as proof that he was no aggressor and that French's oath of fear was a pretence covering revenge.

French's partial admissions expose the mixture of denial and defiance with which an accused man met such charges. He denied the threats laid against him in general, yet acknowledged the words about cutting off Tovey's ears and about going home to the Company, unable or unwilling to disown what witnesses had heard. This reveals the difficulty of wholly denying words spoken before others, French forced to concede the substance of some charges while contesting the intent, his admissions confirming the reality of the enmity even as he resisted its worst construction.

71

65

May 1716.

Capt Haswell Says to the first Article That Mr Tovey Came

to Mr ffrancis and told him he did intend to goe off the

Island in this Ship and he being one of his ffreedoms gave

him an Item of it and bid him look out but beleives Mr

Tovey came there on Prapose to hear what Mr French Said

and did then heear French Say he did not know Toveys

meaning for he had Shifted his Cloths two or three times

that Evening and that when he Cutt his Ear he wisht he had

Cutt it of when he was aboat it and that Mr French went

after the Bonefire was over directly to Mr ffrancis House

Upon the whole do's beleive that Mr French did not give

Mr Tovey any Cause of Such Complaint as he has repre

sented

Capt Bazett Sayes he do's not know whether

Mr Tovey had any Cause of Complaint or not.

Mr Byfeld Says that he thinks Mr Tovey has

no Such Cause of Complaint as his by his Petition represented

but that Mr French has in Some measure abused Mr

Tovey.

The Governr Says that tis his opinion that there

is and has been for a long time, an Irreconcileable Differences

between Mr Tovey and French.

That he has Severall times heretofore Composed their

Differences and Endeavoured to make them Friends but

ffinding it not to have So good Effect as he Intended it

he has Strictly forbid Each other Comeing into one

anothers Company which Order they both Promised to

Observe. And the Governr is of Opinion that Mr

Tovey getting drunk on board the Duke of Cambridge

and the Gunner Comeing afterwards into Toveys Comp

was the Occasion of Hott words and Provocation and

therefore

Margin Notes:

Capt Haswells

Opinion

Capt Bazett

Mr Byfeld

The Govern

Captain Haswell gave his opinion on the first article. He said Tovey had come to Mr Francis and told him he intended to leave the island by this ship, and being one of his sureties, gave him warning of it and bid him look out. Haswell believed Tovey came there on purpose to hear what French said, and did then hear French say he did not know Tovey's meaning, for he had changed his clothes two or three times that evening, and that when he cut his ear, if he had cut it, he was in drink. French had gone straight to Mr Francis's house directly after the bonfire was over. On the whole, Haswell believed French did not give Tovey any cause for the complaint he had made.

Captain Bazett said he did not know whether Tovey had any cause of complaint or not.

Mr Byfield said he thought Tovey had no such cause of complaint as he set out in his petition, but that French had in some measure abused him.

The Governor said it was his opinion that there was, and had been for a long time, an irreconcilable difference between Tovey and French. He had several times before composed their differences and tried to make them friends, but finding this had not the good effect he intended, he had strictly forbidden each of them from coming into the other's company, which order they both promised to observe. The Governor was of the opinion that Tovey getting drunk aboard the Duke of Cambridge, and the gunner coming afterwards into Tovey's company, was the occasion of hot words and provocation [...]

Interpretations

The divergent opinions of the councillors reveal how a bitter personal quarrel divided the judgement of those called to settle it. Haswell believed French had given no real cause for complaint, Bazett professed uncertainty, and Byfield thought Tovey overstated his case yet allowed that French had abused him in some measure. This shows the difficulty of adjudicating a feud in which both parties bore fault, the Council unable to reach a clear view of who was the wronged and who the wrongdoer.

The Governor's diagnosis of an irreconcilable difference discloses a long history of failed attempts to reconcile the two men. He had repeatedly composed their quarrels and tried to make them friends, and when that failed had forbidden them each other's company, an order both had promised to keep. This reveals the administration's preferred remedy for such enmity, the enforced separation of the antagonists, resorted to only after persuasion and reconciliation had proved useless against a hatred that would not be healed.

The Governor's attribution of the latest outburst to drink exposes the role of alcohol in igniting the quarrel afresh. He judged that Tovey's getting drunk aboard the Duke of Cambridge, followed by French coming into his company, had produced the hot words and provocation now complained of. This reveals how drink was seen as the immediate occasion of disorder, the standing enmity between the men needing only the loosening of restraint by alcohol and a chance encounter to break out once more into open conflict.

The Duke of Cambridge, a Company ship whose departure had earlier been saluted from the island's guns, appears here as the scene of Tovey's drunkenness that set off the renewed quarrel. Named as the vessel aboard which he drank, it ties the feud to the shipping that touched every part of island life, the ship serving on this occasion not as a lifeline but as the place where the trouble began.

72

66

May 1716.

therefore for the breach of my Order I intirely blame

the Gunner John French but for the wounding of Mr

Wrangham I have Promised for the Law is open and

Lett that have its Course I have Promised Mr Wrangham

that when ever he is ready I will call a Court on

Purpose and have bad him when ready to Come to

me and name a day) and I think tis best to Rid

the Country of both of them unless they behave

themselves better their Squables having been the

Occasion of abundance of Differences.

As to the Petition I think Mr Tovey has great

cause of Complaint but yet I doe not think it fitt that

he Should Swear the Peace against French while

he is as Gunner of the Garrison because if I cant

Protect Tovey from ffrenches Insulting him I am not

fitt to be Governr here any Longer.

As to the Latter Part of the Petition about send

ing Mr Tovey Home I think to Bannish a men without

trying him is Illegall, and therefore tis better to Punnish

him here for his faults if he be Guilty then to trouble

Our Hon masters with him but if he has a mind to

goe Home he may. However as I Sayd before Unless

they both live Quiet, then they have done hitherto

I beleive I must be forced to send them off together &

I think Bencoolen is the Propreest Place for them and

hope when they Come there they'l Provide for their

Latter end which is a Meditation very Necessary for John

ffrench.

Edward Byfeld

The Governor therefore blamed the gunner John French entirely for the breach of his order. For the wounding of Mr Wrangham, the law was open and let it take its course, and the Governor had promised Wrangham that whenever he was ready, he would call a court on purpose, telling him to come when ready and name a day. He thought it best to rid the country of both Tovey and French, unless they behaved themselves better, their squabbles having been the occasion of a great deal of trouble.

As to the petition, the Governor thought Tovey had great cause of complaint, but did not think it fit that he should swear the peace against French while French was gunner of the garrison, because if the Governor could not protect Tovey from French's insults, he was not fit to be governor there any longer.

As to the latter part of the petition, about sending Tovey home, the Governor thought that to banish a man without trying him was illegal, and that it was better to punish him on the island for his faults if he were guilty than to trouble the Company's masters with him. But if he had a mind to go home, he might. As before, unless they both lived more quietly than they had done so far, the Governor believed he must be forced to send them off together, and thought Bencoolen the fittest place for them. He hoped that when they came there they would provide for their latter end, a meditation very necessary for John French. The opinion was signed by Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The Governor's refusal to let Tovey swear the peace against a serving officer discloses a concern for his own authority and its proper exercise. He held that while French was gunner of the garrison, it was for the Governor to protect Tovey from him, and that if he could not do so he was unfit to govern. This reveals how the dispute touched the Governor's sense of his office, the swearing of the peace by one subject against another treated as an admission that the Governor's own authority had failed to keep order.

The Governor's insistence that banishment without trial was illegal reveals a principle of due process constraining even the removal of troublesome men. He would not send Tovey home unheard, holding that a man must be tried and punished on the island for his faults rather than banished by mere order. This shows the administration bound by legal forms even in dealing with a persistent nuisance, the Governor distinguishing lawful punishment after trial from the illegal expedient of banishment without it.

The provision to let Wrangham bring his own action for the wounding discloses the separate track of private legal remedy running beside the Council's disciplinary power. The Governor left the wounding of Wrangham to the open law, promising to call a court whenever Wrangham was ready to prosecute, so distinguishing the injured man's private suit from the Council's own handling of the feud. This reveals the coexistence of public discipline and private action, the Council dealing with the disorder while the individual harmed retained his right to seek redress through the courts.

Speculations

The Governor chose to refuse Tovey's request to swear the peace against French, even while holding that Tovey had great cause of complaint. He grounded this on his own standing, judging that so long as French was gunner of the garrison it fell to the Governor to protect Tovey, and that to allow the oath would be to confess himself unfit to govern. The natural course, faced with a man in genuine fear who sought the ordinary legal protection of a peace bond, would have been to grant it, yet the Governor preferred to withhold the remedy and stake his own authority on keeping the peace between them, treating the request as a challenge to his capacity to rule rather than a simple matter of protection.

73

67

Island St Helena.

At a Consultation Held on

Tuesday the 8th day of May 1716. At Union

Castle in James Valley

Isaac Pyke Esqr Govr

Geo Haswell Dpty

Pres: Matthw Bazett 3 &

Edwd Byfeld.

On Sunday last the 6th Instant Arrived the

Ship Discovery Capt Wotton Commander from the

Coast & bay, and has brought for us the following

Particulars.

Vizd ffour half Legars of Batavia Arrack at Eighty Dollars a

Legar or One Hundred & fifty Rupees.

Ten bags Sugar at Eighty Six & a half Rupees.

Forty bags Rice Containing 5 & 2, 18 at Sixty two Rupd

One Bale Cont: One Hundred twenty Six Shirts

at One Hundred and two Rupees.

Mr Byfeld brought in the monthly Accot

of the Generall Table Expence which amounts to

the Same of One Hundred & twelve Pound Eleven

Shillings one penny halfe Penny

The Church Wardens for the year Past Messrs

James Greentree and John Tovaits According to an

Advertizemt Issued out for that Purpose brought in

an Acco of the Names of those Persons who were

by a Majority of Votes Choosen for Church Wardens

and

Margin Notes:

arrival of Ship

Discovery

Goods She brought.

Dyett Expence.

New Church Wardens

& Overseers

Chosen.

At a consultation held on Tuesday 8 May 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley, Governor Pyke sat with George Haswell as deputy governor, Matthew Bazett third in council and Edward Byfield.

On the previous Sunday, 6 May, the ship Discovery under Captain Wotton, commander, arrived from the coast and bay, and brought the following goods.

4 half leaguers of Batavia arrack at eighty dollars a leaguer, or one hundred and sixty rupees

10 bags sugar at eighty-six and a half rupees

40 bags rice, containing 5 lb 2 ounces 18 [...], at sixty-two rupees

1 bale containing 126 shirts at one hundred and two rupees

Mr Byfield brought in the monthly account of the general table expense, which came to £112 11s 1.5d.

The churchwardens for the past year, Mr James Greentree and John Twaits, according to a notice issued for that purpose, brought in an account of the names of those persons who were by a majority of votes chosen for churchwardens [...]

Interpretations

The arrival of the Discovery with a cargo priced in rupees discloses the eastern trade that supplied the island through the Company's shipping. The goods came from the coast and bay, meaning the Coromandel coast of India and the Bay of Bengal, and were valued in rupees, the currency of that trade. This reveals St Helena's place as a station on the Company's Indian route, its stores replenished with arrack, sugar, rice and cloth carried from the East and reckoned in the money of the country they came from.

The naming of the arrack as from Batavia ties this cargo to the Dutch settlement in the East Indies and the wider network of the spirit trade. Batavia arrack, distilled at the Dutch headquarters on Java, was prized for its quality and carried widely by the trading companies, its appearance here showing the island supplied from the farther reaches of the eastern trade. This reveals how the drink that loomed so large in the island's economy came from distant sources, the Discovery bringing a spirit shipped from the Indonesian archipelago.

The election of new churchwardens by majority vote returns to the parish government whose forms were set out in the earlier notices. The outgoing wardens brought in the names of those chosen by the freeholders' votes, completing the annual renewal of the parish offices ordered at Easter. This reveals the working of the island's local self-government, the propertied inhabitants electing their churchwardens in the English manner, the results reported to the Council which oversaw the process.

The general table expense of £112 11s 1.5d recorded here shows the rising cost of maintaining the Company's establishment, notably higher than the figure of the preceding month. This was the charge of feeding the officers and household kept at the Company's table, a substantial standing expense that the administration tracked from month to month. Its regular entry alongside the shipping cargoes shows the Company weighing the cost of its own upkeep against the goods flowing through its stores.

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68

May 1716.

and Overseers of the high ways to Succeed the

Old ones who are vizt

James Vesey Church Wardens for the Wt devision

John Goodwin

Robert Bell Ditto for the Et Divis

John Worrall

Thomas Allis Overseers for Ditto

Isaac Leech

Robert Gurling Ditto for the Wt

John Harding

Ordered That Messrs John

Goodwin and Robert Bell be Appointed Church

Wardens for the Ensueing year And Thomas

Allis and Robert Gurling Overseers of the high

ways. And that they and the Old Church Wardens

and Overseers be Sumoned to appear next Con

sultation day.

Edward Byfeld

Margin Notes:

who are apointd

vizt

Jno Goodwin CW

Robt Bell

Tho Allis Overseers

Rob Gurling

The account named those chosen as churchwardens and overseers of the highways to succeed the old ones.

James Vesey and John Goodwin, churchwardens for the west division

Robert Bell and John Worrall, churchwardens for the east division

Thomas Allis and Isaac Leech, overseers for the east division

Robert Girling and John Stading, overseers for the west division

The Council ordered that Mr John Goodwin and Robert Bell be appointed churchwardens for the ensuing year, and Thomas Allis and Robert Girling overseers of the highways. It further ordered that the old churchwardens and overseers be summoned to appear the next consultation day. The order was signed by Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The two-stage process of election and appointment reveals how the choice of parish officers was shared between the freeholders and the Council. The inhabitants elected four men for each pair of offices by majority vote, and the Council then appointed two of them, one for each division, so completing the selection set out in the earlier notices. This shows the balance struck in the island's local government, the freeholders nominating by popular vote while the Council made the final choice from among those named, authority divided between the community and the administration.

The division of the parish offices between east and west discloses the geographical organisation of the island's local government. Separate churchwardens and overseers were chosen for each division, so that the duties of church and roads were shared across the two parts of the settlement. This reveals how the island was administered as a divided parish, the burden of local office spread between its districts so that each had its own officers responsible for its church affairs and the upkeep of its highways.

The summoning of the outgoing officers to appear discloses the accounting that closed each year's tenure of a parish office. The old churchwardens and overseers were called before the Council, presumably to render account of their year's stewardship before their successors took over. This reveals the oversight the Council kept over the parish offices, the departing officers held to answer for their conduct and the handling of any funds, the annual renewal of office bound up with a reckoning of the year past.

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69

Island St Helena. May 1716.

At a Consultation held on

ffryday the 11 of may 1716. At Union Castle

in James Valley. Isaac Pyke Esqr Govr

Geo Haswell Dpty

Pres: Matthw Bazett 3 &

Capt Thoms Wotton Comandr Edward Byfeld.

of the Dis Bouverie

Mr Henry Sheffeild Supra Cargo

of Ship Nathaniell

There's a Ship Newly come into

the road with Ostend Collours for her Ensign that had about

came in before her with Collours that were Striped, Red

white and Yellow, She was Summond at Mundens

Point to bring to by fireing a gun, but She takeing no

Notice of that She was Sunmond again by another, of

which Still She took no Notice and therefore ought to

have been fired into from Mundens Point According to

the Governr Order but She Persued her Course & Came

Directly into the road Looking or Standing with the Ships

Wherefore the Governr Ordered to fire from the Line

She Still Standing in, the Governr fired from the Castle

there was Severall Shotts placed in her (as they inform

us) At last She Seeing the Sort fireing So Hott at her

She Struck her Collours, and lett goe an Anchor, then

the Chiefe and 2d Capt Came on Shoar and they Report

to us that the Ships Name is the St Matthew Comanded

by Capt Xavier Scarsfeild who was born in Ireland

as they tell us, The Ship Came from Ostend, fitted out

by Mr John Ray Merchant and Burger there the Ship

they

Margin Notes:

abt yr St Matthd

Ostender

At a consultation held on Friday 11 May 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley, Governor Pyke sat with George Haswell as deputy governor, Matthew Bazett third in council and Edward Byfield, together with Captain Thomas Wotton, commander of the Discovery, and Mr Henry Sheffield, supercargo of the ship Nathaniel.

A ship had newly come into the road flying Ostend colours as her ensign, following another that had come in before her flying colours striped red, white and yellow. She had been summoned at Mundens Point to bring to by the firing of a gun, but took no notice. She was summoned again by another gun, of which she still took no notice, and therefore ought to have been fired into from Mundens Point according to the Governor's order. But she pursued her course and came directly into the road, looking or standing in among the ships. The Governor therefore ordered a shot fired from the line, and as she still stood in, he fired from the castle. Several shots were placed in her, as they informed the Council. At last, seeing the fort firing so many shots at her, she struck her colours and let go an anchor. The chief and second captain then came ashore, and reported that the ship was named the St Matthew, commanded by Captain Xavier Sarsfield, who was born in Ireland, as they said. The ship came from Ostend, fitted out by Mr John Ray, a merchant and burgher there [...]

Interpretations

The firing on the St Matthew reveals the strict control the island exercised over ships entering its road and the force behind it. A vessel was required to bring to when summoned by a gun from Mundens Point, and one that ignored the signal was to be fired into, the batteries opening on the St Matthew until she struck her colours and anchored. This shows the island's guns commanding the approach to its anchorage, the requirement to submit to summons enforced by cannon fire against any ship that failed to comply.

The suspicion attaching to the Ostend colours discloses the particular distrust of ships from that port at this date. The Ostend traders, sailing under the flag of the Austrian Netherlands, were interlopers on the East India trade that the English and Dutch companies sought to monopolise, so a ship from Ostend approaching a Company island was met with hostility. This reveals the commercial rivalries that shaped the island's reception of foreign vessels, the Ostend flag marking the ship as a competitor to be treated with suspicion and force.

The Irish birth of the ship's captain, commanding a vessel out of Ostend, discloses the international character of the interloping trade that challenged the companies. Sarsfield, an Irishman in the service of a Flemish merchant, sailing under Austrian colours, embodied the mixed and stateless quality of the Ostend enterprise, drawing men and money from across Europe. This reveals how the trade the Company sought to exclude was carried on by a cosmopolitan mixture of adventurers, the ship's very command reflecting the blurred allegiances of those who defied the monopoly.

Speculations

The Governor chose to fire into the St Matthew with shot from the line and the castle, rather than let her come to anchor unmolested and question her afterwards. He grounded this on her defiance of two summons to bring to at Mundens Point, treating her refusal to submit as warrant for opening fire even as she stood in among the ships in the road. The gentler course, with a ship that might prove harmless once boarded, would have been to let her anchor and send to examine her, yet the Governor preferred to enforce the island's summons with cannon, judging that a vessel which ignored the guns of the approach could not be suffered to enter the anchorage unchecked, whatever her business might turn out to be.

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70

May 1716.

they Say is burthen two Hundred and Sixty

Tons, and Carryes as the Capt Says twenty Guns

and Sixty men or as the Second Capt Says forty

Six Men, She has a Pass from Ostend but Signed

by the Count De Clairmont Governr of Brussells

and the Council there, Mr Ray gave a Letter of Creditt

to Cadiz Directed to Sarsfeild Ga Lair and Comp

and there took in one Hundred Barrels of Wine five

Hundred fifty three barrs of Sweeds Iron and about

fifty thousand Dollars they tought only at Johanna

Outward bound and then went Directly for Surratt

where they Landed One hundred and fifty Tons of Peper

and about two Hundred Bales of White and Painted

Linnen but mostly Painted and a few Madrass Chints

bought of Capt Tidley, their Chiefe broaker was first

Rustam Gee who Presented them to the Govr of Surratt

but he being forbid by the English Comps did not doe

more busness for them She was Acquainted with Mr

Clark Mr Wilscheer Mr Bennitt and Capt Tucker who

were his ffriends but the Dutch Complaind against him

to the Governr of Surratt to hinder his tradeing and

would if they could Gett away all his Men. The

mate of the Ship is Named Richard Gargen who is

called the Second Capt One Richard Silcocks his first

Lieut. there is about fourteen or fifteen Men Sick

on board of the Scurvey. There is a good Quantity

of Water on board, and Sea Provisions Eno

Then the following opinions were

given

Mr Sheffeild is of Opinion if they have

no other than the before Mentioned Commission, nor

no

The St Matthew was said to be of two hundred and sixty tons burthen, and carried twenty guns and sixty men according to the captain, or forty-six men according to the second captain. She had a pass from Ostend, but signed by the Count de Clermont, governor of Brussels, and the council there. Mr Ray had given a letter of credit to Cadiz, directed to Sarsfield, Gerald Lawr and Company. There they took in one hundred barrels of wine, five hundred and fifty-three bars of Swedish iron, and about fifty thousand dollars. They touched only at Johanna on the outward voyage, and then went directly for Surat, where they landed one hundred and fifty tons of pepper and about two hundred bales of white and painted linen, but mostly painted, and a few Madras chintzes bought from Captain Tilley. Their chief broker was first Rustam Gee, who presented them to the Governor of Surat, but he, being forbidden by the English Company, did no more business for them. The ship's people were acquainted with Mr Clark, Mr Wiltshire, Mr Bennett and Captain Tucker, who were their friends, but the Dutch complained against them to the Governor of Surat to hinder their trading, and would, if they could, get away all their men. The mate of the ship was named Richard Gargen, called the second captain, and Richard Silcock was her first lieutenant. There were about fourteen or fifteen men sick on board of the scurvy. There was a good quantity of water on board, and their sea provisions were at an end.

The following opinions were then given. Mr Sheffield was of the opinion that if they had no other commission than the one already mentioned [...]

Interpretations

The detailed interrogation of the St Matthew’s people reveals how the island gathered intelligence on interloping ships and their voyages. The Council recorded her tonnage, armament, crew, cargo, financing and ports of call, building a full picture of the Ostend venture from the mouths of her officers. This shows the island functioning as a point of surveillance over the eastern trade, the examination of a detained ship yielding a wealth of information on the movements and backers of those who challenged the Company's monopoly.

The financing of the voyage through a letter of credit to Cadiz and a cargo of Swedish iron and Spanish dollars discloses the international capital behind the Ostend trade. The venture drew iron from Sweden, silver from Spain and credit through Cadiz, assembling across Europe the goods and money needed to trade in India. This reveals how the interloping companies mobilised resources from many nations to break into a commerce the chartered companies claimed for themselves, the ship's very cargo a map of the European financing that sustained the challenge.

The obstruction of the ship's trade at Surat by the English and Dutch companies discloses the lengths to which the established companies went to exclude interlopers. The English Company forbade the broker Rustam Gee from serving the St Matthew, and the Dutch complained to the Governor of Surat to hinder her trading and lure away her men. This reveals the fierce commercial warfare beneath the surface of the eastern trade, the great companies using their influence with local rulers and brokers to strangle the business of the newcomers they could not otherwise keep out.

The scurvy among the crew and the exhaustion of the ship's provisions disclose the desperate condition that had driven the St Matthew to force her way into the road. With fourteen or fifteen men sick of the disease and her sea provisions gone, the ship needed refreshment urgently, which explains her disregard of the summons to bring to. This reveals the plight of a vessel at the end of a long voyage, the want of fresh food and the ravages of scurvy compelling her to seek the island's relief whatever the risk of its guns.

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71

May 1716.

no information from Great Brittain of any Such

Ships or Commission or any Orders from the Honble

Comps for the treatment of any Such Ships, or

Shiping that they have Liberty to Depart hence

with leave, and be Supplyed with Such Releif as

shall Seem absolutely Necessary by the Governr

and Council &c Hen Sheffeild.

Capt Wotton is of Opinion that what he Sees by the

two Gentlemen now on Shoar Called the Chief and Second

Capt and what he Can learn from them that most or all

their Officers Consists of Irish and North Brittains which

are Subjects to the King of great Brittain and ought not

to Carry on any trade under any other Nation to the Preju

dice of the English Nation as this Seems to me to be

without leave and Lisnce from the Crown of Great Brittain

or Some Sufficient Power from him. Therefore think

without the Government of this Place has Instructions from

the Honble East India Comp they ought to give them as

Little Countenance as the Law of the English Nation will

Allow of. Tho Wotton

Capt Haswell is of Opinion that this Ship and People

ought not to have any Encouragemt in any of Our Honble

Masters Ports or Harbours it being very Prejudiciall to

their Interest.

Capt Bazett is of Opinion that Since there was never

any Ships here with Such Collours and Commission and

a new thing, that they ought not to be Encouraged or to have

any Refreshmt but what the Laws of Nations will Allow

in Such Cases. Mr

Mr Sheffield was of the opinion that if they had no other commission than the one already mentioned, and there was no information from Great Britain of any such ships or commission, nor any orders from the Company for the treatment of such ships, then they had liberty to depart with leave, and be supplied with such relief as the Governor and Council thought absolutely necessary. This opinion was given by Henry Sheffield.

Captain Wotton was of the opinion that, from what he saw of the two gentlemen now ashore called the chief and second captain, and what he could learn from them, most or all of their officers were Irish and North Britons, who were subjects of the King of Great Britain and ought not to carry on any trade under any other nation to the prejudice of the English nation. This, it seemed to him, was being done without leave and licence from the Crown of Great Britain, or some sufficient power from it. He therefore thought that, without the Governor and Council having instructions from the Company, they ought to give the ship as little countenance as the law of the English nation would allow. This opinion was given by Wotton.

Captain Haswell was of the opinion that this ship and her people ought not to have any encouragement in any of the Company's ports or harbours, it being very prejudicial to their interest.

Captain Bazett was of the opinion that, since there was never any ship here with such colours and commission, and it being a new thing, they ought not to be encouraged or to have any refreshment, but what the laws of nations would allow in such cases [...]

Interpretations

The opinions of the councillors and ships’ captains reveal the tension between the law of nations and the Company's commercial interest in dealing with the interloper. Sheffield allowed that without contrary orders the ship might be supplied and sent on her way, while the sea captains urged giving her as little countenance as the law permitted, their view coloured by the threat she posed to the Company's trade. This shows the competing principles at work, the humane and lawful duty to relieve a ship in distress set against the commercial impulse to deny all help to a rival.

The argument that the ship's British-born officers ought not to trade under a foreign flag discloses a legal ground for hostility rooted in allegiance. Wotton held that the Irish and North British officers were subjects of the King and could not lawfully carry on trade under another nation to the prejudice of England without royal licence. This reveals how the law of allegiance was invoked against the interlopers, their service to a foreign venture cast not merely as commercial rivalry but as a breach of their duty as the King's subjects.

The repeated appeal to the absence of instructions from the Company discloses the caution of officers acting without clear authority in a novel case. None had seen a ship of this kind before, and all were wary of exceeding what the Company would sanction, so they fell back on the law of nations as the safest measure of their conduct. This reveals the constraint under which the island's government operated, its officers reluctant to set a precedent in an unprecedented situation, preferring the minimum the law required to any action the Company might later disown.

78

72

May 1716.

Mr Byfeld is of Opinion that this Ship

ought not to have any Refreshment here, but to be

Dispatched as Soon as Possible.

The Governr Says that upon the whole

matter, it appearing to him that the Chief & Second

Capt being Natives born in Ireland are Consequently

Subjects to the Crown King of England whatever Com

mission they Pretend to have from any Forreign Prince

or Governr their tradeing to India being Directly Con

trary to an Act of Parliament that every English

Subject is bound to obey or Else to Answer the Contempt

And this trade now begun or Carrying on to India

tending directly to the ruine of the English Company

to the prejudice of the English Nation and to the

Dishonour of Our Governmt at Home when any little

Governour Such as the Count De Clairmont Shll give

Licence to the English Subjects to Carry on a trade to

India in Contempt and Defyance of the English Nation

Therefore I think this Chief and Second Capt with

the Marriners now on Shore Ought to be Detaind and

the Ship Seizd on but not unloaded here But Sent

Home to the Honble Comps to whose wisdom is we

Leave the further Mennagemt for tis So Absolutely

Necessary for the Good Governmt to Discourage

this new trade that if the Company were to Pay

Damages in Case Nthing that Seems to me So

reasonable Cant be Justifyed it were very well worth

the while for otherwise Every Ostend Privateer would

Sail to India as this Ship has done.

Isa Pyke

Mr Byfield was of the opinion that this ship ought not to have any refreshment on the island, but should be dispatched as soon as possible.

The Governor said that, on the whole matter, it appeared to him that the chief and second captain, being born in Ireland, were consequently subjects of the King of England, whatever commission they pretended to have from any foreign prince or governor. Their trading to India was directly contrary to an Act of Parliament that every English subject was bound to obey or else answer the contempt. This trade, now begun and carrying on to India, tended directly to the ruin of the English Company, to the prejudice of the English nation and to the dishonour of the government at home, when any little governor such as the Count de Clermont could give licence to English subjects to trade to India in contempt and defiance of the English nation. He therefore thought that the chief and second captain, with the mariners now ashore, ought to be detained and the ship seized, but not unloaded on the island, and instead sent home to the Company, to whose wisdom the further management was left. It was so absolutely necessary for good government to discourage this new trade that, if the Company were to pay damages in case anything that seemed to the Governor so reasonable could not be justified, it would be very well worth the while, for otherwise every Ostend privateer would sail to India as this ship had done. The opinion was signed by Governor Pyke.

Interpretations

The Governor's decision to seize the ship and send her home reveals the gravest response the island could make to the interloping trade, grounded on an Act of Parliament. He held that the British-born officers were bound by English law forbidding subjects to trade to India, whatever foreign commission they carried, so the ship and her men were to be detained and sent to the Company. This shows the law of the realm brought to bear against the Ostend venture, the Governor treating the voyage not as ordinary rivalry but as a criminal breach of statute by the King's own subjects.

The Governor's willingness to risk paying damages discloses the weight he placed on deterring the new trade at almost any cost. He judged that even if the seizure could not be fully justified in law, the expense of any damages would be well worth it to discourage the Ostend interlopers, lest every such privateer follow the St Matthew’s example. This reveals the strategic calculation behind the decision, the Governor prepared to gamble on an uncertain legal footing because the danger of leaving the trade unchecked outweighed the risk of a suit for wrongful seizure.

The contempt in the Governor's reference to the Count de Clermont discloses the affront felt at a minor foreign official licensing English subjects to defy English law. That so slight a figure as the governor of Brussels could grant a pass enabling the King's subjects to trade to India struck the Governor as a dishonour to the English government itself. This reveals how the interloping trade wounded national pride as well as commercial interest, the licensing of English subjects by a foreign power experienced as a challenge to the standing of the Crown and the nation.

Speculations

The Governor chose to seize the St Matthew and send her home to England rather than supply her and let her depart, the course his own supercargo Sheffield had thought lawful. He grounded this on the Act of Parliament binding the ship's British-born officers, and on the danger that leniency would draw every Ostend privateer to follow her to India. The safer course, absent any instructions from the Company and with the law of nations pointing toward relieving a ship in distress, would have been to give her the minimum help and send her on, yet the Governor preferred the bolder and riskier path of seizure, willing to expose the Company to a suit for damages because he judged that only a hard example would deter the interloping trade he saw as ruinous to the Company and the nation.

79

73

May 1716.

The Governr Demanded the further Opinions of the

Councill in answer to his Opinion

Capt Wottons opinion is that any Crown head has

free Liberty to carry on a trade to any Part of the world

and the Ship Lying at Some Distance off Shore will

Endeavour (which at this place is Easey) to make her

Escape, and by Detaining their People now on Shore

who may be Supposed to be the best of their men

may be a Hazard of the loss of the Ship which may

draw our Masters as well as any others Concernd

therein into a Premunire, they have had also Sufficient

Caution to be on their Guard which no doubt but

they are and it may be Supposed they will not Surrender

without Hazard of Sheding Blood which I take to be

Dangerous without a Sufficient Order for the Same

and no One Should be more readier for the Honble &

Interest of the Honble Employers in whose Service I now

am then my Self and doe beleive was our Ships in a

Condition to Saile I would Compell them without Great fforce

or Loss of blood to goe into Some Part of Great Brittain

to answer their Proceedings to Our Governmt there

And Whereas it is apparent here and will make it

Appear before our Honble Employers that Great Part of

Our Ships Water Cask and alsoe great Part of Our

Honble Masters Provisions and Goods are now on Shoar

Occasioned by a Violent Storm I had the Misfortune

to meet with off the Cape of Good Hope in order to

repaire the Damages that Ship and Cargo then reed

Tho Wotton

The Governor demanded the further opinions of the Council in answer to his own opinion.

Captain Wotton's opinion was that any crowned head had free liberty to carry on trade to any part of the world, and that the ship, lying at some distance off shore, would try to make her escape, which at this place was easy. By detaining her people now ashore, who might be supposed to be the best of her men, there might be a hazard of losing the ship, which could draw the Company as well as any others concerned into a lawsuit. The ship's people had also had sufficient warning to be on their guard, which no doubt they were, and it might be supposed they would not surrender without the hazard of shedding blood, which Wotton took to be dangerous without a sufficient order for it. No one, he said, should be readier for the interest of the Company, in whose service he now was, than himself, and he believed that, had their own ship been in a condition to sail, he would compel the St Matthew without great force or loss of blood to go into some port of Great Britain, to answer for her proceedings to the government there. Since it was apparent, and would appear before the Company, that a great part of his own ship's water casks and also a great part of the Company's provisions and goods were now ashore, occasioned by a violent storm, he having had the misfortune to meet with loss off the Cape of Good Hope, he needed to repair the damages that his ship and cargo had received. The opinion was signed by Thomas Wotton.

Interpretations

Wotton's caution against seizure reveals the practical and legal dangers that made the sea captains wary of the Governor's bold course. He warned that the ship might slip her anchor and escape while her best men were held ashore, that taking her could draw the Company into a costly lawsuit, and that she would not surrender without bloodshed, which he thought unwarranted without a sufficient order. This shows the counterweight of prudence against the Governor's resolve, the experienced commander weighing the risk of losing the ship, of legal liability and of violence against the aim of stopping the interloper.

Wotton's assertion that any crowned head might trade freely discloses a rival legal principle set against the Governor's appeal to the Act of Parliament. Where the Governor held the ship bound by English law forbidding her subjects to trade to India, Wotton urged the broader doctrine that a sovereign state had the right to trade anywhere, casting doubt on the lawfulness of the seizure. This reveals the genuine legal uncertainty of the case, two principles in conflict, one grounded in English statute and allegiance, the other in the freedom of nations to trade.

Wotton's account of his own ship's damaged state discloses why the Discovery could not be used to compel the interloper. His water casks and much of the Company's provisions were ashore for want of repair after a storm off the Cape, leaving his ship unfit to sail and force the St Matthew to England. This reveals the constraint of circumstance on the Council's options, the very ship that might have escorted the interloper home disabled by the same seas that made the island's harbour a place of refuge and repair.

The Discovery, which had arrived only days before laden with eastern goods, appears here crippled by a storm off the Cape of Good Hope, her casks and cargo landed for repair. Named as Wotton's own command, unable to sail and so unable to deal with the St Matthew, she shows how even a Company ship freshly come to the road could be reduced to helplessness by the weather of the southern seas.

80

74

May 1716

Capt Haswell is of the same opinion that Capt

Wotton is there not being any Presedent of any Such

thing or Seizure here

Capt Bazett is of the Same Opinion beleiving

it a thing of ill Consequence to the Honble Comps

to Seize this Ship here

Mr Byfeld is of the Same Opinion

Resolved According to the Majority

of the Opinions before Written That the Captains

and Marriners be not Detained Nor the Ship

Seized on but Suffred to Depart. Whereupon

The Governr told the Capt that because he

found they had no Commission for what they did, nor

any Authority but the Count De Clairmonts Pass, wch

he thought very Insufficient and Alsoe because if they

Did belong to a Prince in Amity with the English

Nation they did not come in here as ffriends Nor

did not Observe the Decorum and usuall Order

among all Ships Comeing into any Port by refus

ing to bring too when they were Warned by the

fireing of two Severall Guns from the Out Fort and

by fireing another from the main Fort a thwart

their fore foot but had forced into the road without

any regard to those fair Warnings they must thank

themselves for all the Damage they had Sustaind

by our Shott which Ought to be Imputed to their

own Rashness and unadvisedness. And.

Therefore he could not allow them any Encouragemt

here, and as to their trade So apparrently Detrimentall

to

Captain Haswell was of the same opinion as Captain Wotton, there being no precedent for any such thing or seizure on the island.

Captain Bazett was of the same opinion, believing it a thing of ill consequence to the Company to seize the ship on the island.

Mr Byfield was of the same opinion.

It was resolved, according to the majority of the opinions written before, that the captains and mariners not be detained, nor the ship seized, but suffered to depart.

The Governor then told the captain that, because he found they had no commission for what they did, nor any authority but the Count de Clermont's pass, which he thought very insufficient, and also because, even if they did belong to princes in amity with the English nation, they had not come in as friends nor observed the decorum and usual order among all ships coming into any port. They had refused to bring to when warned by the firing of two several guns from the outer fort and another from the main fort athwart their foot, but had forced into the road without any regard to those fair warnings. They must therefore thank themselves for all the damage they had sustained by the island's shot, which ought to be imputed to their own rashness and folly. The Governor could not allow them any encouragement on the island, and as to their trade, so apparently detrimental [...]

Interpretations

The Council's reversal of the Governor's decision reveals the limits of a governor's power against the weight of his council's judgement. The Governor had wanted the ship seized and her men detained, but Haswell, Bazett and Byfield sided with Wotton's caution, and the matter was resolved by majority against seizure. This shows the collective character of the island's government, the Governor bound by the vote of his council even in a matter he felt strongly, his bold course overruled by the prudent majority.

The Governor's parting justification of the damage done to the ship discloses how he salvaged the island's authority from a decision he had opposed. Though the ship was to be let go, he insisted that the shots fired into her were her own fault for ignoring the summons to bring to, so that the harm was to be imputed to her rashness rather than to any wrong by the island. This reveals the concern to maintain the principle that ships must submit to the road's control, the Governor upholding the rightfulness of the firing even as the larger seizure was abandoned.

The decisive weight given to the absence of precedent discloses how the novelty of the case governed its outcome. The councillors who overruled the Governor rested their view largely on there being no precedent for such a seizure on the island, preferring inaction to an unprecedented step that might harm the Company. This reveals the conservatism of the island's government in an untried situation, the want of any prior example counting heavily against the bold course, the Council choosing the safety of established practice over the risk of a new departure.

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75

May 1716.

to the English Nation till he had Orders from England

he would Never Encourage any Ship that came in on

Such a Manner and on Such an account.

They answered they could make it appear that the

English Nation was no way Detrimented by their

trade for they had bought nothing but what the

English Parliament had Either Prohibited or Laid

Such heavy taxes on that it was worth no Englishe

mans while to Deal in those Commodetys, And that

therefore no body but the Dutch Could be Prejudiced

by their trade.

The Governr told them that they had Violated

the Laws of their Country they being Subjects to

the Crown King of England as Natives of Ireland

They ownd they were born in Ireland but Denyed

being Subjects to the King of England because they

were Inhabitants and Burgers of Ostend and Brussells

The Governr told them that he would not Dispute those

things now but Advised them to goe on board Immedeatly

and to make the best of their way without more to doe

Whereupon they Departed. Then.

The Govr Ordered a Long boat with two Good

Officers and twenty able hands well Armd to goe on

board the Nathaniell Least this Ship with her boats

should attempt any thing in the night time for twas

now after Sun Sett.

Capt Neguss. St Helena May yr 12th

O.S. 1716.

There has been wth me

this morning Mr Winn your Chief mate who tells

me

The Governor told the captain that, until he had orders from England, he would never encourage any ship that came in in such a manner and on such an account so apparently detrimental to the English nation.

The ship's people answered that they could show the English nation was in no way harmed by their trade, for they had bought nothing but what the English Parliament had either prohibited or laid such heavy taxes on that it was worth no Englishman's while to deal in those commodities. Therefore, they said, nobody but the Dutch could be prejudiced by their trade.

The Governor told them they had violated the laws of their country, being subjects to the King of England as natives of Ireland. They admitted they were born in Ireland, but denied being subjects to the King of England, because they were inhabitants and burghers of Ostend and Brussels. The Governor told them he would not dispute those things now, but advised them to go aboard immediately and make the best of their way without more ado. They then departed.

The Governor then ordered a longboat with two good officers and twenty able hands, well armed, to go aboard the Nathaniel, lest this ship with her boats should attempt anything in the night, for it was now after sunset.

There followed a letter to Captain Negus, dated at St Helena on 12 May 1716. Mr Winn, the chief mate, had been with the Governor that morning, and told him [...]

Interpretations

The interlopers’ defence discloses the commercial logic by which they claimed to do England no harm. They argued that they dealt only in goods the English Parliament had prohibited or taxed so heavily that no Englishman traded in them, so that only the Dutch, not the English, suffered from their commerce. This reveals the sophistication of the interloping case, the ship's people turning England's own protectionist laws into an argument that their trade fell outside the interests those laws protected.

The dispute over the officers’ nationality discloses a genuine clash over the nature of allegiance and citizenship. The Governor held them subjects of the King as men born in Ireland, while they claimed to have become burghers of Ostend and Brussels and so subjects of another state. This reveals a real legal question at the heart of the confrontation, whether a man could shed his allegiance of birth by taking citizenship abroad, the two sides asserting opposed doctrines of where a subject's duty lay.

The Governor's decision to let the matter drop and hurry the ship away discloses his retreat from a dispute he could not win once seizure was ruled out. Having been overruled on detaining the ship, he declined to argue the questions of law further and simply urged her people to be gone, then guarded against a night attack. This reveals the pragmatism forced on him by the Council's decision, the Governor abandoning the legal contest he had pressed and turning to the practical security of the road now that the interloper was to be suffered to depart.

The continued watch set over the Nathaniel after the interloper's departure discloses the lingering distrust of the Ostend ship even as she was let go. The Governor sent an armed guard aboard the Nathaniel against the danger that the St Matthew might attempt something in the night, unwilling to trust the departing vessel not to strike under cover of darkness. This reveals how the suspicion that had met the interloper's arrival outlasted the decision to release her, the island's ships guarded against her to the last.

82

76

May 1716.

me you Desire my opinion whether it be

Proper for you to Saile too day as you

Intended or not To which I answer That Since you

have Stayed here thus Long, and a Ship that I take to

be upon a bad account Sailed hence last night with

out Product and Dissattisfyed.

I think you will do well now to Stay here

forty Eight hours Longer

I will not Pretend to tell you what Course

you Should Steer but must inform you that

Le Bahie de todos Sanctos or Else the Cape De

verd Islands are the Ports I immagine they

intend for because they talked about those two

Places. I think you will do very well not to make

the Island Assention because tis Possible they

may goe there to repaire their Damages

I have given Mr Wynn the Honble Comps Letter

and Pacekett but if you do Continue here forty

Eight hours Longer I shall trouble you wth a

nother Letter when ever you do Saile I wish you

a good Voyage and Remaine

Yor Assured ffriend &

Humble Servant

Isa Pyke

Edward Byfeld

Island

Mr Winn had told the Governor that Captain Negus wished his opinion on whether it was proper for him to sail that day, as he had intended, or not. The Governor answered that, since Negus had stayed on the island so long, and since a ship supposed to be there on a bad account had sailed the previous night without produce and dissatisfied, he thought Negus would do well to stay forty-eight hours longer.

The Governor said he would not pretend to tell Negus what course to steer, but had to inform him that the Bay of All Saints, or else the Cape Verde Islands, were the ports he imagined the St Matthew intended for, because they had talked about those two places. He thought Negus would do very well not to make for the island of Ascension, because it was possible they might go there to repair their damages. The Governor had given Mr Winn the Company's letter and packet. If Negus stayed forty-eight hours longer, the Governor would trouble him with another letter. He wished Negus a good voyage whenever he sailed, signing himself as his assured friend and humble servant, Governor Pyke. The letter was also signed by Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The Governor's advice to delay sailing discloses his care to keep the Company's own ship clear of the departed interloper. He urged Negus to stay forty-eight hours longer so that the Nathaniel would not fall in with the St Matthew at sea, the interloper having left dissatisfied and possibly dangerous. This shows the continuing wariness of the Ostend ship even after her departure, the Governor managing the timing of the Nathaniel’s voyage to avoid an encounter with a vessel that might turn hostile once beyond the island's guns.

The Governor's guesses about the interloper's destination disclose the intelligence gleaned from her people during their stay. He judged from their talk that they meant to make for the Bay of All Saints in Brazil or the Cape Verde Islands, and warned Negus against Ascension lest the St Matthew go there to repair. This reveals how the examination of the ship's officers had yielded information the Governor could use to steer his own ship clear, the interloper's overheard plans turned to the protection of the Company's vessel.

The warning against Ascension discloses the role of that uninhabited island as a place of repair for ships in the South Atlantic. The Governor feared the St Matthew might go there to mend the storm damage she carried, so advised Negus to avoid it, the barren island serving as a known refuge where a crippled ship might refit. This reveals the geography of the ocean's waypoints, Ascension a resort for vessels needing repair away from any port, its use by the interloper a reason for the Company's ship to keep away.

The Nathaniel, whose arrival had opened the May consultations and whose defence in the road had occupied the Governor through the crisis, appears here about to sail on with the Company's letter and packet. Named as the vessel carrying the correspondence home, her delayed departure to avoid the St Matthew shows how the whole episode of the interloper had reached even into the timing of the Company's ordinary business by sea.

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77

Island St Helena.

At a Consultation Held

on Tuesday the 15th day of May 1716. at

Union Castle in James Valley.

Isaac Pyke Esqr Governr

George Haswell Dpty

Pres: Matthw Bazett 3 &

Edward Byfeld.

The following Persons were Summoned to appear

this day. (vizt)

James Greentree & John Tvaits Church Wardens

for the year past, in Order to be Discharged from

their Office, who accordingly brought in their Accounts

of all Paymts and Disbursments the Said year, which

was Examined and approved of Wherefore they

were Discharged, And the new Church Wardens vizt

John Goodwin & Robert Bell were Invested in Said

Office for the Ensueing year and took their Oaths

to Execute the Same According to their Instructions

that is to be Delivered them in the Usuall manner

Alsoe Stephen Luffkin and Thomas Burnham

Overseers of the high ways for the year past Ap

peared and Produced an Acco of all Persons

both whites and Blacks who workt at the Said

high ways, and who did not, But the Oaths up

the Maunt Path, and that Cutt from the upper

End of the Town into the Castle Path, being

Not So Carefully and well repaired as they ought

the

Margin Notes:

ye Path from ye upper

End the Maunt Path

& Castle path

not well repaired

At a consultation held on Tuesday 15 May 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley, Governor Pyke sat with George Haswell as deputy governor, Matthew Bazett third in council and Edward Byfield.

The following persons were summoned to appear.

James Greentree and John Twaits, churchwardens for the past year, appeared in order to be discharged from their office. They brought in their accounts of all payments and disbursements for the year, which were examined and approved, and they were discharged accordingly. The new churchwardens, John Goodwin and Robert Bell, were invested in the office for the ensuing year and took their oaths to carry out the same, according to instructions to be delivered to them in the usual manner.

Stephen Luffkin and Thomas Burnham, overseers of the highways for the past year, also appeared and produced an account of all persons, both whites and blacks, who had worked at the highways, and who had not. They had worked on the Mount Path, and on the path that cut from the upper end of the town into the Castle Path, which was not so carefully and well repaired as it ought [...]

Interpretations

The discharge of the outgoing churchwardens on the passing of their accounts discloses the accountability built into the parish offices. Greentree and Twaits could not simply lay down their office but had to render and have approved their accounts of the year's payments and disbursements before being discharged, their successors then sworn in. This shows the financial discipline of the parish system, each year's officers held to account for their handling of parish funds before authority passed to the next, the audit the condition of an honourable release.

The account of who had and had not worked on the highways discloses the labour obligation that fell on the inhabitants for the upkeep of the roads. The overseers recorded both whites and blacks who had laboured on the paths and those who had not, showing that the maintenance of the highways rested on compulsory work owed by the settlement. This reveals a system of obligatory labour for public purposes, the roads kept up by the required service of the inhabitants and their slaves under the direction of the overseers.

The criticism of the repair of the path into the Castle Path discloses the oversight kept over the quality of the highway work. The overseers or the Council noted that this path was not so well repaired as it ought to have been, holding the work to a standard and marking where it fell short. This reveals the accountability that attended even the labour on the roads, the overseers answerable for the condition of the highways in their charge and the deficiencies of the year recorded against them.

84

78

May 1716.

the Governr Ordered the Old Overseers to cause all

Persons to work one day more this Year, that the

Said Paths or any other from the ffort might

be made good and Passable, which would

be for the Ease and Safety of the Inhabitants

Blacks in Carrying Such heavy loads as

they must do, And then the New Overseers to

be put in their places, and to act the Ensueing

year According to their Warrant that will

be Delivered them

Instructions for the Church

Wardens.

Island St Helena. You John Goodwin & Robert

Bell both of the Said Island free holders are hereby

Nominated and Appointed Church Wardens for this

Present year 1716. And whereas you desire and

request According to the Usuall Custom of this

Place to be informd what are the proper dutys

requisite for the Performance of that Office, and

Considering the Circumstances of this Island, We

think fitt that the Rules following be the Rules &

Method for the Church Wardens to Govern them

selves and walk bye

First you are to take Care of the ffurniture

Vestments and Utensils belonging to both Churches

Seeing that no Embezlemt be made of any that Shall

be Delivered into your Care and Custody.

You shall keip acco of all gifts &c Dedicated to and

for the use of both Churches, and give an Account of

The Governor ordered the old overseers to have all persons work one more day that year, so that the paths from the fort, or any others, might be made good and passable. This would be for the ease and safety of the inhabitants and slaves in carrying the heavy loads they had to bear. The new overseers were then to be put in their places and to act the ensuing year according to the warrant that would be delivered to them.

There followed the instructions for the churchwardens.

John Goodwin and Robert Bell, both freeholders of the island, were nominated and appointed churchwardens for the present year 1716. Since they asked, according to the usual custom of the island, to be informed of the proper duties required in performing the office, and considering the circumstances of the island, the following rules were thought fit as the method by which the churchwardens should govern themselves.

1: First, they were to take care of the furniture, vestments and utensils belonging to both churches, seeing that none delivered into their care and custody was embezzled.

2: They were to keep an account of all gifts dedicated to and for the use of both churches, and give an account of [...]

Interpretations

The Governor's order for an extra day's labour on the paths discloses the practical purpose behind the upkeep of the island's roads. The paths from the fort were to be made passable for the ease and safety of those carrying heavy loads, the roads mattering above all for the movement of goods up and down the steep terrain. This reveals how the maintenance of the highways served the working life of the settlement, the burden of carriage on men and slaves eased by keeping the paths in repair.

The written instructions to the churchwardens disclose the formal definition of a parish office by rule and duty. The new wardens were furnished with a set of rules governing their care of church property, their keeping of accounts and their oversight of gifts, so that the office was exercised according to a defined method rather than custom alone. This reveals the administration's care to regulate even the parish offices by written instruction, the duties of the churchwarden set down so that each year's officers knew precisely what was required.

The charge to guard against embezzlement of the church's furniture and to account for its gifts discloses the churchwarden's role as trustee of the parish's property. The wardens were made answerable for the vestments, utensils and gifts of both churches, holding them in custody and accounting for them so that nothing was lost or misappropriated. This reveals the fiduciary character of the office, the churchwarden entrusted with the material goods of the church and bound to preserve and account for them as the parish's steward.

85

79

May 1716.

your Disbursemts of the Same for the use of the Gifts

So given.

You Shall take Notice of all Notorious and open

prophane Persons and wicked Sabbath breakers

Swearers, Drunkards, Whoremangers, and give

notice of them unto us. But as for Sabbath breakers

and Swearers you are to reprove, and Admonish

as you Shall think fitt. But if Such Person or persons

So Offending will not refrain and Desist from

Such wicked Practices after you have Admonished

him or them once or twice not Exceeding the third

time You are hereby required to represent Such

Offender or Offenders to us the next Council day

following or once a month at farthest, that they or

they may be find According to the Law made and

Provided in Such Cases

You Shall upon Monday next after Easter Sunday

Assemble with the Inhabitants free holders of this place

at the Church in the Country or Some other Convenient

Place and there by Majority of Votes Nominate and

make Choice of Four Persons for Church Wardens

and four Persons for Overseers of the high ways to

Succeed you and the present Overseers, after that

you and they have past your Accounts with us in

your places.

You Shall likewise See and have Some respect

to the Poor and Impotent on the Island & relate

their Conditions to us that Some Care may be

taken for their Necessary relief.

You Shall take Care that no Disorders be in

the Church During the time of divine Service

For

The churchwardens were to account for their disbursements of the same for the use of the gifts so given.

3: They were to take notice of all notorious and openly profane persons and wicked Sabbath breakers, swearers, drunkards and whoremongers, and give notice of them to the Council. As for Sabbath breakers and swearers, the wardens were to reprove and admonish them as they thought fit. But if such offenders would not refrain and desist from such wicked practices after being admonished once or twice, not exceeding the third time, the wardens were required to present them to the Council the next council day following, or within one month at the latest, so that they might be fined according to the law made and provided in such cases.

4: On the Monday after Easter Sunday, the wardens were to assemble with the inhabitants and freeholders at the country church or some other convenient place, and there by majority of votes nominate and choose four persons for churchwardens and four for overseers of the highways to succeed them and the present overseers, after they had all passed their accounts with the Council and their successors were put in their places.

5: They were likewise to have some regard for the poor and impotent on the island, and report their conditions to the Council, so that some care might be taken for their necessary relief.

6: They were to take care that no disorders occurred in the church during divine service [...]

Interpretations

The churchwardens’ duty to report profane persons discloses their role as the parish's agents in the enforcement of moral discipline. They were to note Sabbath breakers, swearers, drunkards and whoremongers, admonishing the lesser offenders themselves but presenting the obstinate to the Council for fining. This reveals the machinery by which the settlement policed morality, the churchwardens serving as the first level of correction and the Council as the punishing authority behind them, the graduated response from reproof to fine measuring the persistence of the offence.

The provision limiting private admonition to three occasions before presentment discloses a structured escalation in the discipline of moral offences. The wardens were to admonish an offender once or twice, not exceeding the third time, before bringing him before the Council, so that formal punishment followed only after informal correction had failed. This reveals a system that preferred reform to punishment, giving the offender repeated chances to mend before the law's penalty was invoked, the escalation tempering discipline with forbearance.

The charge to report the poor and impotent for relief discloses the churchwardens’ part in the parish's provision for its needy, the same charitable function served by the fines directed to the poor. The wardens were to bring the conditions of the poor to the Council so that care might be taken for their relief, linking the identification of need to the machinery of its supply. This reveals the parish's role in poor relief, the churchwardens surveying the destitute and the Council providing, the fines on the disorderly and the charity to the poor forming a single circuit of local welfare.

86

80

May 1716.

for which Purpose you must charge the

Sexton to attend his duty, and Assert him

his Sallary and make Asesment for the

Same Accordingly

This is all at present, We can think Needfull

and requisite for the dutys of Church Wardens

Untill Some other matter Shall Occurr

In Testimony whereof Wee the Governr and

Councill for the time being do Hereunto Sett

our hands this twenty Ninth day of May

1716.

Isa Pyke

To Jno Goodwin & Church Geo Haswell

Robert Bell Wardens. Matt Bazett

These

Capt Bazett brought in his monthly

Accot from the 25 of February 171 5/6 to the 25 of March

following which was approved of and is as

followeth An Account of Store Goods Sold &

Delivered to the Inhabitants Generall charges &

Plantation House from the 25 Febty 171 5/6 to the

25 March 1716. vizt

To the Inhabitants vizt

Arrack 29 1/2 Gall at 7s 6d

£11 3s 1 1/2d

Sugar 479 at 8d

£15 19s 4d

Candy 42 at 1s

£2 2s 0d

Flower 346 at 3 1/2d

£5 0s 11d

Bread 264 at 3 1/2d

£3 17s 1d

Chise 18 at 3 1/2d

£0 5s 3d

Soap English 88 at 17d

£6 4s 8d

Carryd over

£44 12s 4 1/2d

For this purpose the churchwardens were to charge the sexton to attend his duty, pay him his salary and make an assessment for the same accordingly.

This was all the Council could think needful and requisite for the duties of churchwardens until some other matter should arise. In testimony of this, the Governor and Council for the time being set their hands on 29 May 1716. The instructions were addressed to John Goodwin and Robert Bell, churchwardens, and signed by Governor Pyke, George Haswell and Matthew Bazett.

Captain Bazett brought in his monthly account from 25 February to 25 March 1716, which was approved. It set out the store goods sold and delivered to the inhabitants, and the general charges and plantation houses, over that period.

To the inhabitants:

Arrack, 29.5 gallons at 7d, £11 3s 1.5d

Sugar, 479 at 8d, £15 19s 4d

Candy, 42, £2 2s 0d

Flour, 346 at 3.5d, £5 0s 11d

Bread, 264 at 3.5d, £3 17s 1d

Rice, 18 at 3.5d, £0 5s 3d

Soap, English, 88 at 17d, £6 4s 8d

Carried over, £44 12s 4.5d

Interpretations

The provision for the sexton discloses the lower parish office maintained beneath the churchwardens by assessment on the inhabitants. The sexton was to be charged to his duty and paid a salary raised by an assessment the wardens made, so that the care of the church building and its services rested on a paid officer funded by the parish. This reveals the layered structure of parish employment, the churchwardens overseeing a salaried sexton whose wage was met by a levy on the settlement, the humbler work of the church supported by local taxation.

The store account resumes the monthly reckoning of goods sold to the inhabitants that runs through the record, showing the settled pattern of the island's consumption. Arrack, sugar, candy, flour, bread, rice and soap were the staples supplied through the Company store, the same goods appearing month after month as the settlement's dependence on imported provisions continued. This reveals the constancy of the island's needs, the store's ledger recording the regular supply of the necessities a population that grew little food of its own required.

The specification of the soap as English discloses the distinction the store drew between goods of different origin, a mark of provenance carried into the account. The soap was noted as English, setting it apart from soap of other sources, the origin recorded as part of the item's identity. This reveals the care taken in the store's bookkeeping to note where goods came from, the same attention to provenance seen in the eastern cloths and the Batavia arrack, the ledger tracking not merely the goods but their sources.

87

81

May 1716

Brought over

£44 12s 4 1/2d

Oyles vizt

Rape 2 1/2 Gall at 7s

£0 14s 10 1/2d

Linseed 8 Gall at 8s

£3 4s 0d

Wine 30 3/4 Gall at 5s

£7 13s 9d

Vinigar 4 3/8 Gall at 4s

£0 17s 6d

Lime Juice 26 1/2 Gall at 5s

£6 10s 7 1/2d

sum

£3 18s 10 1/2d

Tea vizt

9 1/2 Do at 9s

£4 5s 6d

15 Catties Do at 9d

£0 15s 0d

sum

£11 0s 6d

Iron Mongers Ware vizt

1 Chest Lock

£0 1s 10d

1 Ditto

£0 6s 8d

2 Do

£0 9s 0d

1 Closett Do wth Sconces

£0 4s 6d

3 Till Locks at 1s 9d

£0 8s 3d

1 Plate Closett Lock

£0 4s 8d

1 Spring Lock No 6

£0 3s 8d

3 Hoes at 2s 6d

£0 7s 6d

3 Brass Scutcheons

£0 2s 9d

sum

£2 6s 10d

Nayles vizt

8 of 4d at 10 1/2d

£0 7s 0d

14 6d 9d

£0 10s 6d

21 10d 7 1/2d

£0 13s 1 1/2d

11 10d 7d

£0 6s 5d

24 30d 7d

£0 14s 0d

77 flooring Brads at 9d

£1 0s 3d

4 Spike Nayles 6

£0 2s 0d

3 Coopers Rivetts 11

£0 2s 9d

2 Pump Nayles 20

£0 3s 4d

4 Scupper Do 10 1/2d

£0 3s 6d

3 Do Batton Brads 14 1/2d

£0 3s 6d

sum

£4 6s 4 1/2d

Carryd over

£81 6s 10d

The account continued from the previous page, with £44 12s 4.5d brought over.

Brought over, £44 12s 4.5d

Oils:

Rape, 2.5 gallons at 7s, £0 14s 10.5d

Linseed, 8 gallons at 8s, £3 4s 0d

Oils total, £3 18s 10.5d

Wine, 30.75 gallons at 5s, £7 13s 9d

Vinegar, 4.375 gallons at 4s, £0 17s 6d

Lime juice, 26.5 gallons at 5s, £6 10s 7.5d

Tea:

9.5 lb at 9s, £4 5s 6d

15 catty at 9s, £6 15s 0d

Tea total, £11 0s 6d

Ironmongery ware:

1 chest lock, £0 1s 10d

1 ditto, £0 6s 8d

2 ditto, £0 9s 0d

1 closet ditto with joiners, £0 4s 6d

3 till locks at 1s 9d, £0 8s 3d

1 plate closet lock, £0 4s 8d

1 spring lock number 6, £0 3s 8d

3 hoes at 2s 6d, £0 7s 6d

3 brass scutcheons, £0 2s 9d

Ironmongery ware total, £2 6s 10d

Nails:

8 lb of 4d at 10.5d, £0 7s 0d

14 lb of 6d at 9d, £0 10s 6d

21 lb of 10d at 7.5d, £0 13s 1.5d

11 lb of 10d at 7d, £0 6s 5d

24 lb of 30d at 7d, £0 14s 0d

27 lb flooring brads at 9d, £1 0s 3d

4 spike nails, £0 2s 0d

3 coopers rivets at 11d, £0 2s 9d

2 pump nails at 20d, £0 3s 4d

4 scupper ditto at 10.5d, £0 3s 6d

3 ditto batten brads at 14d, £0 3s 6d

Nails total, £4 6s 4.5d

Carried over, £81 6s 10d

Interpretations

The account continues the store's supply of oils, drink, tea and hardware to the inhabitants, showing the steady flow of imported goods through the Company store. Rape and linseed oil, wine, vinegar, lime juice, tea and a range of locks and nails all passed to the settlement at fixed prices, the same varied stock recorded month after month. This reveals the store as the settlement's general provider, supplying everything from lamp oil to fastenings, the island dependent on the ledger's goods for the material of daily life.

The oils named here served the practical needs of a settlement reliant on imported materials for light and craft. Rape oil, pressed from the seed of the rape plant, and linseed oil, from flax, were used for lamps, for the treatment of wood and leather and in the mixing of paints, the store supplying both by the gallon. This reveals the range of purposes these oils met on the island, the want of local sources of light and of the materials of manufacture making such imports a regular part of the store's trade.

The variety of specialised nails and fastenings discloses the demands of a settlement engaged in continual building and repair. Flooring brads, spike nails, coopers’ rivets, pump nails and scupper nails each answered a particular use, from laying floors to mending barrels, pumps and the drainage of ships or buildings. This reveals the range of construction and craft work carried on in the settlement, the store stocking fastenings for every trade, the diversity of the ironmongery a measure of the varied making and mending the island required.

88

82

May 1716.

Brought Over

£81 6s 10d

Brass Ware 1 Skillet & Trevitt

£1 5s 10d

Haberdashery Ware vizt

Silk 9 3/4 Ouns at 2s 6d

£1 4s 4 1/2d

Buttons 8 doz brest d 4d

£0 2s 8d

4 doz Do 6d

£0 2s 0d

2 1/2 doz Coat 19d

£0 3s 11 1/2d

1/2 doz Do 12d

£0 0s 6d

sum

£1 13s 6d

Threads vizt

6 1/2 Wh Brown at 8s 8d

£2 16s 4d

1/2 Do 7s 7d

£0 3s 9 1/2d

sum

£3 0s 1 1/2d

Mohair vizt

3 Skeynes at 5d

£0 1s 3d

Thread 3 Ouns at 15 1/2d

£0 3s 10 1/2d

1 Do 17d

£0 1s 5d

5 9d

£0 3s 9d

5 2s 6d

£0 12s 6d

2 1s 1d

£0 2s 2d

sum

£1 3s 8 1/2d

Pins vizt

14 Mo at 1s 9d

£1 4s 6d

1 Mr at 1s 1 1/2d

sum

£1 5s 7 1/2d

Thimbles

£0 0s 5d

Saile Nudles 3 1/2 doz at 19d

£0 5s 6 1/2d

Hollands Duck 12 1/2 yd at 4s 3d

£2 12s 3 3/4d

Hatts 2 at 4s 4d

£0 8s 8d

Dungarees 6 pr at 5s 8d

£1 14s 0d

Shalloone 8 4/8 at 2s 6d

£1 2s 6d

Druggetts 18 4/8 yd at 3s

£2 16s 3d

Silk Druggetts 14 1/2 yd at 4s 9d

£3 8s 10 1/2d

Dimittys 11 3/4 yd at 20d

£0 19s 7d

9 1/2 yd 24d

£0 19s 0d

sum

£1 18s 7d

Carryd over

£104 3s 9 1/4d

The account continued from the previous page, with £81 6s 10d brought over.

Brought over, £81 6s 10d

Brass ware, 1 skillet and trivet, £1 5s 10d

Haberdashery ware:

Silk, 9.75 ounces at 2s 6d, £1 4s 4.5d

Buttons, 8 dozen breast at 4d, £0 2s 8d

4 dozen ditto at 6d, £0 2s 0d

2.5 dozen coat at 19d, £0 3s 11.5d

0.5 dozen ditto at 12d, £0 0s 6d

Haberdashery ware total, £1 13s 6d

Threads:

6.25 lb white brown at 8s 8d, £2 16s 4d

0.5 lb ditto at 7s 7d, £0 3s 9.5d

Threads total, £3 0s 1.5d

Mohair:

3 skeins at 5d, £0 1s 3d

Thread, 3 ounces at 15.5d, £0 3s 10.5d

1 ditto at 17d, £0 1s 5d

5 ditto at 9d, £0 3s 9d

5 ditto at 2s 6d, £0 12s 6d

1 ditto at 1s 1d, £0 2s 2d

Mohair total, £1 3s 8.5d

Pins:

14 thousand at 1s 9d, £1 4s 6d

1 thousand at 1s 1.5d, £0 1s 1.5d

Pins total, £1 5s 7.5d

Thimbles, £0 0s 5d

Sail needles, 3.5 dozen at 19d, £0 5s 6.5d

Holland duck, 12.5 yards at 4s 3d, £2 12s 0.75d

Hats, 2 at 4s 4d, £0 8s 8d

Dungarees, 6 pieces at 5s 8d, £1 14s 0d

Shalloon, 9 yards at 2s 6d, £1 2s 6d

Druggets, 18.25 yards at 3s, £2 16s 3d

Silk druggets, 14 yards at 4s 9d, £3 8s 10.5d

Dimity, 11.75 yards at 20d, £0 19s 7d

9.5 yards at 24d, £0 19s 0d

Dimity total, £1 18s 7d

Carried over, £104 3s 9.25d

Interpretations

The account moves through the finer cloths and haberdashery of the store's stock, showing the range of materials supplied to a settlement that made and mended its own clothes. Silk, buttons, thread, mohair, pins, needles and a variety of woven fabrics all passed through the store, the raw materials of the needle trade supplied alongside the heavier cloths. This reveals the store as the source of everything the island's households needed to clothe themselves, the settlement dependent on imported cloth and notions for garments it fashioned at home.

The named fabrics disclose the variety of the eastern and English textile trade that clothed the island. Holland duck was a strong linen canvas used for sailcloth and heavy garments, dimity a stout ribbed cotton for bedding and hangings, and mohair a yarn of goat's hair used for buttons and trimming, each serving its own purpose in the settlement's wardrobe and furnishing. This reveals the diversity of the cloth trade reaching the island, the store carrying fabrics from both the eastern and the home markets to meet the range of the inhabitants' needs.

The sail needles and Holland duck disclose the maintenance of sails and canvas that a settlement dependent on shipping required. The store supplied both the heavy linen canvas from which sails were made and the needles to sew and repair them, serving the constant demand for the upkeep of the island's boats and the vessels that called there. This reveals the connection between the store's stock and the sea, the materials of sailmaking a regular part of the trade of an island whose life depended on the ships in its road.

89

83

May 1716.

Brought Over

£104 3s 9 1/4d

Flannel 3 Yards at 2s 3d

£0 6s 9d

Perpetts 3 Yards at 2s 2d

£0 6s 6d

Manchester tikks 2 pr at 1s 14s 4d

£3 8s 8d

Soldiers Cloaths vizt

Red Coats 1

£1 4s 8d

Wast Coats 2 at 9s 4d

£0 18s 8d

sum

£1 19s 4d

Blanketts 1

£0 11s 3d

Guzrahes 3 pr at 12s 6d

£1 17s 6d

Long Cloath 2 pr at 1s 4s 9d

£2 9s 6d

Sadnoes 1 pr

£0 16s 6d

Nealas 2 pr at 10s 6d

£1 0s 10d

Ginghams 1 pr

£0 9s 6d

Double House Linnen 9 yd at 2s 3d

£1 0s 3d

Course Cleu Guzras St Geo 1 pr

£0 9s 0d

Kirseys 8 1/4 yd at 2s 2d

£0 17s 10 1/2d

Stockins 1 pr Thread

£0 4s 6d

Ribbons vizt

2 3/4 Yards at 12d

£0 2s 9d

3 yards 22d

£0 5s 6d

2 1/4 yd 3d

£0 5s 0d

sum

£0 13s 3d

Shoe Thread 4 at 2s 6d

£0 10s 0d

Bodice 1 pr Do

£0 12s 3d

2 pr Do 10s 4d

£1 0s 8d

sum

£1 12s 11d

Indigoe 1 oz

£0 0s 8d

Seizors 1 pr

£0 1s 0d

Pruning Knives 1

£0 1s 1d

Carryd Over

£123 0s 6 3/4d

The account continued from the previous page, with £104 3s 9.25d brought over.

Brought over, £104 3s 9.25d

Flannel, 3 yards at 2s 3d, £0 6s 9d

Perpets, 3 yards at 2s 2d, £0 6s 6d

Manchester ticks, 2 pieces at 34s 4d, £3 8s 8d

Soldiers' clothes:

Red coats, 1, £1 0s 8d

Waistcoats, 2 at 9s 4d, £0 18s 8d

Soldiers' clothes total, £1 19s 4d

Blankets, 1, £0 11s 3d

Guineas, 3 pieces at 12s 6d, £1 17s 6d

Long cloth, 2 pieces at 14s 9d, £2 9s 6d

Sannoes, 1 piece, £0 16s 6d

Nealas, 2 pieces at 10s 6d, £1 0s 10d

Ginghams, 1 piece, £0 9s 6d

Double house linen, 9 yards at 2s 3d, £1 0s 3d

Coarse blue guineas, St George, 1 piece, £0 9s 0d

Kerseys, 8.25 yards at 2s 2d, £0 17s 10.5d

Stockings, 1 pair thread, £0 4s 6d

Ribbons:

2.75 yards at 12d, £0 2s 9d

3 yards at 22d, £0 5s 6d

2.25 yards, £0 5s 0d

Ribbons total, £0 13s 3d

Shoe thread, 4 at 2s 6d, £0 10s 0d

Bodices, 1 pair, £0 12s 3d

2 pairs at 10s 4d, £1 0s 8d

Bodices total, £1 12s 11d

Indigo, 1 lb, £0 0s 8d

Scissors, 1 pair, £0 1s 0d

Pruning knives, 1, £0 1s 1d

Carried over, £123 0s 6.75d

Interpretations

The appearance of ready-made soldiers’ clothes among the store's goods discloses the provisioning of the garrison through the same channel that supplied the settlement. Red coats and waistcoats were sold as finished garments, the distinctive uniform of the soldier stocked alongside the cloth and notions for civilian wear. This reveals how the store clothed the military establishment as well as the planters, the red coat that marked the Company's soldier drawn from the same store that furnished the island with everything else.

The eastern and English cloths named here continue the record of the varied textile trade that clothed the island. Perpets was a durable worsted cloth, Manchester ticks a strong cotton or linen for mattress covers, and the guineas, sannoes, nealas, ginghams and baftas the familiar Indian cottons of the Company's trade, sold beside English flannel and worsted. This reveals the breadth of the cloth stock, the store balancing the products of the eastern trade with those of the home manufacture to meet the full range of the settlement's needs.

The indigo listed here discloses the dyestuff that coloured the blue cloths recurring through these accounts. Indigo, a deep blue dye extracted from the indigo plant and a major commodity of the eastern trade, was sold by the pound for the dyeing of cloth and thread, the source of the blue that marked the baftas and guineas. This reveals the connection between the raw dye and the finished coloured cloths, the store supplying both the material and the means to colour it, the indigo a small entry pointing to the wider trade in the dyes of the East.

90

84

May 1716.

Brought Over

£123 0s 6 3/4d

Hooks & Lines vizt

Hooks 12 No 1

£0 0s 2 1/2d

12 2

£0 0s 3d

36 4 at 7d

£0 1s 9d

18 7 15d

£0 1s 10 1/2d

24 9 20d

£0 3s 4 1/4d

Lines 1 No 9

£0 1s 1d

sum

£0 8s 10 1/2d

Combs vizt

Horne 1

£0 0s 5d

Do 1

£0 0s 7d

Ivory 1

£0 1s 7d

sum

£0 2s 7d

Stationary Ware vizt

Testaments 1

£0 1s 9d

Horne Books 2

£0 0s 8d

Paper 7 Quire at 1s 4d

£0 9s 4d

sum

£0 11s 9d

Lead or Paint vizt

White Lead 60 lb at 6d

£1 10s 0d

Red Do 20 6d

£0 10s 0d

sum

£2 0s 0d

Pewter 1 Quart Pott

£0 4s 0d

Glass Ware 2 Ale Glasses

£0 5s 0d

Tin Ware vizt

2 Tin Kettles at 2s 9 1/2d

£0 5s 7d

1 Do

£0 1s 9d

1 Grater

£0 0s 4d

sum

£0 7s 8d

Shoes vizt

1 pr English

£0 6s 2d

4 pr Boys at 3s 8d

£0 14s 8d

1 pr Girles

£0 3s 8d

2 pr Childrens Pumps

£0 2s 0d

1 pr Boys Shoes

£0 1s 9d

1 pr Do

£0 4s 0d

4 pr Island Shoes

£0 8s 0d

sum

£2 0s 3d

Carryd over

£129 0s 8 1/4d

The account continued from the previous page, with £123 0s 6.75d brought over.

Brought over, £123 0s 6.75d

Hooks and lines:

Hooks, 12 of number 1, £0 0s 2.5d

12 of number 2, £0 0s 3d

36 of number 4 at 7d, £0 1s 9d

18 of number 7 at 15d, £0 1s 10.5d

24 of number 9 at 20d, £0 3s 4.25d

Lines, 1 of number 9, £0 1s 1d

Hooks and lines total, £0 8s 10.5d

Combs:

Horn, 1, £0 1s 5d

Ditto, 1, £0 0s 7d

Ivory, 1, £0 0s 7d

Combs total, £0 2s 7d

Stationery ware:

Testaments, 1, £0 1s 9d

Horn books, 2, £0 0s 8d

Paper, 7 quire at 1s 4d, £0 9s 4d

Stationery ware total, £0 11s 9d

Lead or paint:

White lead, 60 lb at 6d, £1 10s 0d

Red ditto, 20 lb at 6d, £0 10s 0d

Lead or paint total, £2 0s 0d

Pewter, 1 quart pot, £0 4s 0d

Glassware, 2 ale glasses, £0 5s 0d

Tin ware:

2 tin kettles at 2s 9.5d, £0 5s 7d

1 ditto, £0 1s 9d

1 grater, £0 0s 4d

Tin ware total, £0 7s 8d

Shoes:

1 pair English, £0 6s 2d

4 pairs boys at 3s 8d, £0 14s 8d

1 pair girls, £0 3s 8d

2 pairs childrens pumps, £0 2s 0d

1 pair boys shoes, £0 1s 9d

1 pair ditto, £0 4s 0d

2 pairs island shoes, £0 8s 0d

Shoes total, £2 0s 3d

Carried over, £129 0s 8.25d

Interpretations

The account moves through fishing tackle, stationery, paint, and household and personal wares, rounding out the store's supply of the settlement's diverse needs. Numbered hooks and lines for the fishery, books and paper for reading and writing, white and red lead for paint, and shoes in a range of sizes all passed through the store, the breadth of the stock matching the breadth of the island's wants. This reveals the store as the settlement's universal provider, furnishing the means of fishing, schooling, building and clothing from a single source.

The white and red lead disclose the materials of paint and preservation that a settlement of timber and stone buildings required. White lead, a lead carbonate, and red lead, a lead oxide, were the pigments and bases from which paint was mixed, used to protect and colour woodwork and to prime iron against rust. This reveals the maintenance of the island's structures through imported materials, the store supplying the means to paint and preserve the buildings and fittings against the weather of the exposed Atlantic station.

The graded fishing hooks and lines return to the fishery that fed the island, the tackle sold by number to suit the catch. The store carried hooks in a range of sizes from the smallest to the largest, with lines to match, serving the boat fishing that supplied much of the settlement's fresh food. This reveals the continuing importance of the sea to the island's subsistence, the regular supply of graded tackle a measure of how central line fishing remained to a settlement that grew little and looked to the ocean for its provision.

91

85

May 1716.

Brought Over

£129 0s 8 1/4d

Corks vizt

14 6 doz at 3d

£1 16s 6d

1 5/16 Cork Wood at 8d

£0 0s 11d

sum

£1 17s 5d

Pipes 10 doz at 6d

£0 5s 1 1/2d

Totall

£131 3s 2 3/4d

Generall Charges Dr to Store Goods from

the 25th Febru 171 5/6 to the 25th March 1716 vizt

Arrack 69 1/2 Gall at 7s 6d

£25 17s 6d

Sugar Candy 11

£0 11s 0d

Flour 150 at 3 1/2d

£2 3s 9d

Bread 156 at 3 1/2d

£2 5s 6d

Wine 35 1/2 Gall at 5s

£8 17s 6d

Vinigar 2 1/2 Gall at 4s

£0 10s 0d

Lime Juice 4 Gall at 5s

£1 0s 0d

Rice 978 at 3 1/2d

£14 5s 3d

Soap Engl 12

£0 17s 0d

Tea vizt

2 Catties at 9s

£0 18s 0d

4 Do at 9s

£1 16s 0d

sum

£2 14s 0d

Oyles vizt

Sweet 1 Gall

£0 12s 0d

Linseed 1 Quart

£0 2s 0d

Rape 5 Gall at 7s

£1 15s 0d

sum

£2 9s 0d

Pepper 5

£0 5s 0d

Cheise 6 33 at 12d

£31 13s 0d

Tobacco Pipes 1 doz

£0 0s 6d

Paper 2 Rheams

£2 10s 4d

Carryd over

£95 19s 4d

The account continued from the previous page, with £129 0s 8.25d brought over, closing the reckoning of goods sold to the inhabitants with a total.

Brought over, £129 0s 8.25d

Corks:

14.5 dozen at 3d, £1 16s 6d

1.3125 corkwood at 8d, £0 0s 10.5d

Corks total, £1 17s 5d

Pipes, 10 dozen at 6d, £0 5s 1.5d

Total, £131 3s 2.75d

The account then turned to general charges, covering store goods used from 25 February to 25 March 1716.

Arrack, 69.5 gallons at 7s 6d, £25 17s 6d

Sugar candy, 11, £0 11s 0d

Flour, 150 at 3.5d, £2 3s 9d

Bread, 156 at 3.5d, £2 5s 6d

Wine, 35.5 gallons at 5s, £8 17s 6d

Vinegar, 2.5 gallons at 4s, £0 10s 0d

Lime juice, 4 gallons at 5s, £1 0s 0d

Rice, 978 at 3.5d, £14 5s 3d

Soap, English, 12, £0 17s 0d

Tea:

2 catty at 9s, £0 18s 0d

4 ditto at 9s, £1 16s 0d

Tea total, £2 14s 0d

Oils:

Sweet, 1 gallon, £0 12s 0d

Linseed, 1 quart, £0 2s 0d

Rape, 5 gallons at 7s, £1 15s 0d

Oils total, £2 9s 0d

Pepper, 5, £0 5s 0d

Cheese, 633 at 12d, £31 13s 0d

Tobacco pipes, 100, £0 2s 10.5d

Paper, 2 reams, £0 10s 4d

Carried over, £95 19s 4d

Interpretations

The closing total of £131 3s 2.75d for goods sold to the inhabitants completes the month's reckoning of the store's retail trade, the account then turning to the Company's own consumption under general charges. The two reckonings, one for what the settlement bought and one for what the Company used, follow the same pattern seen throughout the record, keeping the store's dealings with the inhabitants distinct from the cost of its own establishment. This reveals the consistent method of the store's bookkeeping, the retail and the internal accounts separated month after month for the Company's oversight.

The very large charge for cheese under general charges, at over thirty pounds for six hundred and thirty-three pounds weight, discloses a bulk provision laid in for the Company's establishment or its shipping. Such a quantity far exceeded ordinary household use, pointing to the victualling of the garrison, the Company's table or the ships that called, cheese being a keeping food suited to long storage and sea provision. This reveals the scale of the Company's own consumption, the general charges account carrying quantities of provisions that dwarfed the retail trade with individual inhabitants.

The corks and corkwood disclose the small trades of bottling and floats served by the store's varied stock. Corks by the dozen stopped the bottles of wine and spirits, while corkwood, the light bark of the cork oak, was kept for floats and stoppers, both answering the practical needs of a settlement that stored drink and worked the fishery. This reveals the range of the store's minor supplies, the humblest items of cork and pipe stocked alongside the great quantities of provision, the ledger recording the full spread of the island's material wants.

92

86

May 1716.

Brought Over

£95 19s 4d

Kerseys 35 1/2 Yards at 2s 2d

£3 16s 11d

Perpetts 6 Ydrids 2s 5d

£0 14s 6d

Double House Linnen 2 1/4 Yards

£0 5s 7 1/2d

Dungarees 2 pr at 5s 8d

£0 11s 4d

Long Cloath 3 pr at 1s 4s 9d

£3 14s 3d

Guzrahs 1 pr

£0 12s 6d

Threads vizt

1 Brown 8s 8d

£8 8s 0d

1/2 Ditto 5s 4d

£5 4s 0d

sum

£0 14s 0d

Combs 3 Box

£0 1s 6d

Do 5 doz

£0 1s 3d

Iron Mongers Ware

1 Till Lock

£0 1s 0d

1 Chest Ditto

£0 4s 6d

1 Plate Do

£0 3s 8d

2 pr Side Hinges

£0 2s 2d

12 Shovells

£1 4s 0d

sum

£1 15s 4d

Nayles 6 10d at 7 1/2d

£0 3s 9d

White Lead 8 lb

£0 1s 6d

Hollands Duck 7 yd at 4s 3d

£1 9s 9d

Glass Ware vizt

12 Ale Glases at 2s 6d

£1 10s 0d

1 Decanter yr 2s 4d at 2s 2d

£0 4s 11 1/2d

sum

£1 14s 11 1/2d

Totall

£111 16s 6d

Plantation

The account continued from the previous page, with £95 19s 4d brought over, closing the general charges with a total.

Brought over, £95 19s 4d

Kerseys, 35.5 yards at 2s 2d, £3 16s 11d

Perpets, 6 yards at 2s 5d, £0 14s 6d

Double house linen, 2.25 yards, £0 5s 7.5d

Dungarees, 2 pieces at 5s 8d, £0 11s 4d

Long cloth, 3 pieces at 14s 9d, £3 14s 3d

Guineas, 1 piece, £0 12s 6d

Threads:

1 lb brown at 8s 8d, £0 8s 8d

0.5 lb ditto at 5s 4d, £0 5s 4d

Threads total, £0 14s 0d

Combs, 3 box, £0 1s 6d

Ditto, 5 dozen, £0 1s 3d

Ironmongery ware:

1 till lock, £0 1s 0d

1 chest ditto, £0 4s 6d

1 plate ditto, £0 3s 8d

2 pairs side hinges, £0 2s 2d

12 shovels, £1 4s 0d

Ironmongery ware total, £1 15s 4d

Nails, 6 lb of 10d at 7.5d, £0 3s 9d

White lead, 8 lb, £0 1s 6d

Holland duck, 7 yards at 4s 3d, £1 9s 9d

Glassware:

12 ale glasses at 2s 6d, £1 10s 0d

1 decanter of 2 quarts at 2s 2d, £0 4s 11.5d

Glassware total, £1 14s 11.5d

Total, £111 16s 6d

Interpretations

The closing total of £111 16s 6d completes the general charges account, the reckoning of what the Company itself consumed from the store over the month. Cloth, thread, hardware, nails, paint, glass and the great charges of provision recorded before together made up a substantial internal expense, distinct from the retail trade with the inhabitants. This reveals the scale of the Company's own consumption, the cost of maintaining its establishment and works set out in full alongside the goods it sold to the settlement.

The considerable quantity of kersey and other cloth charged to general use ties this account to the clothing of the Company's slaves and servants set out in the April consultations. The kerseys, dungarees, long cloth and linen drawn to the Company's own charge supplied the material for outfitting those it maintained, the same coarse fabrics the Council had reckoned at forty shillings a year per slave. This reveals the connection between the store's stock and the upkeep of the Company's people, the cloth charged to general use serving to clothe the labour force the Company owned and employed.

The twelve shovels charged to general use disclose the tools of the Company's own works and cultivation. Shovels in such number were the implements of digging and building, supplied for the labour on the plantations, the fortifications and the roads that the Company maintained directly. This reveals the provisioning of the Company's works through the store, the tools of its own operations drawn from the same stock that supplied the settlement, the general charges account carrying the implements of the labour the Company commanded.

93

87

May 1716.

Plantation Dr to Store Goods from Febty

25th 171 5/6 to March 25th 1716 vizt

Arrack 6 1/2 Gall at 7s 6d

£2 8s 9d

Sugar 35 at 8d

£1 3s 4d

Candy 2

£0 2s 0d

Flour 26 at 3 1/2d

£0 7s 7d

Oyles 4 1/2 Gall Rape at 7s

£1 11s 6d

Rice 1391 at 3 1/2d

£20 5s 8 1/2d

Soap English 12

£0 17s 0d

Lines 1 Do

£0 1s 3d

Pewter 3 Chamber Potts at 4s 3d

£0 12s 9d

Iron Mongers Ware 1 Closett Lock

£0 2s 7d

Nayles vizt

6 of 24d

£0 3s 9d

6 20d

£0 3s 6d

6 10d

£0 3s 9d

sum

£0 11s 0d

Totall of Plantation

£28 3s 5 1/2d

Totall of Generall Charges

£111 16s 6d

Totall of the Inhabitants

£131 3s 2 3/4d

sum

£271 3s 2 1/4d

This charged the plantation with store goods used from 25 February to 25 March 1716, and closed the month's reckoning with the three grand totals.

Arrack, 6.5 gallons at 7s 6d, £2 8s 9d

Sugar, 35 at 8d, £1 3s 4d

Candy, 2, £0 2s 0d

Flour, 26 at 3.5d, £0 7s 7d

Oils, 4.5 gallons rape at 7s, £1 11s 6d

Rice, 1,391 at 3.5d, £20 5s 8.5d

Soap, English, 12, £0 17s 0d

Lines, 1 dozen, £0 1s 3d

Pewter, 3 chamber pots at 4s 3d, £0 12s 9d

Ironmongery ware, 1 closet lock, £0 2s 7d

Nails:

6 lb of 24d, £0 3s 9d

6 lb of 20d, £0 3s 6d

6 lb of 10d, £0 3s 9d

Nails total, £0 11s 0d

Total of the plantation, £28 3s 5.5d

Total of general charges, £111 16s 6d

Total of the inhabitants, £131 3s 2.75d

Grand total, £271 3s 2.25d

Interpretations

The three grand totals draw together the whole month's store account under its three heads, the plantation, the general charges and the inhabitants, coming to £271 3s 2.25d in all. This tripartite division, maintained throughout the record, let the Company distinguish the cost of working its land, the cost of its own establishment and the trade with the settlement, each reckoned separately and then summed. This reveals the organising principle of the store's accounting, the three streams of expense and trade kept apart so that the Company could see at a glance where its goods went and what each part of its operation drew from the store.

The very large charge of rice to the plantation, at nearly fourteen hundred pounds weight, discloses the feeding of the plantation's labour force through the store. Rice in such quantity was the staple provision of the slaves and servants who worked the Company's land, a cheap and filling grain issued to sustain those who laboured on the plantations. This reveals how the cost of maintaining the plantation's workers was charged directly to the plantation account, the rice that fed the labour force forming the largest single item of the plantation's expense.

The chamber pots and closet lock charged to the plantation disclose the furnishing of the plantation house as a working establishment. Such domestic items equipped the house on the Company's land where its overseers and people lived, the plantation maintained as a dwelling as well as a farm. This reveals the character of the plantation as a household under the Company's charge, its account carrying not only the tools and provisions of cultivation but the ordinary furnishings of the house from which the land was worked.

94

88

May 1716.

The Severall Persons hereafter Named was

Summoned this day to appear for being absent

at the Last Alarm for the Ostend Ships (vizt)

Thomas Free John Marsh Richard Beale

Anthony Beale William Coals Benjamin

Cleverley Sutton Ysacik Junr David Hine James

Rider Planters, and Thomas Ashby Sold &

They all appeared and made very frevilous

Excuses, Some Saying they were Lame others

they were not well, and Some did Not hear the

Alarm And the Governr Offering them their Oaths

to what they Said, Refused and Sayd they had

Rather pay then take their Oaths. Wherefore

Ordered That all the Planters be find

five Shillings Each to the use of the ffortefica

tions. But Thomas Ashby Sold to Ride

the Wooden Horse two Houers.

The Governr demanded the reason of Captain

Haswell why he Suffered the Ostend Ships to Come in

into the road when he had given him Strict Orders

to the Contrary.

Capt Haswell Says as Soon as the Ships Came

Oppositt to the Point between Bankses and Rupperts

He fired a gun from Mundens athwart her

fore foot

Mr Byfeld Says that the Shott came along by

Bankses and very Near, therefore the Governr Says they

must needs fire a stern of the Ships which is very frregu

lar, and the tother Shott was fired after the Same

manner, which was the next Gun.

Thes

The following persons were summoned to appear for being absent at the last alarm for the Ostend ship: Thomas Free, John Marsh, Richard Beale, Anthony Beale, William Coals, Benjamin Cleverley, Sutton Isaack the younger, David Hine and James Rider, planters, and Thomas Ashby, a soldier.

They all appeared and made very frivolous excuses, some saying they were lame, others that they were not well, and some that they did not hear the alarm. When the Governor offered them their oaths as to what they said, they refused, and said they would rather pay than take their oaths.

The Council ordered that all the planters be fined five shillings each to the use of the fortifications, but that Thomas Ashby, a soldier, ride the wooden horse for two hours.

The Governor demanded the reason from Captain Haswell why he had allowed the Ostend ship to come into the road when he had given him strict orders to the contrary. Haswell said that as soon as the ship came opposite to the point between Banks's and Rupert's, he fired a gun from Mundens athwart her forefoot. Mr Byfield said the shot came along by Banks's and very near, and the Governor said they must therefore fire astern of the ship, which was very irregular, and the other shot was fired after the same manner, which was the next gun.

Interpretations

The different penalties for the absent planters and the soldier disclose the separate systems of discipline governing the civilian and military parts of the settlement. The planters were fined five shillings each to the use of the fortifications, while the soldier Ashby was made to ride the wooden horse, a military punishment. This reveals the distinct treatment of the two bodies, the civilians answering with money and the soldier with a bodily penalty, the discipline suited to each man's standing and his relation to the Company.

The refusal of the summoned men to take their oaths discloses the weight attached to an oath and the reluctance to swear falsely. When offered the chance to confirm their excuses on oath, the men chose to pay the fine rather than swear, tacitly admitting their excuses would not bear the solemnity of an oath. This reveals the seriousness with which an oath was regarded, the men unwilling to add perjury to absence, preferring the certain penalty of a fine to the peril of swearing to a false excuse.

The obligation on the inhabitants to muster at the alarm discloses the militia duty that bound the whole settlement to its defence. The planters were summoned and fined for failing to appear when the alarm sounded for the Ostend ship, showing that the defence of the island rested not only on the garrison but on the armed service of every able inhabitant. This reveals the military obligation woven into island life, the settlers bound to turn out at the alarm, their absence a punishable dereliction of the common duty of defence.

The wooden horse, on which the soldier Ashby was made to ride, was a military punishment device, a sharp-ridged wooden frame the offender was forced to straddle, often with weights on his feet, causing pain and humiliation. Its use here for a soldier absent at the alarm reveals the harsh corporal discipline of the garrison, the same body whose desertion and disorder had troubled the earlier consultations kept in order by punishments of a severity reserved for the military.

95

89

May 1716.

The Governr Says he wrote two Letters to Captain

Haswell Strictly Charging him to bring the Ship too

One of the Letters Capt Haswell Produces which is

as follows.

Capt Haswell

Capt Bazett Be Sure bring her too for Old Rogue

Lies So farr out that if it be a rogue they may doe

him Damage Isa Pyke.

The other Letter was writt much stricker

but that Letter Capt Haswell do's not Produce

The Governr Says he reed the following Letter

from Capt Haswell at that time

Worsh Sr The Ships Comeing in Pretends to be a

Hamburger but thats no Hamburger Collours, their boats

was on board one of the fishing Boats who Enquired

whether twas Peace or no, She is about thirty Guns

& Six Hundred Tons, the boats flay was Striped, Green

Red, & white, I beleve its a rogue; I Shall bring her

too as you Ordered, the bearer Can give you far farther

Account. Are wth all respects

Worsh Sr

Yor Humble Servts

Geo Haswell

Matt Bazett.

The Governr Says by this Letter it appeared

to them that this Ship was a Ship of fforce, and a

rogue, and therefore they ought to have fired into

her

The Governor said he wrote two letters to Captain Haswell, strictly charging him to bring the ship to. Haswell produced one of the letters, which ran as follows.

Captain Haswell and Captain Bazett were to be sure to bring her to, for the old rogue lay so far out that if she were a rogue they might do him damage. The letter was signed by Governor Pyke.

The other letter was written much stricter, but that letter Haswell did not produce.

The Governor said he received the following letter from Captain Haswell at that time.

The ship coming in pretended to be a Hamburger, but those were no Hamburg colours. Her boats were aboard one of the fishing boats, who enquired whether there was peace or not. She was about thirty guns and six hundred tons, and the boat's flag was striped green, red and white. Haswell believed she was a rogue, and would bring her to as ordered. The bearer could give a further account. The letter closed as from the Governor's humble servants and was signed by George Haswell and Matthew Bazett.

The Governor said that by this letter it appeared to them that this ship was a ship of force and a rogue, and that therefore they ought to have fired into her [...]

Interpretations

The Governor's production of his written orders discloses the reconstruction of the episode through the surviving correspondence, the record assembling the letters to establish what had been commanded and done. The Governor set out his instructions to bring the ship to, and Haswell's reply confirming his intention to comply, so that the exchange fixed the responsibility of each party. This reveals how the written orders served as the evidence in the inquiry into the ship's admission, the letters marshalled to show what had passed between the Governor and his officers.

The disparity between the two ships approaching, the smaller Ostend vessel and this larger ship of force, discloses that the island faced more than one suspicious arrival at once. This ship was of thirty guns and six hundred tons, a substantial armed vessel pretending to Hamburg colours she was not entitled to, distinct from the St Matthew dealt with before. This reveals the pressure on the island's defences from multiple quarters, the road threatened by more than a single interloper, the guns called to meet a succession of doubtful ships.

The false Hamburg colours disclose the deceptions by which suspicious ships sought to allay the island's guard. This vessel flew the colours of Hamburg, a neutral trading city, to present herself as harmless, but her flag was recognised as false and her true character suspected. This reveals the wariness with which the island read the flags of approaching ships, a false colour taken as a mark of ill intent, the deception itself confirming the suspicion it was meant to dispel.

The Governor's insistence that this ship, being a ship of force and a rogue, ought to have been fired into ties back to the dispute over the handling of such vessels that ran through the May consultations. He held that an armed and suspicious ship should have been met with the island's guns, pressing again the hard line he had urged over the interlopers. This reveals the continuing tension between the Governor's readiness to use force and the caution of his officers, the question of when to fire on a doubtful ship unresolved and returning with each new arrival.

96

90

May 1716.

her because She did not bring too at the first warning

Gunn. And their Neglecting to doe that is a breach

of their duty, and Shews them very Negligent, for if

they Saw a Ship of fforce and beleived her to be a rogue

and after that Suffered her to Come into this road, tho

he had my Orders to bring her to it Shews he had

but Little regard to our Honble Masters Estates on board

of the two Ships now in the road.

I Expected that after I had fired into them that they

coud have Seconded me and was amazed that they did

not. And tho if they had not Struck their Collrs

I Should have Sunk them with the ffort Guns Yet I

think thats no reason at all for them to be So

Remiss.

Capt Haswell reply that after he had

fired the ffirst Gun She Lowerd her Main and

fore Topsailes and Sett in the Weather brasers

put her Helm a Starboard in Order to bring her

too with her head in Shore, but the wind Comeing

aft, he put his Helm a Port in Order to Ware

her and bring her to the tother way then fired

the Second Gun and he Sent his boat on Shore with

his Second Capt the Ship driveing Off, being then at

least a Mile and by reason of Such an ffrry, they Saw

her from the Line but after I had fired the Second Shott

they were Confusd and did not tend their Sailes other

wise I had fired into her, but Still driveing off the coast

well assurd that She could not fetch into the road, but

had She Stood further in he beleives he Should have

Sunk her tho he had no Order. Geo: Haswell.

Capt Bazett Sayes the Same as Capt Haswell

hath.

The Governor said they ought to have fired into her because she did not bring to at the first warning gun. Their neglecting to do so was a breach of their duty and showed them very negligent, for if they saw a ship of force and believed her to be a rogue, and after that allowed her to come into the road though he had given orders to bring her to, it showed they had little regard to the Company's estates on board the two ships now in the road.

The Governor said he expected that after he had fired into them they would have seconded him, and was amazed that they did not. Though if they had not struck their colours he could have sunk them with the fort guns, yet he thought that was no reason at all for them to be so remiss.

Captain Haswell replied that after he had fired the first gun, the ship lowered her main and fore topsails and set in the weather braces, and put her helm astarboard in order to bring her to with her head inshore. But the wind coming aft, he put his helm aport in order to wear her and bring her to the other way, then fired the second gun. He sent his boat ashore with his second captain. The ship was driving off, being then at least a mile out, and by reason of such an offing they saw her from the line. But after he had fired the second shot they were confused and did not tend their sails, otherwise he would have fired into her. Still, being driven off the coast, Haswell was assured she could not fetch into the road, but had she stood further in he believed he should have sunk her, though he had no order. The opinion was signed by George Haswell.

Captain Bazett said the same as Captain Haswell.

Interpretations

The Governor's charge of negligence against his officers discloses the standard of duty expected in the defence of the road and the shipping. He held that a ship of force believed to be a rogue, ignoring the summons to bring to, ought to have been fired into, and that his officers’ failure to do so and to second his own fire showed a want of care for the Company's property. This reveals the Governor's stern conception of the duty owed to the shipping, the defence of the Company's estates demanding a readiness to use the guns that he found lacking in his officers.

Haswell's detailed account of his ship handling discloses the difficulty of bringing a reluctant vessel to under sail and gunfire. He described lowering topsails, setting braces and shifting his helm from starboard to port as the wind changed, striving to bring the ship to first one way and then the other, the whole a picture of the seamanship the manoeuvre required. This reveals the practical complexity behind the Governor's simple demand that the ship be brought to, the execution depending on wind and handling that the Governor's order could not command.

The confusion aboard the ship after the second shot discloses the effect of the island's fire on a vessel caught unprepared. Haswell reported that after his second gun the ship's people were confused and failed to tend their sails, the gunfire throwing her into disorder. This reveals the power of the shore batteries to disrupt a ship in the road, the very confusion the fire produced offering Haswell the opening he said he would have used had she not been driving off, the guns shaping the encounter even without sinking their target.

97

91

May 1716.

The Governr Says he finds Capt Haswell to ben

very weak man or Else he would Never have made

Such an Answer. As for Lowering her Topsailes

tis a trick that all Rogues doe use, the two French

Ships that took the Queen & Dover did the same

He talks alsoe of their Puting their Helm first one

way and then another and Setting in their weather

brasses, which Sort of working was reason Eno

for him to fire at her, He talks alsoe as if the Ship

was not in the road all this while but I Say

Positively that She was So farr from being out of

the road that She lookt three Points of the Compas

within the Nathaniell and I was afraid She would

have been aboard of her, and She could have don So

if I had not fired into her. And because these

Consultations are to goe Home to the Honble Comps

I would not Send them Home wth a Complaint only

but must doe Some Justice to Mr Cason to whom I

had given the charge of half the Guns upon the

Line he behaved himself with a great Deal of

Prudence & Courage; and placed Severall Shott in

the Ships.

Copy of Ships Bouverie and Marys Protests

against the Sea, as followeth

The Ship Bouverie in the Service of the Rt Honble

Company of English Merchants treding to the East Indies

in her Homeward bound Voyage from ffort St David on

the Coast of Cormandel towards the Iland of Great

Brittain On the 6 day of Aprill in the Year 1716 being in

the Lattd of 34 00 S and meridonal Distance from ffort St

David 50 40 W or thereabouts, was Encountered wth very

Hard Gales of Wind, which Increasing So much that about

Six a Clock in the Evening of the aforesaid day was forced

to

The Governor said he found Captain Haswell to be a very weak man, or else he would never have made such an answer. As for lowering her topsails, it was a trick that all rogues used, and the two French ships that took the Queen and Dover did the same. Haswell talked also of putting the helm first one way and then another and setting in the weather braces, which sort of working was reason enough for him to fire at her. He talked as if the ship was not in the road all this while, but the Governor said positively that she was so far from being out of the road that she looked three points of the compass within the Nathaniel, and he was afraid she would have been aboard of her, and she could have done so if the Governor had not fired into her.

Because these consultations were to go home to the Company, the Governor would not send them home with a complaint only, but had to do some justice to Mr Cason, to whom he had given the charge of half the guns upon the line. Cason had behaved himself with a great deal of prudence and courage, and placed several shots in the ship.

There followed a copy of the protests of the ships Bouverie and Mary against the sea.

The ship Bouverie, in the service of the Company, on her homeward voyage from Fort St David on the coast of Coromandel towards Great Britain, on 6 April, being in latitude 34 degrees 40 minutes south and meridional distance from Fort St David 50 degrees 40 minutes west, or thereabouts, was met with very hard gales of wind. These increased so much that about six o'clock in the evening of that day she was forced [...]

Interpretations

The Governor's harsh judgement of Haswell discloses the depth of his displeasure at his officers’ failure to act as he wished. He dismissed Haswell as a weak man, treated his explanations of ship handling as excuses, and insisted the ship had been dangerously close to the Nathaniel all along. This reveals the sharpness of the division between the Governor and his officers over the handling of the suspicious ships, the Governor's contempt for what he saw as a feeble defence of inaction laid plainly on the record.

The Governor's care to commend Cason discloses his sense of how the record would read to the Company at home. Because the consultations would go home, he would not send only a complaint against Haswell but balanced it with praise for Cason, who had manned half the guns with courage and placed several shots in the ship. This reveals the Governor's attention to the account rendered to his superiors, the record shaped to show that some at least had done their duty, the commendation of Cason set against the censure of Haswell for the Company's judgement.

The reference to the French ships that took the Queen and Dover discloses the memory of past losses that sharpened the Governor's insistence on vigilance. He cited the trick of lowering topsails used by the French ships that had captured those two vessels, drawing on a known instance of deception and loss to justify firing on any ship that behaved so. This reveals how the experience of earlier captures informed the island's caution, the Governor invoking a remembered disaster to press the danger of trusting a ship that showed the marks of a rogue.

The Bouverie and Mary, whose protests against the sea are entered here, disclose the storms of the southern ocean that battered the Company's homeward ships. The Bouverie, sailing from Fort St David on the Coromandel coast toward Britain, met hard gales far out in the South Atlantic, the protest recording the violence of the weather she endured. This reveals the perils of the long homeward voyage, the Company's ships driven and damaged by the gales of the high southern latitudes, the island a refuge for vessels that survived such seas.

98

92

May 1716.

to lay the Ship a try under her Mainsaile wth Such

repeated tempestuous Gusts, which So Enraged the

Seas, that about Seven a Clock the next morning Split

the Mainsaile: bent another and reeft it and at one

a Clock the Said day Sett the same, the wind & Sea

both raging more & more to Such a Violent Degree

that Early in the morning following were Obliged to

Lower Mainyard and hand the Saile During which St

Storm the Seas ran with Such Prodigious Strength &

height that broke upon and powrd into the Ship

incredible quantitys of Water with which the Ship

was So Deluged and Covered by Sea after Sea Comeing in

over all that nothing Less than Almighty Providence

could preserve the Ship from foundering and Sinking to

the Bottom, which vast quantitys of Water were not

Shipt by default of any Marriners or Sailors for they

Deserve Commendations for their Dilligence & good

Courage and good Courage, neither was it by

Default in the Ships or Rigging the Said Ship being

most Compleatly fitted as may appear by her being remark

ably tight the foregoing Part of the Voyage; & now

Strend by the wonderfull force and Strength of

the Water that was Shipt in this Storm its rage

is So great violence that it drew the bolt heads

of the Standards through the plancks notwithstanding

the Plancks were perfectly Sound & good, and with the

with the weight & power of the water only, found

a Passage through Decks & sides So that to free

her we were Obliged to bale Ship with a great

Number of hands, besides the Chain & hand

Pumps that were all kept going Now Consider

ing the Damage the Said Ship has received during

the Storm in her hull, and other Particulars

too Long herein to Insert and will Appear more

The Bouverie was forced to lay to under her mainsail, but such repeated tempestuous gusts so enraged the seas that about seven o'clock the next morning the mainsail split. Another was bent and reefed, and about one o'clock that day the same was set. The wind and sea both raged more and more to such a violent degree that early the following morning the crew were obliged to lower the mainyard and hand the sail.

During the storm the seas ran with such prodigious strength and height that they broke upon and poured into the ship an incredible quantity of water, with which the ship was deluged and covered by sea after sea coming in over all, so that nothing less than Almighty Providence could preserve her from foundering and sinking to the bottom. These vast quantities of water were not shipped through any default of the mariners or sailors, who deserved commendation for their diligence and good courage, nor through any default in the ship or rigging, she being most completely fitted, as might appear by her being remarkably tight the foregoing part of the voyage. She was now strained by the wonderful force and strength of the water shipped in the storm, its rage of so great violence that it drew the bolt heads of the standards through the planks, notwithstanding the planks were perfectly sound and good. With the weight and power of the water alone it found a passage through decks and sides, so that to free her the crew were obliged to bale ship with a great number of hands, besides the chain and hand pumps that were all kept going. The damage the ship received during the storm in her hull, and other particulars, were too long to insert here [...]

Interpretations

The protest discloses the legal purpose behind a ship's formal record of storm damage, drawn up to establish that loss came from the sea and not from any fault of the crew or ship. The document stressed that the water was shipped through no default of the mariners, who deserved commendation, nor through any defect in the ship, which had been remarkably tight, but through the sheer violence of the weather. This reveals the function of a sea protest, made to protect the master, crew and owners from blame for damage or loss, fixing the cause on the irresistible force of the storm.

The vivid account of the seas drawing the bolt heads through sound planks discloses the extraordinary forces a ship endured in a great storm. The protest described water so powerful that it pulled the fastenings of the ship's standards through timber that was perfectly sound, forcing a passage through decks and sides by weight alone. This reveals the destructive power of the southern ocean's gales, the ship's very structure strained beyond what sound materials could resist, the damage a measure of the seas the Company's vessels had to survive.

The appeal to Almighty Providence for the ship's preservation discloses the religious frame through which such deliverance was understood. The protest held that nothing less than Providence could have saved the ship from foundering, casting her survival not merely as the fruit of good seamanship but as an act of divine mercy. This reveals the piety that ran through the seafaring life, the escape from a storm attributed to God's protection, the formal record of a legal protest carrying the language of religious gratitude for a deliverance beyond human power.

99

93

May 1716.

plain in our Journals we have Just reason to Suspect

our Cargoe in the Hold of the Said Ship has reed Damage

Therefore we the Commander and Officers on board

the Ship Bouverie whose Names are hereunto Subscribed

do in form of Law, in the behalf of our owners, Selves

and Marriners make Protest against the Seas for all

and Every the Damages therein Sustaind for and by

reason of the Said Storm. In Confirmation and

Witness whereof we the Commander & Officers have

Sett our hands.

Tho Wotton

Dated at St Helena J Meacham 1 Mate

May yr 7th 1716 Richd Redman 2 mate

The Contents hereof was read Will Reeve Gunnr

Alleadged, and Protested before Simon Wickham boatsn

us. Isa Pyke Tho Ligh Carpentr.

Geo Haswell

Matt Bazett.

Edwd Byfeld.

Worthy Sr The Ship Mary in the Service of

the Rt Honble Company of English Merchts treding to

the East Indies in her Homeward bound Voyage

from ffort St David on the Coast of Cormandell towards

the Iland of Great Brittain, On the 6 day of Aprill

in the Year 1716 being in the Lattd of 34 S and

Merridionall Dist from ffort St David 50 Wt or

thereabouts was Encountered wth Very hard Gales of

Wind which Increasing So much that about Six

a Clock in the Evening of the aforesaid day was

forced to lay the Ship a try under her Mainsaile

and Mizen about Eleven at night Came a Violent

Squall Storm

The commander of the Bouverie had just reason to suspect that the cargo in her hold had received damage, as would appear more plainly in the ship's journals. The commander and officers, on behalf of the owners, themselves and the mariners, made their protest in due form of law against the seas for all the damage sustained by reason of the storm. In confirmation of this, the commander and officers set their hands. The protest was dated at St Helena on 7 May 1716, and signed by Thomas Wotton, J. Meacham the first mate, Richard Redman the second mate, William Reeve the gunner, Simon Wickham the boatswain and Thomas Legg the carpenter. Its contents were read, alleged and protested before Governor Pyke, George Haswell, Matthew Bazett and Edward Byfield.

There followed the protest of the ship Mary.

The ship Mary, in the service of the Company, on her homeward voyage from Fort St David on the coast of Coromandel towards Great Britain, on 6 April, being in latitude 34 degrees south and meridional distance from Fort St David 50 degrees west, or thereabouts, was met with very hard gales of wind. These increased so much that about six o'clock in the evening of that day she was forced to lay to under her mainsail and mizzen. About eleven at night came a violent squall and storm [...]

Interpretations

The suspicion of damage to the cargo discloses the commercial stake that lay behind the formal protest against the sea. The commander suspected the goods in the hold had suffered, and the protest was made on behalf of the owners as well as the crew, so that any loss to the cargo could be shown to have come from the storm. This reveals the protest as a safeguard of the owners’ commercial interest, the document establishing the cause of any spoiled goods so that liability for the loss might fall where the law placed it, on the sea and not on those who carried the cargo.

The formal reading of the protest before the Governor and Council discloses the island's role as the place where such legal instruments were witnessed and authenticated. The commander and officers made their protest before the Governor and Council, who heard it read and alleged, lending the document the authority of a formal attestation. This reveals the island functioning as a legal waypoint on the homeward route, its government providing the official witness a sea protest required, the Council's presence giving the instrument the standing it needed for use at home.

The nearly identical circumstances of the Bouverie and the Mary disclose that the two ships met the same storm on the same day in the same waters. Both were homeward from Fort St David, both caught on 6 April in the same latitude and distance, both forced to lay to under storm canvas, the two protests recording a single great tempest that struck them together. This reveals the ships sailing in company on the homeward route, the shared ordeal of the storm binding their fortunes, the two vessels meeting at St Helena to record the same disaster they had both survived.

100

94

May. 1716.

Squall of wind with abundance of Lighting &

Hail, which blew the main Saile & Mizen away

Bolt ropes and all, The next day the weather grow

more Moderate but the most Dismall Sky that ever

wee Seew, Them Bent a New Mainsaile & Mizen

Reeft and Sett them, about nine a Clock that night the

violence of the Storm began, then Lowerd our Mizen

yard and furld the Mizen, At Ten Lowerd our Main

yard ⅔ of the Mast down, and So Lay till Seven the

next morning then wore fore'd to Lower our Main

yard and furl the Mainsaile at which time our

Ship was full of Water in the Wast, and severale

foot above the Gunnell on the Lee Side the same

Quantity of water Coming in every time the Ship

Rolld to Leward, from ten at night till fowr in the

afternoon the next day at which time the Storm

began to abate, Severall times Dureing the Said

Storm the Sea broke in the Dead lights of the

Great Cabbin which was Bard w:th Capston Barrs

and took in abundance of Water into the Cabbin

One Sea broke up the Balcony Staved in the Stern

Door and Windows, took in a bundance of Water

into the round House and the rest flew over the

Tafferill, One of the Strongest men we had in the

Ship being in the fore chains making fast the

Runner was washt out by the Violence of the Sea

he had hold w:th both hands of the fore Shrouds

but the Strength and vast quantity of Water forc't

him to lett goe his Hold and the Poor man was

Drown'd, The Sea fore away the Ports in the Main

Chaines to Leward hinges and all we had, Only one

Loft, What damage we may happen to have

Rec:d through the Violence of this Storm was

not through Default of any Marriners or Sailers

A squall of wind struck with heavy lightning and hail, which blew the mainsail and mizzen away along with the bolt ropes and everything. The following day the weather grew more moderate, but the sky was the most dismal the crew had ever seen. They bent a new mainsail and mizzen, reefed them and set them. About nine o’clock that night the full violence of the storm began. They then lowered the mizzen yard and furled the mizzen. At ten they lowered the main yard to two-thirds of the mast down and lay so until seven the next morning. They were then forced to lower the main yard and furl the mainsail, at which point the ship was full of water in the waist and several feet above the gunwale on the lee side. The same quantity of water came in every time the ship rolled to leeward, from ten at night until four in the afternoon the next day, when the storm began to abate.

Several times during the storm the sea broke in the deadlights of the great cabin, which had been barred with capstan bars, and took a great deal of water into the cabin. One sea broke up the balcony and stove in the stern door and windows, took in a great deal of water into the round house, and the rest flew over the taffrail. One of the strongest men aboard was stationed in the fore chains making fast the runner, and he was washed out by the violence of the sea. He held on with both hands to the fore shrouds, but the force and vast weight of water made him let go his hold, and the poor man was drowned. The sea tore away the ports in the main chains to leeward, hinges and all they had, with only one left. Whatever damage the ship received through the violence of this storm was not through any fault of the mariners or sailors.

Interpretations

A deadlight was a solid wooden shutter fitted over a cabin window in heavy weather to keep the sea out, and the account shows the crew reinforcing the great cabin’s deadlights with capstan bars precisely because the storm was straining them beyond their normal strength. The taffrail was the rail across the top of the stern, the round house a cabin on the after part of the upper deck, and the fore chains and main chains the projecting platforms on the ship’s sides that spread the shrouds supporting the masts, so the loss of the ports in the main chains and the drowning of a man in the fore chains together mark how the storm attacked the vessel at its most exposed points.

The closing statement that no damage arose through the fault of the mariners or sailors reads as a deliberate protective record. An East India Company commander answered to owners who could dispute claims for storm damage and losses, and setting down in the ship’s account that the crew had done everything possible shielded both the men and the commander from any later charge of negligence.

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95

May. 1716.

in the Said Ship who Deserve Incouragement for

their Dilligence and Good Courage Neither can it be

Imputed any Default in the Ship which has been

Extreamly tight the whole Voyage, After So violent

a Storm wee have just reason to Suspect our Cargoe

in the Hold of the Said Ship has recived Damage

Therefore Wee the Commander and Officers on board

the Said Ship Mary doe in form of Law, in the

behalf of our owners, Selves, and marriners Make Protest

against the Seas for all & every the damage therein

Sustained for and by reason of the Said Storme

In Confirmation and witness hereof Wee the

Commander & Officers of the Said Ship have

Sett our Hands,

Dated on board the Ship Mary at S:t Helena

May the 16:th 1716

R: Holden Capt

Zachary Hickes first mate

Tho: Holden 2:d Mate

Christ:n Wills Third D:o

R:d Conquest Gunn:r

Cornwall Godfrey Stay:d

Tho: Halford Purs:r

John Webster Carpent:r

R: Lundell fourth Mate

Anthony Adams Boatsw:n

Edward Byfeld

The men aboard the ship deserved encouragement for their diligence and good courage, nor could any fault be charged against the ship, which had been extremely tight for the whole voyage. After so violent a storm the commander and officers had good reason to suspect that the cargo in the hold had suffered damage. The commander and officers of the Mary therefore made formal protest in law, on behalf of the owners, freighters and mariners, against the seas for all the damage sustained by reason of the storm. In confirmation and witness of this the commander and officers of the ship set their hands.

The document was dated aboard the Mary at St Helena on 16 May 1716 and signed by R. Holden, captain; Zachary Hickes, first mate; Thomas Holden, second mate; Christopher Willis, third mate; Richard Conquest, gunner; Cornwall Gooding, surgeon; Thomas Halford, purser; John Webster, carpenter; R. Lundell, fourth mate; and Anthony Adams, boatswain. Edward Byfield also signed.

Interpretations

A protest of this kind was a sworn statement entered before witnesses to establish, at the first safe port, that loss or damage to cargo had come from perils of the sea rather than from any failing of the ship or crew. By recording that the Mary had been tight throughout the voyage and that the storm alone was to blame, the commander created the legal record needed to defend against insurers or owners who might otherwise refuse a claim or blame the master for the losses.

The signatures descend through the ship’s hierarchy, from captain and mates through the specialist officers to the boatswain, and this ordering itself carried weight. A protest gained its force from the concurrence of the whole command, so having each officer set his hand in rank turned a single master’s word into the collective testimony of the ship’s responsible men.

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96

Island S:t Helena.

At a Court of Judicature

Held on Fryday the 18:th day of May 1716, at

the Sessions House near Union Castle in

James valley. Isaac Pyke Esq:r Gov:r & Judge

Rich: Holden Comand:r of y:e Mary

Pres:t George Hasoell D:pty

Matth:w Bazett P:m Coun:l

Edward Byfeld.

After the Court was opened Accordingn

to the usuall manner those Persons appointed for

Jurors, are as followeth. (Viz:t)

1 John Coles foreman

2 John Bagley

3 Jonath:n Doveton

4 John Goodwin

5 James Greentree

6 Rich:d Purling

7 Isaac Wood

8 Willi: Slaughter

9 James Vessey

10 Willi: Worrall

11 Thom: Fairfax

12 John Greatts.

Then M:r Tovey was called and

Indicted for Fellony, for wounding & Stabbing

of M:r Wrangham with a Sword & thereby

puting him in very great Perill, & Danger

of his Life. M:r Tovey appearing Sayd he

could not plead to an Indictment of Fellony

A Court of Judicature met on Friday 18 May 1716 at the Sessions House near Union Castle in James Valley. Present were Isaac Pyke, governor and judge; Richard Holden, commander of the Mary; George Hassell, deputy; Matthew Bazett, member of council; and Edward Byfield.

After the court was opened in the usual manner, the men appointed as jurors were as follows.

1: John Coles, foreman

2: John Bagley

3: Jonathan Doveton

4: John Goodwin

5: James Greentree

6: Richard Gurling

7: Isaac Wood

8: William Slaughter

9: James Vesey

10: William Worrall

11: Thomas Fairfax

12: John Tovey

Then Mr Tovey was called and indicted for felony, for wounding and stabbing Mr Wrangham with a sword and thereby putting him in very great peril and danger of his life. Mr Tovey, appearing, said he could not plead to an indictment of felony.

Interpretations

A Court of Judicature was the island’s highest tribunal, and its composition here shows how thoroughly civil and Company authority overlapped on St Helena. The governor sat as judge, a visiting ship’s commander joined the bench, and members of the governing council filled the remaining seats, so the same men who ran the settlement’s administration also tried its most serious crimes.

The jurors’ names read as a roll of the island’s established free households, several of whom appear repeatedly in its records, and empanelling twelve such men gave the court the local legitimacy it needed. Trying a felony before a jury drawn from the settled inhabitants tied the community itself to the verdict, which mattered on a small island where the accused, the victim and the jurors all lived within a few miles of one another.

Tovey’s refusal to plead to a felony indictment was a recognised legal manoeuvre rather than mere obstinacy. At this date a defendant who stood mute could stall the ordinary course of trial, since a felony conviction carried the forfeiture of goods and the gravest penalties, and his objection suggests he was contesting whether the charge properly lay as felony at all.

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May. 1716

because he had Committed no Such Fact, but Sayed he

did Confess with a great Deal of Shame & Sorrow

that he had in his drink wounded M:r Wrangham

with a Sword for which in the Greif and troubble

of his own mind he believd he had Suffered as

much or more then M:r Wrangham, M:r Tovey

Sayd alsoe that he was that night Enraged by

many and very great affronts received from

John French the Gunner who Came into the

Company tho forbidden by the Govern:r and abused

with abundance of Reproachfull and Scandalous

Language and beleived he watcht that Opportunity

when he Saw him in Liquor to Villifye him that

he might Committ Some outrage

M:r Tovey Sayd further, I Answer to the Name

of Antipas Tovey Gentlem:n but not as a Fellon

and therefore Shall not hold up my hand I have

Committed a Rash unworthy Action and Deserve

no favour but Justice is my due which I Demand

and therefore Shall not plead to any Fellonious

Indictment Then the Govern:r Ordered M:r

Wrangham and the Gunner to give the Court a full

Account of the Whole matter of Fact which he

did to the following Purpose and Sayd. as follows

On Weddnesday the Seventh of March Capt Bazett

M:r Tovey M:r Alexander and himself went on board

the Ship Called the Duke of Cambridge and there they

Staied about three Hours, and Drank w:th Capt Barnes

the Cheif mate and others the Officers of the Ship

in the evening Came on Shoar and after Supper

he Invited them into M:r Sichs his Grandmothers

House

Tovey said he could not plead because he had committed no such felony, but he confessed with a great deal of shame and sorrow that while in drink he had wounded Mr Wrangham with a sword. For this, in the grief and trouble of his own mind, he believed he had suffered as much or more than Mr Wrangham himself. Tovey said also that he had that night been enraged by many very great affronts received from John French the gunner, who came into the company though forbidden by the governor and abused him with a great deal of reproachful and scandalous language. He believed French had watched for the chance, when he saw him in liquor, to provoke him into some outrage.

Tovey said further that he answered to the name of Antipas Tovey, gentleman, but not as a felon, and would therefore not hold up his hand. He had committed a rash and unworthy action and deserved no favour, but justice was his due, which he demanded, and he would therefore not plead to any felonious indictment.

The governor then ordered Mr Wrangham and the gunner to give the court a full account of the whole matter of fact, which Wrangham did to the following effect. On Wednesday 7 March Captain Bazett, Mr Tovey, Mr Alexander and Wrangham himself went aboard the ship called the Duke of Cambridge, where they stayed about three hours and drank with Captain Barnes. In the evening the chief mate and other officers of the ship came ashore, and after supper he invited them into the house of Mr Siches his grandmother.

Interpretations

Tovey’s insistence that he answered as a gentleman but not as a felon turned on the legal weight of holding up the hand, the formal gesture by which a prisoner acknowledged himself the person charged and submitted to trial on the indictment as framed. By refusing the gesture while freely admitting the wounding, he tried to separate the deed from the felony label, protecting his gentleman’s status and the property forfeiture that a felony conviction would bring, while still throwing himself on the court’s sense of justice.

The account of the drinking aboard the Duke of Cambridge set out the sequence the court needed to weigh provocation against intent. By fixing the hours spent drinking with Captain Barnes and the movement of the company from ship to shore to a private house, Wrangham built the factual chain leading to the stabbing, allowing the bench to judge how far liquor and French’s alleged goading had shaped what followed.

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May. 1716

House to drink a bottle of wine, and there the

Gunner did Come in and abuse M:r Tovey

very Grosely and he Endeavoured to Pacifye

them, and then M:r Tovey abused him, & went

out on a Sudden and Drew his Sword, & then

Came in again and Stabed him in the

breast and he beleives had killd him if M:r

French had not drawn his Sword & wounded

Tovey in the head.

The Recitall of the Fact was agreed to be

true in the Main only Some Lesser Sort of

Circumstances Dissented from by M:r Tovey who

urged that he was perswaded to goe on board by

being asked Severall times &

That whatever had happened yet he attempted

nothing against M:r Wrangham, that it was

an accident by which M:r Wrangham had y:e

Misfortune to be wounded, and that since it

had pleased God M:r Wrangham was now very

well recovered it could not amount to a Fellony

M:r Tovey alledged alsoe that as the

Hon:ble Comp:a had sent him here & intrusted

him as one of their Councill he Ought to be

tryed by his Equalls only and not by a Jrory of

Planters

M:r Wrangham Sayed he was a Stranger

to the Law but Says he has been informd t was

fellony, and he beleives it to be fellony for any

one to Stabb one of the Kings Subjects in

such a Dangerous manner.

They went into the house to drink a bottle of wine, and there the gunner came in and abused Mr Tovey very grossly. Wrangham tried to pacify them, but then Tovey abused the gunner, went out suddenly and drew his sword, then came in again and stabbed him in the breast. Wrangham believed Tovey would have killed him had not Mr French drawn his own sword and wounded Tovey in the head.

The recital of the fact was agreed to be true in the main, only some lesser details being disputed by Mr Tovey. He argued that he had been persuaded to go aboard after being asked several times, and that whatever had happened he had attempted nothing against Mr Wrangham. It was an accident by which Wrangham had the misfortune to be wounded, and since it had pleased God that Wrangham was now very well recovered, the matter could not amount to felony.

Tovey argued also that, as the Honourable Company had sent him to the island and entrusted him as one of their council, he ought to be tried by his equals only and not by a jury of planters.

Mr Wrangham said he was a stranger to the law, but he had been informed it was felony, and he believed it to be felony for anyone to stab one of the King’s subjects in such a dangerous manner.

Interpretations

Tovey’s claim to be tried by his equals rather than by a jury of planters invoked the old principle that a man should answer to men of his own rank, and on St Helena that argument carried a sharp social edge. As an appointed member of the Company’s council he set himself above the settled planters who filled the jury, so his objection was as much an assertion of standing over the island’s ordinary inhabitants as a point of legal procedure.

Wrangham’s admission that he was a stranger to the law, followed at once by his conviction that the stabbing was felony, shows how the court proceeded where trained lawyers were absent. The victim offered a lay understanding of the charge, and the bench of Company officers and planters had to fix the legal character of the act from common report and their own sense of what the law required, rather than from any settled expertise.

Tovey’s shifting defence marks the decision at the heart of the passage. He first accepted the account of the wounding as substantially true, then recast the deliberate drawing of a sword as an accident and leaned on Wrangham’s recovery to argue the offence could not be felony. Rather than deny the deed he had already confessed, he chose to attack the legal category, gambling that a plea of accident and a healed victim would move the court further than a bare denial ever could.

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99

May. 1716

Then the Govern:r took the Opinions of the Court

whether this Fact was Felony and to be tryed by

a Jury Capt: Haswell Says he is of Opinion

that it is felony for he finds Stabbing is felony

in Daltons Justice. And

Capt: Bazett Says that this is a Case of

blood, and that Matters of blood ought to be

tryed by a Jury

M:r Byfeld Says he thinks this Case is not

felony. To whom M:r Tovey replyed take a

way the felony, and then I Consent to Ac

Knowledge the Fact even as reported here

tho' that Report is told very much to my

Disadvantage.

The Govern:r Says he is assured that this

Case is not Fellony and that M:r Tovey ought

not to have been Indicted as a Fellon for

this fact for it is a Straining Skinning of the

Law, and making it Serve to revenge instead

of Justice and Sayes he wonders who put

M:r Wrangham upon this Indictment of Felony

when he had in Consultation not only given

his opinion, but Shewed it by the books Called

Daltons Justice, and Hales's pleas of the

Crown that this fact was not Felony, But that

he ought to have Sued him for an affray

that is for asaulting and Dangerously wound

ing him the Said Wrangham, for this

The governor then took the opinions of the court on whether the act was felony and to be tried by a jury. Captain Hassell said he was of the opinion that it was felony, for he found that stabbing was felony in Dalton’s Justice.

Captain Bazett said that this was a case of blood, and that matters of blood ought to be tried by a jury.

Mr Byfield said he thought this case was not felony. To this Tovey replied that if the felony were taken away, then he would consent to acknowledge the fact even as reported here, though that report was told very much to his disadvantage.

The governor said he was assured that this case was not felony and that Tovey ought not to have been indicted as a felon for this act. To charge it as felony was a straining of the law, making it serve for revenge instead of justice, and he wondered who had put Wrangham upon this indictment of felony. He himself, in consultation, had not only given his opinion but shown it by the books called Dalton’s Justice and Hale’s Pleas of the Crown that this act was not felony. Rather, Wrangham ought to have sued him for an affray, that is for assaulting and dangerously wounding Wrangham.

Interpretations

The court reasoned directly from two legal handbooks, Michael Dalton’s The Country Justice and Sir Matthew Hale’s Pleas of the Crown, which served as the working authorities for justices who had no formal legal training. On a remote island without lawyers, these printed books stood in for professional counsel, and the bench weighed the charge by checking the deed against what the texts defined as felony, so that the difference between felony and affray turned on citation rather than pleading.

The governor’s open suspicion about who had steered Wrangham toward a felony indictment exposes the tension beneath the trial. He treated the choice of charge as a possible instrument of private revenge rather than justice, and by stating that he had already given his opinion in consultation and been overridden, he signalled that the prosecution had been pressed against his advice, hinting at a faction on the island working through the court against Tovey.

The governor’s ruling captures the decision the passage turns on. Presented with an indictment for felony that would have carried forfeiture and the gravest penalties, he refused to let it stand and redirected the matter toward a charge of affray. He chose to correct the legal category from the bench rather than let the jury try the graver charge, resting his intervention on the authority of the law books and on his own earlier, disregarded counsel.

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100

May. 1716.

Crime cannot Since the Prosecutor is So well

recovered be Called a felony

And as to Capt: Haswells Opinion that

this is a felony because a man was Stabbed

the Govern:d Says there is an Act of Par

liament made in the first year of King James's 1:st

usually called the Statute of Stabbing wherein

tis ordained that if one man Stabb another

who is a naked man and who has not a

weapon in his own Defence, if Death Ensue

then the Slayer is to be Indicted on this Statute

which takes away the Bennefitt of Clergy

in case it be found Man Slaughter and

thereupon the Prisoner must have Judgment

of Death as in Case of Murder.

And to Capt: Bazetts Opinion that this

is a Case of blood the Govern:d thinks Capt:

Bazett is quite Misstaken for this is not

what is to be understood in Law as a Case

of blood for the by the word blood the life

of a man is Intended and meant Else any

Slight wound or broken head might be

Called a Case of blood.

As to the trying M:r Tovey by a Jury that

is to be done in Case he deny the fact, which

M:r Tovey Says he do's not deny only the

Malignant manner of his Prosecution

which being Cleared by the opinion of the

Judges M:r Tovey Said he owned himself

Guilty of asaulting and wounding

Margin Notes:

Cap. 8

The crime could not, since the prosecutor was so well recovered, be called a felony.

As to Captain Hassell’s opinion that this was a felony because a man had been stabbed, the governor said there was an Act of Parliament made in the first year of King James I, usually called the Statute of Stabbing. That statute ordered that if one man stabbed another who was unarmed and who had no weapon drawn in his own defence, and if death followed, then the slayer was to be indicted under the statute, which took away the benefit of clergy where the act was found to be manslaughter. In that case the prisoner must receive judgment of death as in a case of murder.

As to Captain Bazett’s opinion that this was a case of blood, the governor thought Bazett was quite mistaken, for this was not what the law understood as a case of blood. By the word blood the life of a man was meant, since otherwise any slight wound or broken head might be called a case of blood.

As to the trying of Mr Tovey by a jury, that was to be done only if he denied the fact. Tovey said he did not deny it, only the malignant manner of his prosecution, and that being cleared by the opinion of the judge, Tovey said he owned himself guilty of assaulting and wounding.

Interpretations

The Statute of Stabbing, passed in 1604 under James I, was aimed at sudden killings in quarrels where the victim had no chance to defend himself, and its crucial effect was to remove the benefit of clergy that could otherwise reduce a manslaughter sentence. By reading the statute closely, the governor showed the court that it applied only where death followed the stabbing, so with Wrangham recovered the graver charge simply could not attach, and the case fell outside the reach of the very law Hassell had invoked.

The governor’s distinction over the phrase case of blood turned the trial on the precise meaning of a legal term. He held that blood in law meant the loss of a man’s life, not any wound that merely drew blood, and by rejecting Bazett’s looser reading he narrowed the ground on which a jury trial could be demanded, steering the matter away from the gravest procedure toward a simple admission of assault.

The resolution of the passage lies in Tovey’s carefully limited confession. Once the judge’s ruling had stripped away the felony and the charge of malignant prosecution, he owned himself guilty of assaulting and wounding rather than of any greater crime. He accepted the lesser charge the moment the graver one was cleared, converting his earlier refusal to plead into a controlled admission that met the court on the ground the governor’s reasoning had prepared.

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May. 1716

Francis Wrangham

Whereupon after Some Small Considera

ation with the Councill, The Govern:r fined

M:r Tovey forty Pounds to be paid to the

Hon:ble Comp:a by M:r Tovey and to be Employ

ed in repairing the Fortifications for Defence

of the place. And then told the Planters he

Sett this fine that they might See they Should

be Protected in their Estates and in their persons

from the Insults of any Person whatsoever.

Then M:r Wrangham Preferred his Decla

ration on an Action of the Case for the

Damage he had Sustaind by the P:d wound

to which M:r Tovey made little or no

Defence So the Jury went out, And for

payment of the Docter, Loss of time &:a

they found for the Plaintiffe and Assessed

M:r Tovey twenty five pounds, for Damages

besides the Court Charges.

Then the Court was adjourned.

Edward Byfeld

Island.

The victim of the wounding was Francis Wrangham. After some short consideration with the council, the governor fined Mr Tovey £40 0s 0d, to be paid to the Honourable Company by Tovey and to be spent on repairing the fortifications for the defence of the place. The governor then told the planters he had set this fine so they might see that they should be protected, in their estates and in their persons, from the insults of any person whatsoever.

Mr Wrangham then preferred his declaration on an action of the case for the damage he had sustained by the wound, to which Tovey made little or no defence. The jury went out, and for payment of the doctor, loss of time and the rest, they found for the plaintiff and assessed Tovey £25 0s 0d for damages, besides the court charges.

The court was then adjourned. Signed Edward Byfield, Island.

Interpretations

The governor’s decision to direct Tovey’s £40 0s 0d fine into repairing the island’s fortifications shows how criminal penalties doubled as a source of public works funding on St Helena. A remote Company settlement had few ways to raise money for its own defence, so turning a punishment into stone and labour on the batteries let a private quarrel serve the common security, while the announcement to the planters framed the fine as proof that the court stood behind their safety.

Wrangham’s separate action on the case reveals the two distinct tracks running through a single sitting of the court. The fine answered the public wrong to the peace of the island, but the civil suit let the injured man recover his own losses, the doctor’s charges and time lost from work, so the same bench and jury moved from punishing the offence to compensating the victim in one continuous proceeding.

The governor’s handling of the fine marks the decision the passage turns on. Having already stripped the charge down from felony to assault, he could have let the matter rest on Wrangham’s private suit, yet he chose to impose a public fine as well and to earmark it for defence. He used a personal act of violence to make a general point about order, converting one man’s punishment into a visible guarantee to every planter that the settlement’s authority would shield their persons and property.

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102

May. 1716.

Island S:t Helena.

At a Consultation held on

Saturday the 19:th of May 1716. at Union

Castle in James valley

Isaac Pyke Esq:r Governer:r

George Haswell D:pty

Pres:t Matth: Bazett 3

Edward Byfeld.

The Govern:r Says he received the following

Letter from Capt: Richard Holden Comander of

the Mary.

Hon:d S:r

Being Ordered by Govern:r Harrison

in my Dispatch from Fort S:t George to Bring you

as many Garden Seeds from the Cape as I thought

you would have Occasion for here he being informd you

were in Great want of them, and that I could produce

anything Else for the Island that I thought would be of

Service to it

When I came to the Cape of Good Hope Capt Bromee

Informed me that the Island of S:t Helena was very bare

of all manner of Provisions and Arrack, To Serve my

Masters the Hon:ble East India Company, and to Oblige

your Worship &:a I have brought you a great Quantity

of Garden Seeds Twenty Sheep & fourteen Leagers of

Arrack, which I hope your Worship will take for t was

designd for the Service of my Masters and the Good of the

Island. Deerize no more for the Arrack then Six Shillings

P Gallon, which was the price it went at when I was here

last It Cost me four Shillings P Gallon at the Cape

I am Y:o W:ps

Most Humb: & Obed:t Serv:t

Rich: Holden

Ship Mary in S:t Helena

road May y:e 18 1716.

A consultation was held on Saturday 19 May 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley. Present were Isaac Pyke, governor; George Hassell, deputy; Matthew Bazett, member of council; and Edward Byfield.

The governor said he had received the following letter from Captain Richard Holden, commander of the Mary.

Holden wrote that Governor Harrison had ordered him, in his dispatch from Fort St George, to bring the island as many garden seeds from the Cape as he thought would be needed there, Harrison being informed that the island was in great want of them, and to bring anything else for the island that might be of service to it.

When Holden reached the Cape of Good Hope, Captain Browne informed him that St Helena was very bare of all manner of provisions and arrack. To serve his masters the Honourable East India Company and to oblige the governor, he had brought a great quantity of garden seeds, twenty sheep and fourteen leaguers of arrack. He hoped these would be accepted, since they were designed for the service of his masters and the good of the island. He asked no more for the arrack than 6s 0d per gallon, which was the price it went at when he was last there, though it had cost him 4s 0d per gallon at the Cape.

The letter was signed by Richard Holden aboard the Mary in St Helena road on 18 May 1716.

Interpretations

A leaguer was a large cask holding roughly 150 gallons, so fourteen leaguers of arrack amounted to a very substantial import for a small settlement, and arrack itself, a spirit distilled in the East from palm sap, sugar or rice, was the staple strong drink of Company posts. On an island that could distil little of its own, a reliable supply of arrack mattered both to the garrison’s morale and to the Company’s revenue, which is why Holden fixed his price by reference to the local going rate rather than his own costs.

Holden’s care to state that he charged 6s 0d per gallon, the price current at his last visit, while it had cost him 4s 0d at the Cape, was a deliberate act of self-justification within a Company system that watched its commanders for private profiteering. By recording the margin openly and tying his price to precedent rather than to what the market might bear, he protected himself against any later charge that he had exploited the island’s shortage for personal gain.

The passage records Holden’s choice to act well beyond the strict letter of his orders. Instructed only to bring garden seeds and whatever else might serve, he learned at the Cape of the island’s wider want and added twenty sheep and fourteen leaguers of arrack to his cargo. He treated a narrow commission as licence to relieve a shortage he had not been sent to address, calculating that supplying provisions and drink would please both his employers and the island’s government more than a literal reading of his dispatch ever could.

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May. 1716.

The Gov:r Answer to the foregoing Letter

Capt: Holden

Rec:d yours of the 18:th May 1716

I have this morning Communicated to my Councill, We all

think our Selves Obligd to you for bringing us a new Stock

of Sheep but Especially for the Garden Seed which will be very

usefull to us. As to the Arrack and Sugar you have to

Sell we are willing to take it, if it be Batavia and not

Goa Arrack and if you are willing to Afford it at our

Currant Price here which is four Shillings a Gallon

for the Arrack and four pence a pound for the Sugar

beyond which Price we Cannot goe, but Shall be very

Gleed (if you'll lett us know wherein we are able) to

Oblige you in any thing belonging to this place

I am

Y:o Humb: Servant

Isa Pyke

Union Castle S:t Helena

May the 19:th 1716.

The Govern:r Says he is of Opinion, that because Gov:r

Harrison has been So kind to this place as to Order Capt:

Holden to Procure for us at the Cape whatever he could for

the Service of the Island I think therefore we ought to buy it

Least he Should be a looser by carrying it to England.

The Garden Seeds are a very large Quantity, and to bring

twenty Sheep for a new Stock is likewise a great kindness

altho' we have Sixty Eight Sheep already, which to be sure

they could not know of

As to the Arrack altho we have a Moderate Stock

by us Yet that being bought purposely for the place

I tho I am unwilling to draw bills on our Hon:r Masters

which may be avoided, yet I beleive they will not

disapprove

The governor’s answer to the foregoing letter followed.

Pyke wrote to Captain Holden that he had received his letter of 18 May. That morning he had communicated it to his council, and they all thought themselves obliged to him for bringing a new stock of sheep, but especially for the garden seeds, which would be very useful. As to the arrack and sugar Holden had to sell, they were willing to take it, provided it was Batavia and not Goa arrack, and provided he would let them have it at their current price, which was 4s 0d a gallon for the arrack and 4d a pound for the sugar. Beyond that price they could not go, but they would be very glad to oblige him in anything belonging to the island, if he would let them know how they were able to do so.

The letter was written at Union Castle in St Helena on 19 May 1716 and signed by Isaac Pyke.

The governor said he was of the opinion that, because Governor Harrison had been so kind to the island as to order Captain Holden to procure at the Cape whatever he could for its service, they ought to buy it, so that Holden should not be a loser by carrying it on to England.

The garden seeds were a very large quantity, and to bring twenty sheep for a new stock was likewise a great kindness, though the island had sixty-eight sheep already, which of course Holden could not have known.

As to the arrack, though the island had a moderate stock, yet since it had been bought purposely for the place, the governor was unwilling to draw bills on the Honourable masters, which might be avoided. Even so, he believed they would not disapprove.

Interpretations

The council’s insistence that the arrack be Batavia and not Goa arrack shows that quality and origin were closely watched in the Company trade. Batavia arrack, distilled in the Dutch East Indies chiefly from sugar cane and rice, was reckoned finer and more wholesome than the coarser Goa product from the Portuguese Indian coast, so the stipulation was a point of standards, ensuring the garrison received the better spirit before the island committed its money.

The governor’s reasoning that they ought to buy Holden’s cargo so he should not lose by carrying it to England reveals the reciprocal obligations that held the Company’s scattered posts together. Governor Harrison at Fort St George had done St Helena a service by ordering the supplies, and Pyke felt bound to honour that favour by taking the goods off Holden’s hands, treating fair dealing between Company servants as a duty that outweighed the island’s already adequate stock.

The decision the passage turns on is the governor’s reluctance to pay by drawing bills on the Company. He recognised that the island already held a moderate stock of arrack and that settling by bill could be avoided, yet he leaned toward buying anyway out of obligation to Holden and Harrison. He weighed the awkwardness of charging his employers for goods he did not strictly need against the cost of slighting a fellow servant’s effort, and resolved to proceed on the judgment that the directors would understand and not object.

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May. 1716.

disapprove of drawing upon this Account Especially

if he will take our Price of four Shillings a Gallon

which he Says it Cost him at the Cape, So that he is

like to be no Gainer by it I think tis Proper to buy it

Capt: Haswell thinks tis very Proper to keep a Stock

of Arrack to prevent its Growing Dearer, and he

thinks we are under great Obligations to Capt: Holden

for his bringing Such a Great Stock of Seeds

which are much wanted and alsoe for bringing

this recruit of Sheep. Capt: Bazett Says if I am satisfy'd

in time of Scarcity he has given & is a great deal

M:r Byfeld is of the Same Opinion for Cons: Court

Island S:t Helena.

To the Worsh: Isaac Pyke Esq:r

Governr:r & Councill.

The most Humble Petition

of Margaret Sich Wid:o

Sheweth

That whereas your Petition:r hath a very

urgent Occasion for One hundred twenty five pounds

to be paid in England as part of her Grand Child

Mary Brights fortune who is going in this Ship the

Mary to her aunt M:rs Ann Prabburn, Now this

Grand Childs fortune Consists Chiefly in Cattle

which Cant be sent w:th her, and therefore prays

you would give Credite to her for the Said Summe of

125:li and She will Either pay Interest for the Same

at Eight P Cent, or Immediatly sell and Delivere

Cattle to the full vallue thereof.

Your Petitioner the more Earnestly desires this

because She Can never have So Good an Opportunity

for the preferment of her Grand Child as now, and

Hopes tho the favour and kindness be very Great

if She Can have Such bills, Yet that She has in Some

The directors would not disapprove of drawing bills on this account, especially if Holden would take the island’s price of 4s 0d a gallon, which he said the arrack had cost him at the Cape, so that he was likely to be no loser by it. The governor therefore thought it proper to buy it.

Captain Hassell thought it very proper to keep a stock of arrack to prevent its growing dearer, and he considered the island under great obligations to Captain Holden for bringing such a great store of seeds, which were much wanted, and also for bringing this fresh supply of sheep. Captain Bazett said that if the arrack was his, in time of scarcity he had given, and would give still, the current rate. Mr Byfield was of the same opinion.

Margaret Sich, widow, then presented her most humble petition to Isaac Pyke, governor, and the council.

She set out that she had a very urgent need for £126 0s 0d to be paid in England as part of the fortune of her grandchild Mary Bright, who was going aboard the Mary to her aunt Mrs Ann Prabburn. This grandchild’s fortune consisted chiefly in cattle, which could not be sent with her, and so she asked that the council give her credit for the sum of £126 0s 0d. She would either pay interest for it at 8 per cent, or immediately sell and deliver cattle to the full value.

She desired this the more earnestly because she could never have so good an opportunity for the advancement of her grandchild as now, and she hoped, though the favour and kindness would be very great if she could have such bills, that she had in some measure [...].

Interpretations

Margaret Sich’s petition shows how a remote island economy converted immovable wealth into transferable money. The grandchild’s fortune lay in cattle, an asset that could not be shipped, so the widow sought a bill of exchange payable in England against which she would either pay interest or hand over livestock, turning St Helena stock into a sum a young woman could carry across the world to her marriage or settlement.

The offer of 8 per cent interest, or alternatively cattle to the full value, reveals the terms of private credit on the island and the council’s role as a source of it. With no bank and little coin, a widow’s access to funds in England depended on the government’s willingness to advance a bill, and the choice she laid out let the council take either a return on its money or tangible stock, spreading the risk of the transaction between cash and cattle.

The passage records the council settling, almost in passing, a small disagreement over how to value the arrack in a time of scarcity. Bazett declared that were the arrack his own he would charge the going rate even when supplies were short, and the others agreed, choosing to affirm the current market price rather than treat scarcity as a reason to charge more or less than usual. They used a private aside about a single cargo to fix a principle of fair pricing that steadied dealings on an island where shortages might otherwise have invited sharp practice.

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measure deserved Such a kindness because Benja: Sich

her Son who lately dyed Insolvent and owed to the

Hon:ble Company One hundred and eight Pound, your

Petition:r having Gott what She Possesses by the favour and

Protection of the Said Hon: Comp:a and has this last march

Paid her Said Deceasd Sons whole debt that it might not be

Said the Hon: Company were ever Loosers by any of her

family or Else She had at this time, had Credit in the Stores

Sufficient of her own to have Demanded Such bills,

Wherefore prays to be Creditted with the Said Sume

of One hundred and twenty five pound.

And as in duty bound Shall

Ever pray &:c

Mary Sich

Signed

M:r Powill Says that to Serve M:rs Sich upon

this Occasion if the Govern:r and Councill be not willing

to buy M:rs Siches Cattle rather then She Should be

disappointed in a matter of Such great Consequence

to her, He desires he may transferr One hundred

twenty five pound of the money that is due to him

from the Hon:ble Comp:a and be plaied to her account

of Credits Capt: Bazett Says that as M:r Powill

has Credit in above four hundred Pound, he

thinks we Ought not to refuse him bills for any part

of it, but he thinks tis as good to take Cattle

The Govern:r Says M:rs Sich has behaved herself

very well and lives in good Credit here and the Account

of her paying One hundred & Eight Pounds that her Son

Owed is very true, and he beleives also that it will

be very Advantagious for her Grand Child to goe

for England with M:r Warr Passenger on board the

Mary.

Margaret Sich had in some measure deserved such a kindness, because her son Benjamin Sich, who had lately died insolvent, had owed the Honourable Company £108 0s 0d. She, holding what she possessed through the favour and protection of the Company, had this last market paid her deceased son’s whole debt so that it might never be said the Company were losers by any of her family. Otherwise she would at this time have had credit in the Company’s stores enough of her own to have demanded such bills. She therefore asked to be credited with the sum of £126 0s 0d, and as in duty bound would ever pray. The petition was signed by Margaret Sich.

Mr Powell said that, to serve Mrs Sich on this occasion, if the governor and council were not willing to buy her cattle rather than she should be disappointed in a matter of such great consequence to her, he desired that £126 0s 0d of the money due to him from the Company might be transferred and placed to her account of credit.

Captain Bazett said that, as Mr Powell had credit of above £400 0s 0d, he thought they ought not to refuse him bills for any part of it, but he thought it as good to take cattle.

The governor said Mrs Sich had behaved herself very well and lived in good credit on the island. The account of her paying the £108 0s 0d that her son owed was very true, and he believed also that it would be very advantageous for her grandchild to go to England with Mr Warr, passenger aboard the Mary.

Interpretations

Benjamin Sich’s insolvency and his mother’s decision to clear his £108 0s 0d debt reveal how the Company’s protection came bound to a family’s collective honour. Margaret Sich held her property and standing through the Company’s favour, so she settled a debt she was not strictly liable for, treating the reputation of her whole family before the Company as an asset worth the outlay, and now cited that very payment as proof that she deserved credit in return.

Mr Powell’s offer to transfer £126 0s 0d of his own Company credit to the widow shows how the island’s wealthier residents functioned as informal bankers to one another. With coin scarce and formal lending unavailable, a man carrying a large balance on the Company’s books could assign part of it to a neighbour in need, so private credit moved between accounts within the Company’s ledgers rather than through any independent financial institution.

The decision the passage turns on is Powell’s willingness to lend against the widow’s cattle rather than let her request fall through. The straightforward course would have been to leave the matter to the council’s reluctance to buy livestock it did not need, yet Powell stepped in and pledged his own credit so she should not be disappointed. He chose to convert an impersonal institutional refusal into a private act of support, staking part of his own balance on a neighbour’s cause where the council itself had hesitated.

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May. 1716.

Mary, who being her near Relation has desired

her to goe home with her, He thinks tis Proper to

give the bills She requires, but because in our bills

there is mention made there is Credit due in our

Hon:ble Masters books at the Stores, and the Cattle

She proposes to deliver Cant be So Soon appraised &

Deliverd up to the Hon:ble Comp:a as to be don before

this Ship goes away therefore the Govern:r thinks

tis Proper for M:r Powill to transferr 125:li to her

of the Creditt due to him from the P: Hon: Comp:a

and as Soon as She has Deliverd the Cattle, he

may have it again plait to his account

Capt: Haswell and M:r Byfeld is of the

Same Opinion

Capt: Negus went on board his Ship Matthew

Last Thursday in the afternoon M:r Sheffeild on

Friday morning, and Sailed the Same day of

ten of the Clock.

Edward Byfeld

Mr Warr, being a near relation of the grandchild, had asked her to go home with him aboard the Mary, and the governor thought it proper to grant the bills the widow required. Because their bills mentioned that credit was due in the Company’s books at the stores, and because the cattle she proposed to deliver could not be appraised and delivered up to the Company before the ship sailed, the governor thought it proper for Mr Powell to transfer £126 0s 0d to her from the credit due to him from the Company. As soon as she had delivered the cattle, he might have the sum placed back to his own account.

Captain Hassell and Mr Byfield were of the same opinion.

Captain Negus went aboard his ship the Matthews last Thursday in the afternoon, and Mr Sheffield on Friday morning, and she sailed the same day at ten o’clock.

The record was signed by Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The arrangement to advance the widow her bills from Powell’s credit, with repayment once the cattle were appraised, turned on the mismatch between the ship’s departure and the slow business of valuing livestock. The Mary would sail before the cattle could be assessed and handed to the Company, so the council bridged the gap by moving credit between two private accounts on its own books, letting the grandchild leave with her fortune secured while the underlying stock changed hands afterwards.

The decision the passage records is the governor’s choice to complete the transaction on trust ahead of the security that backed it. He could have required the cattle to be appraised and delivered before any bill was granted, which would have missed the sailing and lost the grandchild her passage, so instead he let Powell’s credit stand as the immediate payment and left the delivery of the cattle to follow. He set the timing of a rare opportunity above the ordinary sequence of payment and security, using the flexibility of the Company’s ledger to make the deadline serve the family rather than defeat it.

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107

Island S:t Helena.

At a Consultation held

on Tuesday the 29:th day of May 1716 at

Union Castle in James valley

Isaac Pyke Esq:r Gov:r

George Haswell D:pty

Pres:t Matt:w Bazett 3 &

Edw:d Byfeld.

On Monday the 28:th Instant arrived the Ship

Heathcote Capt Joseph Tolson from the Coast & Bay

and has brought us the following Goods. viz:t

Gall:s

four half Leagers of Batavia Arrack Cont:g

[...]

Thirty Six bags of Rice Containing

[...]

Ten bags of Sugar, Containing

[...]

Wee have Computed the Freight and all charges on

the Arrack, which aMounts to about three Shillings

P Gallon which we Shall Sell at Six Shillings P Gall:n

The Rice to be Sold at the usuall rate of 3d P because

it Stands the Hon:ble Comp:a all charges and freight

Reckond, in about fifteen Shillings P hundred for w:ch

reason, and it being very bad and Blue We Shant

Sell any but must be obligd to give it to the Hon:ble

Companys Blacks.

The Sugar Comes to about three pence half penny

P pound, all charges reckond which we always Sell

at Eight pence P pound.

The following Petition was presented.

A consultation was held on Tuesday 29 May 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley. Present were Isaac Pyke, governor; George Hassell, deputy; Matthew Bazett, member of council; and Edward Byfield.

On Monday 28 May the ship Heathcote, Captain Joseph Tolson, arrived from the coast and bay and brought the following goods.

4 half-leaguers of Batavia arrack, containing [...] gallons

36 bags of rice, containing [...]

10 bags of sugar, containing [...]

The council computed the freight and all charges on the arrack, which amounted to about 3s 0d per gallon, and they would sell it at 6s 0d per gallon.

The rice was to be sold at the usual rate of 3s 0d per hundredweight. Reckoning all charges and freight to the Company, it stood at about 15s 0d per hundredweight, for which reason, and it being very bad and blue, the council would sell none of it but would be obliged to give it to the Company’s slaves.

The sugar came to about 3½d per pound, all charges reckoned, which the council always sold at 8d per pound.

The following petition was then presented.

Interpretations

The blue and spoiled rice, which cost the Company about 15s 0d per hundredweight yet could not be sold at the usual 3s 0d, exposes the losses built into long-distance shipment of perishable staples. Rice that had gone bad in transit was worthless on the open market, so the council diverted it to feed the Company’s slaves, treating an unsellable cargo as a way to cover the cost of maintaining forced labour rather than write the shipment off entirely.

The council’s open accounting, setting the landed cost of arrack at 3s 0d against a selling price of 6s 0d and sugar at 3½d against 8d, shows the fixed markups by which the Company’s island store operated. These were not prices bargained in a market but administered rates that recovered freight and charges and returned a steady margin, so the store functioned as a controlled monopoly supplying the settlement at prices the government itself set.

The decision the passage records is the council’s choice to give the spoiled rice to the Company’s slaves rather than attempt to sell it. A merchant might have offered bad rice cheaply to recover something, but the council judged it too poor to put on sale at all and turned it to feeding the enslaved workforce instead. They chose to absorb the loss as a maintenance cost of the Company’s labour rather than risk the store’s credit by selling produce they themselves called very bad.

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May. 1716.

Island S:t Helena

To the Worsh: Isaac Pyke Esq:r

Govern:r &:c Councill

The Humble Petition of Antipas Tovey

Sheweth

To yo:r Worsh:p That your Petition:r having not only taken

to himself the Shame before and at his tryall on

the 18:th Instant for that Unfortunate accident of

his hurting M:r Wrangham on the 7:th March

last and as he humbly Conceives Suffer'd the

Utmost for it the Prosecution being Strained

beyond what it ought to be, by the Instigation

of Some Malignant Enemyes of your Petition:r

for he never had difference before w:th M:r Wrangham

but on all Occasions Shewed him what kindness

and freundship he coud which made yo:r Petition:r

So foolish to think M:r Wrangham bore him no

ill will Especially because after he had bin

wounded by your Petition:r he was willing to make

it up, But Such is the influence of the Bad Comp:y

he keeps, and their evill Councill that when yo:r

Petition:r had refered himself wholly to M:r Wrang

ham or any two men he Should Choose, to pay

him, what they Should Order he refused any

agreement being resolved to prosecute at the

Law and make that Subservant to his Reveng

For t was Malice not Justice w:ch he pursued

Else he had never Charged your Petition:r with that

erronious Indictment & arraigng your Petition:r

as a Felon. It fully appearing on the tryalls

that no Felony had bin Committed.

Wherefore, First I humbly pray that I may

be Restored to the Employment which the Hon:ble

Comp:a were pleasd to appoint me and my

Place of one of the Councill Knowing How

Antipas Tovey then presented his humble petition to Isaac Pyke, governor, and the council.

He set out that he had taken the shame upon himself, both before and at his trial on 18 May, for the unfortunate accident of his hurting Mr Wrangham on 7 March, and that he humbly believed he had suffered the utmost for it, the prosecution having been strained beyond what it ought to have been by the instigation of some malignant enemies of his. He had never had any difference with Wrangham before, but on all occasions had shown him what kindness and friendship he could, which made him foolish to think Wrangham bore him any ill will. This was especially so because, after he had been wounded, Wrangham was willing to make it up. Yet such was the influence of the bad company Wrangham kept, and their evil counsel, that when Tovey had referred himself wholly to Wrangham, or any two men he should choose, to pay whatever they should order, Wrangham refused any agreement, being resolved to prosecute at law and make it serve his revenge. It was malice, not justice, that Wrangham pursued, for otherwise he would never have charged Tovey with that erroneous indictment, arraigning him as a felon, when it fully appeared at the trial that no felony had been committed.

Tovey therefore first humbly asked that he might be restored to the employment which the Honourable Company were pleased to appoint him, and to his place as one of the council.

Interpretations

Tovey’s petition reveals what a conviction, even reduced to assault, cost a man of standing in the Company’s service, since his real loss was not the fine but his seat on the council and the employment that gave him his position on the island. By asking first for restoration to office, he showed that the social and professional consequences of the affair mattered more than the money, and that a place in the Company’s government was a prize worth this careful public plea to recover.

Tovey’s account of offering to submit the whole quarrel to Wrangham or to any two men of Wrangham’s choosing describes the customary machinery of private arbitration that gentlemen used to settle disputes without the courts. His grievance was that Wrangham had spurned this honourable path and gone to law instead, so the petition turns the refusal of arbitration into evidence of malice, casting his opponent as the aggressor for preferring a public prosecution to a private composition.

The decision the passage records is Wrangham’s earlier refusal to settle, which Tovey now throws back at him. Tovey had offered to abide by whatever award Wrangham or his chosen arbitrators might make, the ordinary route to peace between gentlemen, yet Wrangham rejected it and pressed a felony charge instead. The petition fixes on that choice of the courtroom over the private settlement as the proof that revenge rather than justice drove the prosecution, using his opponent’s rejection of the softer option to argue his own fitness to return to office.

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May. 1716.

no further cause why I should be forced to wander about

as an Idle Person and not be permitted to Sett about

the Hon:ble Comp:as businefs for the Maintenance of my

Self and family without which I Shall be intirely

Ruined, Yo:r Petition:r having Suffered more by the

aggravation of that his unhappy Slip then by the

Law he ought to doe, by being arraignd as a Felon

and that Prosecution carryed on to the height of Malice

Humbly prays that at last he may have Justice on

M:r Wrangham to repair and make amends for

the Dishonour of his being falsly Indicted by a Man

who was the Ring Leader of the Malecontents

in Govern:r Roberts his time as appears by his

false and Scandalous Petition against that Govern:t

which when the Hon: Company had Granted

he was not Contented But is now the Cheif of those

who Murmur against the Hon:ble Comp:a

Interest and is become a Tool to others, who

keep under Store Houses to their Hon:rs Prejudice

Upon the whole tho' I have Committed one fault

which I have often repented of from the bottom

of my heart and have Suffered more then the

Law in Such Cases Appoints, I hope I Shall

not be Totally Ruind for it and Therefore

Pray that the whole Contents of this Petition

may be Considered that I may have Such

releif as is agreeable to Equity & Justice.

And as in duty bound Shall

Pray &:c Antipas Tovey

the 16:th May 1716.

Tovey set out that there was no further reason why he should be forced to wander about as an idle person and not be permitted to go about the Company’s business for the maintenance of himself and his family, without which he would be entirely ruined. He had suffered more by the aggravation of his unhappy slip than the law required, having been arraigned as a felon and that prosecution carried on to the height of malice.

He humbly asked that at last he might have justice on Mr Wrangham, to repair and make amends for the dishonour of his being falsely indicted by a man who had been the ringleader of the malcontents in Governor Roberts’s time. This appeared by Wrangham’s false and scandalous petition against that government, which, when the Company had granted it, left him still not contented. He was now the chief of those who murmured against the Company, and, ruled by his own interest, had become a tool to others who kept private store houses to the Company’s prejudice.

Upon the whole, though he had committed one fault, which he had often repented of from the bottom of his heart and had suffered more than the law in such cases appointed, he hoped he would not be totally ruined for it. He therefore asked that the whole contents of his petition might be considered, so that he might have such relief as agreed with equity and justice. The petition was dated 16 May 1716 and signed by Antipas Tovey.

Interpretations

Tovey’s charge that Wrangham secretly kept private store houses to the Company’s prejudice points to a persistent problem on the island, the illicit private trade that undercut the Company’s monopoly. Company servants were forbidden to run their own stores in competition with the official one, so by branding his opponent a clandestine trader and a tool of others doing the same, Tovey tried to recast a personal quarrel as a matter of loyalty to the Company, making his enemy the real offender against its interests.

Tovey’s attempt to tie Wrangham to the malcontents of Governor Roberts’s time drew on the island’s recent political turbulence to blacken his opponent. By recalling that Wrangham had petitioned against an earlier government and remained a habitual murmurer even after gaining what he sought, Tovey painted him as a chronic troublemaker rather than an honest complainant, hoping the council would read the prosecution as one more act of a disloyal faction rather than a just pursuit of a wrongdoer.

The decision the passage turns on is Tovey’s choice to go on the attack rather than rest on contrition. Having admitted his fault and professed deep repentance, he could have simply pleaded for mercy, yet he chose instead to demand justice against Wrangham and to assail his character as a smuggler and a factious enemy of the Company. He gambled that painting his accuser as the greater threat to Company order would serve his suit for reinstatement better than humility alone, turning a petition for relief into a counter-charge against the man who had prosecuted him.

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110

May. 1716.

The Govern:r asks Capt Haswell, what his

Opinion is and thinks Proper to be done in this Case

relating to M:r Tovey.

Capt: Haswell Says his opinion is that he thinks

no man Safe if Tovey is not made a Severe Exam

ple of.

Capt: Bazett Says the Same as Capt Haswell

adding that as to his the Said Toveys Acting in

Councill he leaves it to the Hon:ble Comp:a and the

Govern:rs Prudence,

The Govern:r Says Such a Petition as this is

Ought not to be Answerd Immediatly, but to be Con

siderd of a little and therefore Desires the Gentlemen

in Councill to Consider of it by Tuesday next, or if that

too Soon by this day fortnight

Ordered That M:r Wrangham have Notice

to Appear next Tuesday to be Acquainted w:th what

M:r Tovey has Exhibited against him.

M:r French brought in his Acc:t of Gunners Expences

from the first of Aprill to the last of the Same month

which was Examind, and approvd of, and is as

followeth.

An Acc:t of Gunn:s Stores Expended from the 5:th

of Aprill 1716, to the last of D:o viz:t

Falcon, Pounder, Fixt Comm, Pounder

Aprill y:e 8:th For the Burying of Mad:m Pyke: Falcon 0, Pounder 0, Fixt Comm 24, Pounder 24

23 An alarm: Falcon 0, Pounder 0, Fixt Comm 4, Pounder 4

d:o Arrived the Nathaniel Capt: Negus: Falcon 0, Pounder 0, Fixt Comm 9, Pounder 9

Deliverd to the Guard: Falcon 0, Pounder 0, Fixt Comm 0, Pounder 10

Musquett Balls D:o the Guard: Falcon 0, Pounder 3, Fixt Comm 0, Pounder 0

Flints Deliverd D:o: Falcon 0, Pounder 0, Fixt Comm 0, Pounder 0

Cartridge paper: Falcon Qu: 36, Pounder 0, Fixt Comm 0, Pounder 0

Match: Falcon 24, Pounder 0, Fixt Comm 0, Pounder 0

Signed Jn:o French: Falcon 24:3:36, Pounder 3, Fixt Comm 37, Pounder 47

The governor asked Captain Hassell what his opinion was and what he thought proper to be done in this case relating to Mr Tovey.

Captain Hassell said his opinion was that he thought no man safe if Tovey were not made a severe example of. Captain Bazett said the same as Hassell, adding that, as to Tovey’s acting in council, he left it to the Company and the governor’s prudence.

The governor said such a petition as this ought not to be answered immediately, but considered for a little while, and he therefore asked the gentlemen of the council to consider it by next Tuesday, or, if that were too soon, by this day fortnight.

The council ordered that Mr Wrangham have notice to appear next Tuesday, to be acquainted with what Tovey had exhibited against him.

Mr French brought in his account of gunner’s expenses from the first of April to the last of the same month, which was examined and approved as follows.

An account of gunners stores expended from the 1 of April 1716 to the last of the same month: falcon shot, powder in pounds

8 April, for the burying of Madam Pyke: 24 falcon shot, 24 pounds of powder

23 April, an alarm: 4 falcon shot, 4 pounds of powder

23 April, arrived the Nathaniel, Captain Negus: 9 falcon shot, 9 pounds of powder

Delivered to the guard: 10 pounds of powder

Musket balls delivered to the guard: 3

Flints delivered to the guard: 36

Cartridge paper: 3 quires

Match: 24 pounds

Total: 24 falcon shot, 3 quires, 36 flints, 3 musket balls, 37 pounds, 47 pounds

The account was signed by John French.

Interpretations

The firing of guns for the burial of Madam Pyke, which alone consumed 24 rounds of falcon shot and 24 pounds of powder, shows how the island marked the death of a person of rank with a formal gun salute. Madam Pyke was the wife or close kin of the governor, and expending a quarter of the month’s recorded shot on her funeral honours reflects both the standing of the Pyke family and the convention by which artillery, the settlement’s costliest resource, was spent to signal grief and respect.

The falcon was a small cannon firing a shot of roughly two to three pounds, so the entries recording falcon shot alongside pounds of powder track the discharge of these light guns for salutes, alarms and the greeting of arriving ships. The account’s division between shot expended on ceremony, on a general alarm and on saluting the incoming Nathaniel shows the range of occasions that drew on the magazine, each carefully logged so the Company could see how its gunpowder was used.

The council’s response to Tovey’s petition marks the decision the passage turns on. Pressed by Hassell and Bazett to treat him as a severe example, the governor could have moved at once to reject the plea, yet he chose to defer any answer and to summon Wrangham to reply first. He set a deliberate pause and a hearing of the other side above an immediate ruling, insisting that even a petition his senior officers wished to dismiss be weighed carefully and answered only after the accused man had been heard.

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111

May. 1716.

The Store keeper brought in his monthly Accounts

from the 25 of March 1716 to the 25 of Aprill follow

ing which was Examind and approvd of, and is

as followeth

An Account of Stores Goods Sold & Deliverd

to the Inhabitants, Generall Charges & Plantation

House from March the 25:th 1716 to Aprill the

25:th following viz:t

To the Inhabitants viz:t

Arrack 199 Gall: at 7. 6:d

£74 12s 6d

Sugar 44:li at 8:d

£14 19s 10d

Candy 3:li at 12:d

£1 15s 6d

Flow:r 346 at 3:d

£5 0s 11d

Bread 157 at 3:d

£2 5s 9½d

Wine 113½ Gall: at 5:c

£28 6s 3d

Vinegar 3½ Gall: at 4:c

£0 13s 6d

Oyls viz:t

Rape 2½ Gall: at 7:c

£0 17s 6d

Lynseed 2½ Gall: at 8:c

£1 2s 6d

Soap 19 W:eight at 7:d

£1 6s 11d

Tea viz:t

9 at 8:c

£4 4s 0d

11 Catters D:o at 9:c

£4 19s 0d

Lime Juice 4 Gall: at 5:c

£0 9s 0d

Rice 18 at 3½:d

£0 5s 3d

Pepper 4:li at 12:c

£0 4s 0d

Tobacco Pipes 6½ Doz:n at 6:d

£0 3s 2d

Carried Over

£141 11s 1½d

The storekeeper brought in his monthly accounts from 25 March 1716 to 25 April following, which were examined and approved as follows.

This was an account of stores goods sold and delivered to the inhabitants, general charges and the Plantation House from 25 March 1716 to 25 April following.

To the inhabitants:

Arrack, 199 gallons at 7s 6d, £74 12s 6d

Sugar, 44 pounds at 8d, £14 19s 10d

Candy, 3 pounds at 12d, £1 15s 6d

Flour, 346 at 3½d, £5 0s 11d

Bread, 157 at 3½d, £2 5s 9½d

Wine, 113½ gallons at 5s, £28 6s 3d

Vinegar, 3½ gallons at 4s, £0 13s 6d

Oils:

Rapeseed, 2½ gallons at 7s, £0 17s 6d

Linseed, 2½ gallons at 8s, £1 2s 6d

Soap, 19 pounds weight at 17d, £1 6s 11d

Teas:

9 at [...], £4 4s 0d

11 catties at [...], £4 19s 0d

Lime juice, 3 gallons at 5s, £0 9s 0d

Rice, 18 at 3½d, £0 5s 3d

Pepper, 4 pounds at 12d, £0 4s 0d

Tobacco pipes, 6½ dozen at 6d, £0 3s 2d

Carried over, £141 11s 1½d

Interpretations

Candy in an account of this kind meant sugar candy, refined sugar crystallised into hard lumps and valued well above ordinary sugar, which explains its price of 12d a pound against 8d for common sugar. On a Company island supplied through the eastern trade, such refined sweets were a small luxury, and their appearance in the store’s ledger alongside bulk staples shows the range of goods the settlement’s inhabitants bought, from daily necessities to occasional indulgences.

The catty was a Chinese unit of weight, roughly a pound and a third, and its use for the tea entry marks the origin of that commodity in the China trade that Company ships carried westward. Recording tea by the catty rather than the English pound shows how the vocabulary of eastern commerce entered the island’s accounts, the store passing on both the goods and the measures of the ports its ships had touched.

The account also lists arrack sold to the inhabitants at 7s 6d a gallon, notably higher than the 6s 0d fixed only weeks earlier for the cargoes Holden and Tolson had brought in. The gap reflects the difference between the wholesale price the council set for freshly landed stock and the retail rate the store charged its customers over the counter, the margin between the two covering the store’s handling and returning the Company a steady profit on every gallon drawn from its magazine.

118

112

May. 1716.

Brought Over

£141 11s 1½d

Shoes Viz:t

Island 2p:r at 4:c

£0 8s 0d

English Pumps 1 p:r

£0 4s 0d

Boys Shoes 2 p:r at 2:6

£0 5s 0d

Shoe Thread 5 at 2:6

£0 12s 6d

Stockings 2 p:r Thread at 4:6

£0 9s 0d

Threads Viz:t

½ Brown

£0 4s 4d

2 of fine

£0 5s 10d

House Linnen 1:c Yard at 2:3

£0 3s 4½d

Gurrahs 2 p:r at 12:6

£1 5s 0d

Long Cloath 2p:r at 1:4:9

£2 9s 6d

Salinoes 1 p:r at 16:5

£1 11s 7d

1 p:r at 15:2

Nealeas 3 p:r at 10:5

£1 11s 3d

Dungaries 3 p:r at 5:c

£0 17s 0d

Chints 1 p:r S:t George

£1 2s 0d

Bleu Gurrahs 2 p:r S:t Geo at 9:c

£0 18s 0d

Silk 7¾ Ou: at 2:6

£0 18s 7¼d

Hooks & Lines Viz:t

12 Hooks N:o 1

£0 0s 12½d

1 Line N:o 2

£0 0s 5d

2 D:o N:o 5

£0 0s 11d

£0 1s 8½d

Carried Over

£154 13s 5¾d

The account continued from the sum brought over of £141 11s 1½d.

Brought over, £141 11s 1½d

Shoes:

Island shoes, 2 pairs at 4s, £0 8s 0d

English pumps, 1 pair, £0 4s 0d

Boys shoes, 2 pairs at 2s 6d, £0 5s 0d

Shoe thread, 5 at 2s 6d, £0 12s 6d

Stockings, 2 pairs thread at 4s 6d, £0 9s 0d

Threads:

½ pound brown, £0 4s 4d

2 pounds fine at 1s 6d, £0 5s 10d

House linen, first grade, at 2s 3d, £0 3s 4½d

Guineas, 2 pieces at 12s 6d, £1 5s 0d

Long cloth, 2 pieces at 1s 4s 9d, £2 9s 6d

Salampores, 1 piece at 16s 5d, £0 16s 5d

Salampores, 1 piece at 15s 2d, £1 11s 7d

Nealias, 3 pieces at 10s 5d, £1 11s 3d

Dungarees, 3 pieces at 5s, £0 17s 0d

Chintz, 1 piece at St George, £1 2s 0d

Blue guineas, 2 pieces at St George at 9s, £0 18s 0d

Silk, 7¾ ounces at 2s 6d, £0 18s 7¼d

Hooks and lines:

12 hooks, number 1, £0 0s 12½d

1 line, number 2, £0 0s 5d

2 lines, number 5, £0 0s 4d

Sub-total, £0 1s 8½d

Carried over, £154 13s 5¾d

Interpretations

Several of the cloths in this account were Indian cotton goods known to the trade by their eastern names, and their prominence shows how far the island depended on the textile commerce that Company ships carried from India. Salampores were plain cotton cloth from the Coromandel coast, nealias a similar Indian cotton, long cloth a fine plain-woven cotton sold in long pieces, and dungarees a coarse, hard-wearing calico used for working clothes and sailcloth, so the store supplied everything from durable labour cloth to finer material for better garments.

The guineas and blue guineas, some marked as from St George, were checked or striped cotton cloths manufactured in India specifically for the West African trade, where they were exchanged for slaves and gold, hence the name. Their presence in the St Helena store, alongside chintz from Fort St George, shows the island receiving goods routed through the Company’s Indian settlements, the same fabrics that furnished the Guinea trade also clothing the inhabitants of a mid-Atlantic garrison.

The entry recording house linen of the first grade points to a graded system of quality in the cloth the store carried, distinguishing better linen from coarser sorts. On an isolated island where residents could not shop around, such grading let the store meet different needs and purses from a single stock, offering finer material to those who could pay for it while keeping cheaper cloth available, all at prices the Company itself set.

119

113

May. 1716.

Brought Over

£154 13s 5¾d

Blanketts Viz:t

1 p:r Ditto

£0 19s 0d

1 Blankett

£0 11s 3d

£1 10s 3d

Broad Cloath 71¾ Yards Black at 14:6¼

£52 1s 10½d

Shalloones 19½ Yards at 2/6

£2 8s 9d

Perpettuanoes Viz:t

39 Yards at 2:5

£4 14s 3d

24 Yards at 2:3

£2 14s 0d

£7 8s 3d

Flannell 9 Yards at 2:3

£1 0s 3d

Kerseys 41½ Yards at 2:2

£4 9s 4½d

Bodice Viz:t

2 p:r at 10:4

£1 0s 8d

1 p:r

£0 11s 6d

1 p:r

£0 4s 6d

£1 16s 8d

Buttons 3 doz:n Brest

£0 1s 0d

Mohair 2 Chignes

£0 0s 10d

Pins 6 W:t at 1:9

£0 10s 6d

1 Paper blankett d:o

£0 0s 2d

£0 10s 8d

Corks 21 Doz:n at 3:d

£0 5s 3d

Silk Scarves 1

£1 9s 2d

Fustians 7½ Yards at 20:d

£0 12s 6d

Silk Galloone 1½ p:r at 6:d

£0 0s 9d

Ribbon 5 Yards at 16:d

£0 6s 8d

Wooden Ware 1 Bowle

£0 1s 7d

Carried Over

£228 17s 3¾d

The account continued from the sum brought over of £154 13s 5¾d.

Brought over, £154 13s 5¾d

Blankets:

1 pair blankets, £0 19s 0d

1 blanket, £0 11s 3d

Sub-total, £1 10s 3d

Broadcloth, 71¾ yards black at 14s 6¼d, £52 1s 10½d

Shalloons, 19½ yards at 2s 6d, £2 8s 9d

Perpetuanas:

39 yards at 2s 5d, £4 14s 3d

24 yards at 2s 3d, £2 14s 0d

Sub-total, £7 8s 3d

Flannel, 9 yards at 2s 3d, £1 0s 3d

Kerseys, 41 yards at 2s 2d, £4 9s 4½d

Baize:

2 pairs at 10s 4d, £1 0s 8d

1 pair, £0 11s 6d

1 pair, £0 4s 6d

Sub-total, £1 16s 8d

Buttons, 3 dozen, priced, £0 1s 0d

Mohair, 2 skeins, £0 0s 10d

Pins, 6,000 at 1s 9d, £0 10s 6d

1 paper of blankets, £0 0s 2d

Sub-total, £0 10s 8d

Corks, 21 dozen at 3d, £0 5s 3d

Silk scarves, 1, £1 9s 2d

Fustians, 7½ yards at 20d, £0 12s 6d

Silk galloon, 1½ pieces at 6d, £0 0s 9d

Ribbon, 5 yards at 16d, £0 6s 8d

Wooden ware, 1 bowl, £0 1s 7d

Carried over, £228 17s 3¾d

Interpretations

Many of the cloths in this account were English woollens, and their bulk shows that the island drew heavily on home manufacture as well as the eastern trade for its clothing. Broadcloth was a fine, dense woollen finished with a smooth face, shalloon a lighter woollen used chiefly for linings, perpetuana a hard-wearing worsted whose name advertised its durability, kersey a coarse ribbed woollen for working garments and baize a soft napped woollen, so the store carried the full range from heavy outer cloth to cheap lining stuff.

The single entry for black broadcloth, at over £52 by far the largest line in this part of the account, points to a substantial and deliberate purchase of mourning cloth. The recent death of Madam Pyke, marked days earlier by a gun salute, would have called for black clothing among the governor’s household and the island’s leading families, so this heavy stock of black broadcloth probably answered a sudden demand for mourning dress that the store had to supply at once.

Perpetuana carried its selling point in its very name, from the Latin for everlasting, promising a worsted so tightly woven it would outlast ordinary cloth. Such durable stuff was especially valuable on a remote island where replacement was slow and costly, and its appearance in quantity shows the inhabitants favouring hard-wearing fabrics that would survive long use far from any ready source of resupply.

120

114

May. 1716.

Brought Over

£228 17s 3¾d

Glass Ware Viz:t

2 Panes 8 by 6

£0 2s 0d

3 D:o 10 by 12

£0 4s 6d

£0 6s 6d

Stationary Ware Viz:t

5 Quire Paper at 16:d

£0 6s 8d

2 Testaments 1:9

£0 3s 6d

£0 10s 2d

Nayles Viz:t

2 of 4:d

£0 1s 9d

2 of 2:d

£0 1s 10d

£0 3s 7d

Iron Mongers Ware Viz:t

1 Till Lock

£0 3s 4d

2 Ditto at 12:d

£0 2s 0d

1 Ditto

£0 1s 8d

2 Chest D:to at 4:6

£0 9s 0d

1 Ditto

£0 2s 0d

1 Ditto

£0 4s 8d

1 Closett D:o

£0 1s 10½d

1 p:r Hinges

£0 1s 3½d

4 p:r Doeytailes at 4:d

£0 1s 4d

6 Shovells at 2:d

£0 12s 0d

1 Spade 2 Size

£0 5s 10d

Totall

£232 2s 7d

The account continued from the sum brought over of £228 17s 3¾d.

Brought over, £228 17s 3¾d

Glassware:

2 panes, 8 by 6, £0 2s 0d

3 panes, 10 by 12, £0 4s 6d

Sub-total, £0 6s 6d

Stationery ware:

5 quires paper at 16d, £0 6s 8d

2 testaments at 1s 9d, £0 3s 6d

Sub-total, £0 10s 2d

Nails:

2 thousand of 4d nails, £0 1s 9d

2 thousand of 2d nails, £0 1s 10d

Sub-total, £0 3s 7d

Ironmongers ware:

1 till lock, £0 3s 4d

2 locks at 12d, £0 2s 0d

1 lock, £0 1s 8d

2 chest locks at 4s 6d, £0 9s 0d

1 chest lock, £0 2s 0¼d

1 chest lock, £0 4s 8d

1 closet lock, £0 1s 10½d

1 pair hinges, £0 1s 3½d

4 pairs dovetails at 4d, £0 1s 4d

6 shovels at 2s, £0 12s 0d

1 spade, second size, £0 5s 10d

Total, £232 2s 7d

Interpretations

The two testaments entered under stationery ware were copies of the New Testament, and their sale through the Company store shows how religious provision on the island passed through the same commercial channel as paper, cloth and hardware. On a settlement with no bookseller, the store was the only source of printed scripture, so a resident wishing to own the Testament bought it across the counter alongside everyday goods, the Company supplying spiritual as well as material wants.

The window glass sold by the pane in fixed sizes reflects the practical business of building and maintaining houses on an island that produced no glass of its own. Every pane had to be shipped thousands of miles, so glazing was a modest luxury supplied in standard dimensions, and the store’s stock of set sizes let residents repair broken windows or fit out new rooms without waiting for a bespoke order from England.

The heavy weighting of the ironmongery toward locks, seven of various kinds among a short list of hardware, points to a real concern with securing property on the island. Chests, closets and doors were fitted with locks because goods were scarce and valuable and pilfering a constant worry in a settlement of servants, slaves and transient sailors, so the demand for locks recorded here reflects the everyday need to guard possessions where replacement was slow and theft hard to prevent.

121

115

May. 1716.

Generall Charges D:r to Store Goods from

March the 25 1716 to Aprill the 25:th following viz:t

Arrack 79 Gall: at 7. 6 P Gall

£29 12s 6d

Bread 189 at 3½

£2 15s 1½d

Flour 165

£2 6s 5¾d

Rice 150

£21 18s 8d

Wine 69¾ Gall: at 5

£17 8s 9d

Vinegar 2½ Gall: at 4

£0 10s 0d

Lime Juice 2 Gall: 5

£0 10s 0d

Oyls Viz:t

Rape 6½ Gall: at 7

£2 5s 6d

Sweet 1½ Gall: at 12

£0 18s 0d

Lynseed 3½ Gall: at 8

£1 8s 0d

£4 11s 6d

Tea Viz:t

4 Catters at 9

£1 16s 0d

4 ditto at 9

£1 16s 0d

£3 12s 0d

Soap 36 Eng: at 17

£2 11s 0d

Brandy one Gallon

£0 10s 0d

Pepper 2

£0 2s 0d

Cheese 10

£0 10s 0d

Twine 1

£0 2s 4d

Shoe Thread

£0 1s 3d

Glass Ware 6 Ale Glasses at 2:6

£0 15s 0d

Carried Over

£87 16s 7d

This was an account of general charges debtor to store goods from 25 March 1716 to 25 April following.

Arrack, 79 gallons at 7s 6d per gallon, £29 12s 6d

Bread, 189 at 3½d, £2 15s 1½d

Flour, 165 at [...], £2 6s 5½d

Rice, 150 at [...], £21 18s 8d

Wine, 69¾ gallons at 5s, £17 8s 9d

Vinegar, 2½ gallons at 4s, £0 10s 0d

Lime juice, 2 gallons at 5s, £0 10s 0d

Oils:

Rapeseed, 6½ gallons at 7s, £2 5s 6d

Sweet, 1½ gallons at 12s, £0 18s 0d

Linseed, 3½ gallons at 8s, £1 8s 0d

Sub-total, £4 11s 6d

Teas:

4 catties at 9s, £1 16s 0d

4 catties at 9s, £1 16s 0d

Sub-total, £3 12s 0d

Soap, 36 pounds English at 17d, £2 11s 0d

Brandy, one gallon, £0 10s 0d

Pepper, 2 pounds, £0 2s 0d

Cheese, 10 pounds, £0 10s 0d

Twine, 1 pound, £0 2s 4d

Shoe thread, [...], £0 1s 3d

Glassware, 6 ale glasses at 2s 6d, £0 15s 0d

Carried over, £87 16s 7d

Interpretations

This account, headed general charges, recorded goods drawn from the store not for sale to the inhabitants but for the Company’s own establishment and running costs, distinct from the earlier account of retail sales. The same commodities appear, arrack, bread, wine, oils and tea, but here they were consumed by the Company’s officers, guests and operations, so the ledger separated what the settlement sold from what it spent on itself, letting the directors see each side of the store’s traffic.

The sweet oil listed among the oils was olive oil, distinguished from the rapeseed and linseed oils used for lamps, lubrication and trades. Olive oil served for cooking and the table and had to be shipped from Europe, which explains its high price of 12s a gallon against 7s for rapeseed, marking it as the superior oil reserved for eating while the cheaper oils met the settlement’s working needs.

The arrack charged to the Company’s own account at 7s 6d a gallon, the same rate the inhabitants paid, shows that the establishment did not draw its supplies at the wholesale price but was debited at the full retail rate. Charging the Company’s own consumption at the counter price kept the store’s accounts consistent and ensured that goods used by the officers and household were valued exactly as if sold, so that internal use returned the same notional margin as any other sale.

122

116

May. 1716.

Brought Over

£87 16s 7d

Threeds Viz:t

½ Browne at

£0 3s 9½d

2 Ditto

£0 5s 0d

£0 8s 9½d

Corks 6 Dez:n at 3:d

£0 1s 6d

Kerseys 64 Yards at 2:2

£6 18s 8d

Dungaries 4 p: at 5:8

£1 2s 8d

House Linnen 4½ Yards at 2:3

£0 10s 1½d

Hessings 2½ Yards at 1:2

£0 2s 11d

Long Cloath 1 p:

£1 4s 9d

Tin Ware 1 Tin Kettle

£0 2s 4d

White Lead 18 at 6:d

£0 9s 0d

Pewter Buttons 1 Grose

£0 4s 6d

Iron Mongers Ware 2 Rimd Locks

£1 4s 0d

Nayles Viz:t

10 of 20 at 7:d

£0 5s 10d

6 4 10½

£0 5s 3d

4 6 9

£0 3s 0d

£0 14s 1d

Pork 1 Cask q: 235 at 8:d

£7 16s 8d

Beefe 1 Cask q: 525 at 5½

£12 0s 7½d

Totall

£120 16s 11½d

The account continued from the sum brought over of £87 16s 7d.

Brought over, £87 16s 7d

Threads:

1 pound brown, £0 3s 9½d

2 pounds brown, £0 5s 0d

Sub-total, £0 8s 9½d

Corks, 6 dozen at 3d, £0 1s 6d

Kerseys, 64 yards at 2s 2d, £6 18s 8d

Dungarees, 4 pieces at 5s 8d, £1 2s 8d

House linen, 4½ yards at 2s 3d, £0 10s 1½d

Herrings, 2½ yards at 1s 2d, £0 2s 11d

Long cloth, 1 piece, £1 4s 9d

Tinware, 1 tin kettle, £0 2s 4d

White lead, 18 pounds at 6d, £0 9s 0d

Pewter buttons, 1 gross, £0 4s 6d

Ironmongers ware, 2 rim locks, £1 4s 0d

Nails:

10 thousand of 20d nails at 7s, £3 15s 10d

6 thousand of 4d nails at 10½d, £0 5s 3d

4 thousand of 6d nails at 9d, £0 3s 0d

Sub-total, £4 4s 1d

Pork, 1 cask of 235 pounds at 8d, £7 16s 8d

Beef, 1 cask of 525 pounds at 5½d, £12 0s 7½d

Total, £120 16s 11½d

Interpretations

The white lead entered here was the basic ingredient of oil paint, a lead carbonate ground and mixed with oil to make a durable white or tinted coating for woodwork and buildings. Its presence among general charges points to the upkeep of the Company’s own structures, the fort, storehouses and Plantation House needing regular painting against the weather, so the store carried the raw material by which the settlement protected and maintained its timber and joinery.

The casks of salt pork and salt beef, together weighing over seven hundredweight, were the preserved meat that provisioned ships and the garrison, cured in brine to survive long storage and the tropics of the outward voyage. Charged to general account rather than sold to inhabitants, these were the staple rations of the Company’s establishment, and their bulk shows how much salted provision a single month required to feed the officers, soldiers and passing crews the settlement supported.

The nails bought by the thousand in several sizes, from small fourpenny to heavy twenty-penny, reflect the constant building and repair that a Company station demanded. Timber structures in a damp and windy climate needed continual maintenance, and with no local nail-making the store had to keep a graded stock shipped from England, the range of sizes recorded here matching the different joinery, framing and heavy fastening that construction on the island called for.

123

117

May. 1716.

Plantation Debt:r to Store Goods from March

the 25 1716, to Aprill the 25:th following Viz:t

Arrack 2 Gall: at 7. 6

£0 15s 0d

Sugar 14 at 8:d

£0 9s 4d

Flour 6 at 3½

£0 1s 9d

Oyle 4½ Gall: Rape at 7

£1 11s 6d

Rice 340 at 3½

£4 19s 8d

Paper 4 Quire at 16

£0 5s 4d

Iron Mongers Ware 6 Shovells

£0 12s 0d

Totall of Plantation

£53 6s 7d

Totall of the Inhabitants

£232 2s 7d

Totall of Generall Charges

£120 16s 11½d

£406 6s 1½d

Edward Byfeld

This was an account of the Plantation debtor to store goods from 25 March 1716 to 25 April following.

Arrack, 2 gallons at 7s 6d, £0 15s 0d

Sugar, 14 pounds at 8d, £0 9s 4d

Flour, 6 pounds at 3½d, £0 1s 9d

Oil, 4½ gallons rapeseed at 7s, £1 11s 6d

Rice, 340 pounds at 3½d, £49 11s 8d

Paper, 4 quires at 16d, £0 5s 4d

Ironmongers ware, 6 shovels, £0 12s 0d

Total of Plantation, £53 6s 7d

Total of the inhabitants, £232 2s 7d

Total of general charges, £120 16s 11½d

Grand total, £406 6s 1½d

The account was signed by Edward Byfield.

Interpretations

The rice charged to the Plantation account, 340 pounds at £49 11s 8d, so far outweighed every other item that it clearly served a purpose beyond feeding a household, and points to rice as the staple ration issued to the slaves who worked the Company’s plantation. The Plantation House ran on forced labour, and the great bulk of cheap rice drawn from the store month after month was the food that sustained that workforce, the single largest running cost of the Company’s own agricultural establishment.

The three totals gathered at the foot of this account, Plantation, inhabitants and general charges, brought together the store’s whole month of business under one grand sum of £406 6s 1½d. This structure let the directors see at a glance how the store’s issues divided between what the settlers bought, what the Company spent on its own operations and what the plantation consumed, a simple but effective piece of accounting that separated the commercial, administrative and agricultural sides of a single enterprise.

The relative smallness of the Plantation’s other charges, set against the enormous rice entry, shows how narrowly the plantation drew on the store beyond its labourers’ food. A few gallons of arrack and oil, a little sugar and flour, some paper and six shovels made up almost all the rest, so the establishment produced most of what it needed from its own land and turned to the store chiefly for the imported rice that home-grown crops could not replace as the workers’ staple.

124

118

Island S:t Helena

At a Consultation Held on Tuesday

the 12:th day of June 1716. At Union Castle in James valley

Isaac Pyke Esq:a Govern:r

Geo: Haswell D:pty

Pres:t Matt:w Bazett 3 &

Edward Byfeld

This was a mistake

On Sunday last the 10 Instant Arrived here the

Ship Derby Capt: William Fitzhugh Commander, who

brought us a Letter and Invoice from the President and

Council at Bengall, Containing, viz:t

Four half Legars of Batavia Arrack Containing

Ten bags Sugar Containing

Forty bags Rice Containing

gave him an Order to Send on Shore but has not yet done

it. We have reason to beleive (tho' they have not told us)

Margin Notes:

Margin Notes:

This was a mistake

A consultation was held on Tuesday 12 June 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley. Present were Isaac Pyke, governor; George Hassell, deputy; Matthew Bazett, member of council; and Edward Byfield.

Start of crossed out section

On Sunday last, 10 June, the ship Derby, Captain William Fitzhugh commander, arrived, and brought a letter and invoice from the president and council at Bengal, containing the following.

4 half-leaguers of Batavia arrack, containing [...]
10 bags of sugar, containing [...]
40 bags of rice, containing [...]

For these the council gave him an order to send on shore, but he had not yet done it. The council had reason to believe, though they had not been told so [...].

End of crossed out section

This entry was a mistake.

125

119

Island S:t Helena

At a Consultation held on Thursday

the 5:th day of June 1716, at Union Castle in James

valley.

Isaac Pyke Esq:r Gov:r

George Haswell D:r

Pres:t Matt:w Bazett 3

Edw:d Byfeld.

The Petition of Antipas Tovey delivered last Consul

tation day was at his request again read & Considered

Likewise Francis Wrangham appeared to answer to

what the Said Tovey had Exhibited against him in that

Petition. Francis Wrangham made answer that what is

Alledged against him is not true, but all that he Says

himself in his defence is true he is Sure of.

The Govern:r demanded of the Councill whether they

thought M:r Wrangham was in the right or wrong, in

Indicted M:r Tovey for Felony

Capt: Haswell desires to be excused from giving his

Opinion

Capt: Bazett Says that he beleives M:r Wrangham is not

to blame for what he has done, since that any man woud

have don the Same.

M:r Byfeld Says he thinks M:r Wrangham is much

to blame for Indicting M:r Tovey for Felony when the

fact was not So.

A consultation was held on Thursday 7 June 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley. Present were Isaac Pyke, governor; George Hassell, deputy; Matthew Bazett, member of council; and Edward Byfield.

The petition of Antipas Tovey, delivered at the last consultation, was at his request read and considered again. Francis Wrangham also appeared to answer what Tovey had exhibited against him in that petition. Wrangham answered that what was alleged against him was not true, but that all he said in his own defence he was sure of.

The governor asked the council whether they thought Mr Wrangham was in the right or wrong in having indicted Tovey for felony.

Captain Hassell asked to be excused from giving his opinion.

Captain Bazett said he believed Wrangham was not to blame for what he had done, since any man would have done the same.

Mr Byfield said he thought Wrangham was much to blame for indicting Tovey for felony when the fact was not so.

Interpretations

Captain Hassell’s request to be excused from giving his opinion carried real weight in a body this small, where four men decided every matter. Having earlier urged that Tovey be made a severe example, he now stepped back rather than judge Wrangham’s conduct, and his withdrawal left the council openly split, showing how personal entanglement in the original quarrel could hollow out the bench and leave a contested question without a clear majority.

The division between Bazett and Byfield exposed the genuine legal uncertainty that ran through the whole affair. One councillor held that any man in Wrangham’s place would have prosecuted as he did, the other that charging felony where no felony existed was a serious wrong, and the two views could not be reconciled, so the council mirrored the doubt that had dogged the case from the first over whether the indictment had been honest zeal or malicious excess.

The decision the passage turns on is the governor’s choice to reopen the question of Wrangham’s conduct at all. He could have confined the council to Tovey’s plea for reinstatement, yet he put to his colleagues the pointed question of whether Wrangham had been right or wrong to indict for felony, deliberately turning the inquiry back on the prosecutor. He used Tovey’s petition as the occasion to test whether the original charge had been just, treating the accuser’s conduct as fair matter for judgment rather than shielding the man who had brought the case.

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120

June 1716.

The Govern:r Says that M:r Tovey has been a little

too Severely dealt withal, in being Indicted for Felony

and he hopes that the Punishm:t he has had will be

Such a warning to him that it will cause him to be

have himself better for the future.

Whereupon M:r Tovey was Sent for in but told that

he had not yet Suffered one for his fault, and therefore

could not yet be Admitted to his place of Coun:l But in

in Case he behaved himself well from this time to the

8:th of July next, he Should then be admitted & hoped

he could behave himself for the future as not to

deserve any further Displeasure

The Petition of Ralph Orme

To the Worshipf:ull Isaac Pyke Esq:r

Govern:r &:c Council

The most Humble Petition of

Ralph Orme Monk:ss

Humblye Sheweth That whereas your Petition:r now Rents

a Parcell of Land which afore was tennanted of the

Hon:ble Comp:a by Robert Leech dec:d on which was pro

duced a Quantity of Yams Since Sold by the Execut:rs

of Said Robert Leech to the Said Hon:ble Comp:a Conditionally

that they Should be Digg up at the Termination of

Eighteen months Same time ago Expired

The Land while Said Yams remain being of no

Use to your Said Petition:r family, and having Needfull

Occasion for that Ground, humbly request that your Said

Consideration of my Necessity to Supply the wants of my

family.

And yo:r Petition:r as in duty bound

will ever pray &:c

Signed Ralph Orme

June 7:th 1716.

The governor said that Mr Tovey had been dealt with a little too severely in being indicted for felony, and he hoped the punishment Tovey had received would be such a warning to him that it would cause him to behave better in future.

Tovey was then sent for and told that he had not yet suffered enough for his fault and therefore could not yet be admitted to his place on the council. Even so, if he behaved himself well from now until 8 July next, he should then be admitted, and the governor hoped he would conduct himself in future so as not to deserve any further displeasure.

Ralph Orme, monkess, then presented his humble petition to Isaac Pyke, governor, and the council.

He set out that he then rented a parcel of land which had earlier been held from the Company by the late Robert Leech, on which a quantity of yams had been raised. These yams had since been sold by Leech’s executors to the Company on condition that they should be dug up at the end of eighteen months, a period now expired. The land, while the yams remained, was of no use to Orme and his family, and having need of the ground, he humbly asked the council to consider his necessity and let him supply his family’s wants. The petition was dated 7 June 1716 and signed by Ralph Orme.

Interpretations

Ralph Orme’s difficulty shows how a sale of standing crops could tie up the land beneath them to a tenant’s loss. The Company had bought the late Robert Leech’s yams on terms that let them stay in the ground for eighteen months, so Orme, renting the plot, could not use the soil while another party’s crop occupied it, a conflict between ownership of the produce and possession of the land that left him paying for ground he could not work.

The eighteen-month clause attached to the Company’s purchase of the yams reveals how the island managed a staple that matured slowly and stored best in the earth. Yams could be left in the ground until needed rather than lifted at once, so the Company secured the right to draw on Leech’s crop over a long span, treating the buried yams as a reserve of food; but with that period now expired, Orme had grounds to demand the land be cleared.

The decision the passage records is Orme’s choice to seek redress through petition rather than simply clear the expired crop himself. With the eighteen months run out, he might have dug up or discarded the yams to reclaim his plot, yet he brought the matter to the council instead, appealing to his family’s necessity. He deferred to the Company’s authority over its own produce even where his lease gave him a claim, judging that a formal request would secure the ground more safely than acting on his own against the Company’s interest.

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June 1716.

The Said Petition referd to the Gov:r who will Consider

of it and give his Answer.

M:r Worrall Overseer of the Hon:ble Companys

Plantations brought in the two last months Accounts

which he would have don Sooner but that he has

been very busie about the Companys Affairs dure

ing all this Shiping time

The Said Accounts was Examind and approv'd of

and are as followeth.

An Acc:t of the Hon:ble Comp:as Stocks of Neat Cattle Sheep Hogs

Goats &:c for the two last months viz:t Aprill & May taken June 1: 1716

60 Cows

16 Bullocks

4 Bulls

6 Heifers

38 Yearlings

46 Calves

170

10 Bullocks killd Since

Last Account

2 D:o Sent on board

of Capt: Negus alive

1 Bull D:o Killd

1 D:o broke his heart in

bringing Downe

None Increased Since last Acc:t

103 Hogs Great & Small

12 Cows

10 Barrows

26 Shoats

54 Piggs

1 Boar

103

27 killd Since last Acc:t

6 Increased D:o

6 dead w:th the pant

308 Goats Great and Small

173 She's

49 weathers

59 ewe killd

22 Ram d:o

5 Rams

308

23 killd Since last

Account

23 Increased Since last

Acc: given in

86 Sheep Great and Small

49 Ews

35 weathers

1 Ram

1 Lamb

86

19 brought Since last

to be given in

None Increased d:o

None killd

26 Geese Great & Small

6 bought Since last acc:t

4 d:o killed

none Increased

62 Turkeys Great & Small

11 killd Since last Acc:t

6 Disposed of for 6 Geese

26 fowles

10 killd Since last Acc:t

4 Ducks

22 killd Since last Acc:t

8 bought &:c

Orme’s petition was referred to the governor, who would consider it and give his answer.

Mr Worrall, overseer of the Company’s plantations, brought in the accounts for the two last months, which he would have done sooner but that he had been very busy about the Company’s affairs during all this shipping time. The accounts were examined and approved as follows.

This was an account of the Company’s stocks of neat cattle, sheep, hogs, goats and the rest for the two last months, being April and May, taken 1 June 1716.

Neat cattle:

60 cows

16 bullocks

4 bulls

6 heifers

38 yearlings

46 calves

Total, 170

10 bullocks killed since last account

2 bullocks sent on board Captain Negus alive

1 bull killed

1 bull broke his heart in bringing down

None increased since last account

Goats:

173 does

49 wethers

59 kids

22 rams (does)

5 rams

Total, 308

23 killed since last account

23 increased since last account, given in

Hogs, great and small, 103

12 sows

10 barrows

26 shoats

54 piggs

1 boar

Total, 103

27 killed since last account

6 increased

6 dead of the past

Sheep, great and small, 86

49 ewes

35 wethers

1 ram

1 lamb

Total, 86

19 brought since last, ditto given in

None increased ditto

None killed

Geese, great and small, 26

6 bought since last account

4 killed

none increased

Turkeys, great and small, 62

11 killed since last account

6 disposed of for 6 geese

Fowls, 26

10 killed since last account

Ducks, 4

22 killed since last account

8 bought

Interpretations

This livestock census, taken across the whole of the Company’s plantation, shows the mixed husbandry by which a remote island fed itself and provisioned passing ships, keeping cattle, goats, hogs, sheep and poultry together rather than relying on any single kind. The heavy stock of goats, over three hundred, reflects their suitability to the island’s rough hill pasture, where hardy browsing animals thrived on ground that would not support cattle, so the herd composition mapped the terrain as much as the settlement’s appetite.

The note that two bullocks were sent alive aboard Captain Negus’s ship records the practice of shipping live animals to sea to furnish fresh meat on the voyage, a valuable relief from the salt provisions that otherwise sustained a crew. Supplying departing vessels with cattle on the hoof was one of St Helena’s essential functions in the Company’s system, the island serving as a victualling station where ships worn by months at sea could take on fresh stock before the long haul home.

The careful tracking of increase and loss in each species, births set against animals killed, sold or dead, marks this as a working management account rather than a mere tally. By recording that a bull broke his heart being brought down from the hills, that turkeys were bartered for geese and that poultry were bought to make up numbers, the overseer gave the council a moving picture of the herds and flocks, letting them judge whether the plantation was maintaining its breeding stock or eating into it.

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122

June 1716.

11 Asses Great & Small

7 of the Male kind

4 of the female kind

11

Signed W:m Worrall

Edward Byfeld

Island S:t Helena.

At a Consultation

held on Tuesday the 12:th day of June 1716, At

Union Castle in James Valley

Isaac Pyke Esq:r Govern:r

Pres:t Matth: Bazett 3 d:o

Edward Byfeld 4

On Sunday last the 10 Instant Arrived here the

Ship Derby Capt: William Fitzhugh Command:r who

brought us a Letter and Invoice from the President & Council

at Bengall, Containing viz:t

Gall:s

Four half Legars of Batavia Arrack Cont: 296

7. 6

Ten bags Sugar 4:c q: at 13: 3:d 18:c

Forty bags Rice q: 5:8: 2:18

for which we gave him an Order to Send on Shoar, but has

not yet don it.

Wee have reason to beleive (tho' they have not told us)

that these Ships will Saile Hence very Speedily, and therefore

think it Proper to prepair a letter to Send home to the Hon:ble

Comp:a and that every one of the Council do Consider

and Send in Writing to the Govern:r what they think

Necessary.

Margin Notes:

Margin Notes:

Memorand:m

Thus farr hath been Sent home

by Ships D:r Bowrey and

Heathcote

The livestock account concluded with the asses.

Asses, great and small, 11

7 of the male kind

4 of the female kind

Total, 11

The account was signed by William Worrall. A memorandum noted that thus far there had been sent home by the ships Bouverie and Heathcote. The record was signed by Edward Byfield.

A consultation was held on Tuesday 12 June 1716 at Union Castle in James Valley. Present were Isaac Pyke, governor; Matthew Bazett, member of council; and Edward Byfield.

On Sunday last, 10 June, the ship Derby, Captain William Fitzhugh commander, arrived and brought a letter and invoice from the president and council at Bengal, containing the following.

4 half-leaguers of Batavia arrack, containing 296 gallons, £74 0s 0d

10 bags of sugar, 42 [...] at 13s 3d, £18 [...]

40 bags of rice, [...] at 5s 8d, £2 18s 0d

For these the council gave Fitzhugh an order to send them on shore, but he had not yet done it.

The council had reason to believe, though they had not been told so, that these ships would sail from the island very speedily. They therefore thought it proper to prepare a letter to send home to the Company, and that every one of the council should consider and send in writing to the governor what they thought necessary.

Interpretations

The council’s decision to prepare their homeward dispatch on nothing firmer than a belief that the ships would sail speedily, though the commanders had not told them so, reveals how the island worked to the rhythm of a shipping season it did not control. Company vessels came and went on their own schedules, and a settlement thousands of miles from London had to seize each departure to send its accounts and correspondence, so the government readied its letters on rumour rather than risk missing the only conveyance home for months.

The governor’s method of gathering each councillor’s views in writing before composing the Company letter shows a deliberate way of building a collective record. Rather than settle the dispatch by discussion alone, he required every member to put his opinion on paper, which both ensured that each man’s counsel was preserved and spread responsibility for the letter’s contents across the whole council, a prudent practice where a single misjudged report could draw the directors’ displeasure on the writer.

The decision the passage turns on is the council’s choice to act at once on unconfirmed word of the ships’ departure rather than wait for certainty. They could have held their correspondence until the commanders gave firm notice of sailing, at the risk of being caught unready, yet they chose to begin the letter immediately on mere expectation. They treated the danger of missing the homeward passage as the greater risk, letting a probable deadline override the ordinary preference for acting only on confirmed information.

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123

June 1716.

Necessary to be Mentioned in that Letter.

The Petition of Gabriell Cowill as

followeth.

Island S:t Helena To the Worshipf:ull Isaac Pyke

Esq:r Govern:r &:c

The most Humble Petition of

Gabriell Cowill free planter Most

Humbly

Sheweth That whereas your Petition:r at a Sessions

held about Eight months Since, did rashly and unadvisedly

in the face of the whole Court Utter and lett fall Such words

as your Petition:r owns your Worship had just reason to

resent and to Act therein as with Prudence and Justice you

have. And for that your Petition:r hath ever Since w:th repentt

and Sorrow reflected on his folly and Condemnd the Same

and being deeply Sensible of his fault, Doth now (and

woud gladly have don it Sooner) Most Humbly and

Sincerely ask and Crave your Worships Pardon and that

you'l be pleased out of your Clemency and Goodness to

Excuse your Petition:r from any fine and Discharge him

from his recognizance, nothing at present being a greater

trouble and Concern to your Said Petition:r that his

unhappy Misfortune of Lying under your Worships Displeasure

(which he hopes to receive) and Humbly begs to be

Admitted into your favour as t was one his Good

fortune to have that Hon:r and do faithfully assure you

S:r that this fault of mine Shall be a warning to me for the

future Deportment in all Respects to his yo:r Penitent Petition:r

Superiors, but more Particularly to your Worships (as tis his duty

So to do) this your Petition:r Humbly Presents in hopes of

a favourable and Generous acception and Remittance of

his fault aforesd And as in duty bound Shall ever pray for

yo:r Worps health & Prosperity Gabriel Cowill

Signed

Pyke y:e 12 1716

This too was matter necessary to be mentioned in the letter.

Gabriel Powell, a free planter, then presented his humble petition to Isaac Pyke, governor, and the council.

He set out that about eight months earlier he had rashly and unadvisedly, in the face of the whole court, uttered and let fall such words as gave the governor just reason to resent them and to act, as he had, with prudence and justice. Ever since, Powell had repented of his folly and condemned it, and being deeply sensible of his fault, he now, and would gladly have done it sooner, humbly and sincerely asked the governor’s pardon. He begged that the governor would out of clemency and goodness be pleased to excuse him from any fine and discharge him from his recognizance, nothing at present being of greater trouble and concern to him than the unhappy misfortune of lying under the governor’s displeasure, which he hoped to be relieved of. He humbly asked to be admitted again into the governor’s favour, as it was once his good fortune to have it, and faithfully assured the governor that this fault of his would be a warning to him in his future conduct in all respects toward his superiors, but more particularly toward the governor, as it was his duty to be. This his petition he presented in hopes of a favourable and generous acceptance and remittance of his fault. The petition was dated 7 June 1716 and signed by Gabriel Powell.

Interpretations

Gabriel Powell’s recognizance was a formal bond binding him to good behaviour under threat of forfeiting a sum of money, the standard device by which the court held a man to his conduct after an offence against its authority. His petition to be discharged from it shows how such bonds hung over an offender long after the original incident, a continuing legal and financial constraint that only the governor’s remission could lift, which is why Powell had to sue for release rather than simply wait out the obligation.

Powell’s offence, uttering rash words in the face of the whole court, belonged to a class of contempt that early modern authority treated seriously because it struck at the dignity of the bench in public. On a small island where the governor embodied both Company and civil power, open defiance in the courtroom threatened the visible order on which government rested, so the law answered such words with fines and bonds, and their remission became an act of grace that equally displayed the governor’s authority.

The decision the passage records is Powell’s choice to seek his release through elaborate submission rather than let his recognizance simply lapse or contest it. He might have waited in hope the bond would fade or challenged its terms, yet he chose instead a full public act of contrition, casting himself entirely on the governor’s clemency. He judged that abasement before the authority he had offended offered a surer route back into favour than silence or resistance, trading pride for the restoration of standing that only the governor could grant.

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June 1716

Ordald that M:r Powill upon his acknow

ledgment and asking Pardon for his fault be find

ng more than five Pounds to the use of the Church &

Poor. On friday last one of the Hon:ble Comp:as Bullocks

was killd for Capt: Tolson, which when it Came down

Capt: Tolson refused and Said t was Carron, Wherefore

the Govern:r has Ordered the Overseers, and others of the

Comp:as Servants to be down to day to give an acc:t

of the Same

M:r Worrall the Cheif Overseer Says that the

beast was very good meat and fatt, and that he Can

Produce Severall Planters upon the Island to Justifye

the Same.

Sam:l Vessey Says that the beast was Tollerable

good meat but was a little bloody, being Obligd to dress

it without hanging it up, being no trees within half

a half a mile of the place where the beast was killd

nor near any water.

The Govern:r askt the reason why they killd the

beast at Such a Place where there was no trees.

The Said Vessey Answered that they Shott the beast in

the body, but not falling with that Shot Run Some Miles

from the place, and then they were Obligd to Run after him

and Sett doggs on him, which was the reason of the meat

Looking a little more bloody then otherwise would have

don which coud not be helpt

The Govern:r Says by this means the meat was re

fused, and left on the Companys hands and was forc't

to give it to the Garrison Soldiers, So that the Company

has Lost a bullock

Benjamin Miller who looks after the Hutts

Plantation, Says he Saw the Meat that Sam:l Vessey

The council ordered that Mr Powell, upon his acknowledgment and asking pardon for his fault, be fined no more than £5 0s 0d to the use of the church and poor.

On Friday last one of the Company’s bullocks was killed for Captain Tolson, which, when it came down, Tolson refused, saying it was carrion. The governor therefore ordered the overseers and other Company servants to come down today to give an account of the matter.

Mr Worrall, the chief overseer, said the beast was very good meat and fat, and that he could produce several planters on the island to justify it.

James Vesey said the beast was tolerably good meat, but was a little bloody, having been obliged to dress it without hanging it up, there being no trees within half a mile of the place where the beast was killed, nor near any water.

The governor asked the reason why they had killed the beast at such a place where there were no trees.

Vesey answered that they had shot the beast in the body, but not falling with that shot he ran some miles from the place, and then they were obliged to run after him and set dogs on him, which was the reason the meat looked a little more bloody than it would otherwise have done, which could not be helped.

The governor said that by this means the meat was refused and left on the Company’s hands, and was forced to be given to the garrison soldiers, so that the Company had lost a bullock.

Benjamin Miller, who looks after the Hutts plantation, said he saw the meat that James Vesey [...].

Interpretations

The dispute over the refused bullock exposes the practical difficulty of slaughtering half-wild cattle on open ground far from the equipment proper butchery required. Meat was normally hung to let the blood drain and the flesh set, but a beast shot in the hills, chased for miles and finally pulled down by dogs could not be dressed properly, so the bloodied carcass Tolson rejected as carrion was really the product of a hunt rather than a clean killing, a hazard of raising cattle that ranged the island’s rough interior.

The governor’s insistence on convening the overseers to account for a single bullock shows how seriously the Company weighed even small losses to its stock. A rejected beast meant an animal killed for nothing and its meat diverted to the soldiers at no return, so the loss fell on the Company, and the governor’s formal inquiry into where and how the beast was shot reflects an accounting discipline that treated every head of cattle as a valuable asset to be answered for.

The decision the passage turns on is Tolson’s refusal of the meat as carrion rather than his acceptance of a flawed but edible carcass. The beast was by several accounts tolerable food, merely bloodied by the manner of its killing, yet Tolson rejected it outright for his ship, forcing the Company to absorb the loss and feed the meat to the garrison. He chose to hold his provisions to a standard of proper butchery over taking serviceable meat, and his refusal turned a difficult slaughter into a reckoning over who should bear the cost of a bullock that no longer met a commander’s mark.

131

125

June 1716.

killd and that t was good Meat and fatt Enough.

Ordered that Every thing Materiall be

gott ready for the Packett to be Sent home by these Ships

and that it be referd to the Governe:r to Answer Capt:

Wottons Protest against the Sea as he Shall think fitt

M:r Byfeld brought in an acc:t of the monthly

Expence of the Generall Table w:ch amounts to One Hund:d

and too Pound Nineteen Shill:s and Eight pence three

farthings

The Petition of Robert Angus

as follows.

Island S:t Helena.

Benjamin Miller confirmed that the beast was killed and that it was good meat and fat enough.

The council ordered that everything material be got ready for the packet to be sent home by these ships, and that it be referred to the governor to answer Captain Wotton’s protest against the sea as he should think fit.

Mr Byfield brought in an account of the monthly expense of the general table, which amounted to £102 19s 8¾d.

The petition of Robert Angus followed.

Interpretations

The general table whose monthly cost Byfield recorded was the common dining provision maintained for the governor, council and Company officers, a standing establishment charge rather than a matter of individual meals. On a Company station the table was both a practical necessity and a mark of rank, feeding the settlement’s principal servants and any visitors of consequence, so its expense was tracked as a regular outgoing of the government much like the store accounts and the plantation charges.

The council’s referral of Captain Wotton’s protest against the sea to the governor points to the same maritime procedure seen earlier in the Mary’s protest, the formal legal statement a commander made to lay storm damage or loss at the door of the weather rather than his own conduct. By leaving the governor to answer it as he thought fit, the council treated the response as a matter of judgment requiring the governor’s authority, since acknowledging such a protest could bear on where liability for a ship’s losses ultimately fell.

132

126

June 1716.

Gilbert Sinnick Sold: haveing been by the Positive

Evidence of a black belonging to Serj:t Slaughter bound

over to his Good behaviour by the Govern:r till the Next

Sessions, for Saying that he Stole two Gold rings from

John Long and gave them to the Said Sinnick, but

did Since Run away, and being now taken again

Denys that he gave the rings to Sinnick Saying

he accus'd him in hopes of going unpunished any

more. Wherefore Ordered that the Said Sinnick be

immediatly discharged from his Recognizance,

The Marshall Says the black owned to him that he

hid the two Gold rings he Stole from John Long in

One Corner of the House and thereupon he Lookt

w:th the black in Every Corner of the House but coud

Not find them

The black Says that at the very time he

Stole the rings he hid them under M:r Longs

Wenches bed but cannot find them now

The black being askt why he Stole thes rings

Says, he found them in the Yard before y:e Door

tyed up in a handkerchiff, and that he took them

out of the handkerchiff and put them in a little blue

Pockett which he Saw M:r Longs black Wench Since

have, and therefore beleives She has the rings to

Ordered that the black be Sent back to

Hard Labour to work for the Hon: Company

According to the Law of this place.

Henry Harmon made Complaint that on

Satturday night last he hearing a Noise of Mens

voices before the Door of the House where he Lodges

Gilbert Sinnick, soldier, had been bound over to his good behaviour by the governor until the next sessions, on the positive evidence of a slave belonging to Sergeant Slaughter, who said that Sinnick had stolen two gold rings from John Long and given them to Sinnick. The slave had since run away, and being now taken again denied that he had given the rings to Sinnick, saying he had accused him in the hope of going unpunished himself. The council therefore ordered that Sinnick be immediately discharged from his recognizance.

The marshal said the slave had owned to him that he had hidden the two gold rings he stole from John Long in one corner of the house, and thereupon he had looked with the slave in every corner of the house, but could not find them.

The slave said that at the very time he stole the rings he hid them under Mr Long’s wench’s bed, but could not find them now.

The slave, being asked why he stole the rings, said he found them in the yard before the door, tied up in a handkerchief, and that he took them out of the handkerchief and put them in a little blue pocket, which he had since seen Mr Long’s black wench have, and therefore believed she had the rings.

The council ordered that the slave be sent back to hard labour to work for the Company according to the law of the island.

Henry Harmon complained that on Saturday night last, hearing a noise of men’s voices before the door of the house where he lodged, he went out [...].

Interpretations

The slave’s shifting testimony, first accusing Sinnick, then denying it, then offering three different accounts of where the rings had gone, shows how little weight such evidence could bear and yet how much hung on it. On the strength of his first word a soldier had been bound over, and only the slave’s flight and recapture unravelled the charge, exposing the danger of a legal process that could act on a single unsupported accusation before its truth was ever tested.

The slave’s admission that he had accused Sinnick in the hope of escaping punishment himself reveals the calculation of a man with no other defence, willing to shift the blame to a free soldier to save himself. His changing story about the rings, moving from one hiding place to another and finally to the black wench’s blue pocket, suggests either a desperate improvisation under questioning or a genuine tangle of theft and concealment among the household’s slaves, but in either case the court could reach no settled truth.

The decision the passage turns on is the council’s choice to discharge Sinnick the moment the slave recanted, rather than hold him on the strength of the original accusation. They might have kept the soldier bound over pending further inquiry, since the recantation came from an admitted liar, yet they chose to free him at once and return the slave to hard labour. They treated the collapse of the sole witness’s story as enough to clear the accused, resolving the doubt in favour of the free man and against the slave whose word had failed.

133

127

June 1716.

a quarreling and was going to fight, and the Cooper being

taxt with Stealing a bottle of Arrack by Bevian and Saying

that this Complain:t could prove the fact Sayd to him Come

here mate, and going up Close to him, he took the Said

Harmon fast hold, and threw down over a Rock and

Indeavour'd to do him a private Mischeif, and if he had

not been prevented by a Stranger belonging to the Ship

D:r Bowerie coming then by, and Bevian that Stood

a little Distance off till he Cryd out, the Said Cooper he

realy beleives would have Strangled him or torn his

mouth for he Indeavour'd to gett both his Thumbs in to

force it open

Thomas Tompson Sold:r made Complaint

alsoe against the Said Cooper for abuseing and threat

ning him to doe him a Mischeif, insomuch that he

was afraid of his life, and thereupon Run down to

the Guard House and desired the Officer w:th e guard

to fetch him and Secure him till morning that he

might Aequaint the Govern:r

After hearing what the Cooper had to

Say in his own Defence and Evidence on both

Sides the Governe:r Advised them to goe togethere

and agree their Differences.

Richard Beale made demand of Geo: Sanders

for the Sume of Ten pounds due to him and his Brother for

House rent from his Predecessor Thomas Gargen.

The Said Sanders appeared According to Summons and

Said he knew nothing of the debt nor did his wife for

debt But upon Examining all acc:ts belonging to the

Said Beal from Year to year, found that the Said Ten

pounds was a Just debt. Wherefore

Henry Harmon complained that men were quarrelling and about to fight, and that the cooper, being charged with stealing a bottle of arrack by Bevian and saying that this complainant could prove the fact, said to him, come here, mate. Going up close to him, the cooper took Harmon fast hold and threw him down over a rock and tried to do him a private mischief. Had he not been prevented by a stranger belonging to the ship Bouverie coming by, and by Bevian, who stood a little distance off until Harmon cried out, Harmon truly believed the cooper would have strangled him or torn his mouth, for he tried to get both his thumbs into it to force it open.

Thomas Tompson, soldier, complained also against the cooper for abusing and threatening to do him a mischief, so that he was afraid of his life. He thereupon ran down to the guard house and asked the officer of the guard to fetch the cooper and secure him till morning, that he might acquaint the governor.

After hearing what the cooper had to say in his own defence, and evidence on both sides, the governor advised them to go together and settle their differences.

Richard Peale demanded of George Sanders the sum of £10 0s 0d due to him and his brother for house rent from his predecessor Thomas Gargen. Sanders appeared according to summons and said he knew nothing of the debt, nor did his wife. But upon examining all the accounts belonging to Peale from year to year, it was found that the £10 0s 0d was a just debt.

Interpretations

The cooper’s violence, throwing Harmon over a rock and forcing his thumbs into the man’s mouth to tear it open, arose directly from an accusation of stealing arrack, showing how a charge of pilfering the Company’s liquor could ignite savage personal reprisal. The cooper turned on the man he believed could prove the theft, so the assault was an attempt to silence a witness, and the episode reveals how the everyday policing of petty theft among servants and sailors could spill into brutal attempts at intimidation.

The governor’s response to both complaints against the cooper, advising the parties to go together and settle their differences, illustrates the preference for informal reconciliation over formal punishment in the daily disorder of a small settlement. Faced with brawls among sailors, soldiers and tradesmen, the governor chose to defuse rather than prosecute where he could, reserving the court’s full machinery for graver matters and keeping the peace through mediation among men who had to go on living and working side by side.

The decision the passage turns on is the resolution of Peale’s claim through a patient examination of his year-by-year accounts rather than on the word of the parties. Sanders denied all knowledge of the debt, and his wife likewise, so the matter might have rested on oath against oath, yet the court chose to test the claim against the written record. It preferred documentary proof to sworn denial, and by tracing Peale’s books over successive years established the debt as just where personal testimony alone would have left it in doubt.

134

128

June 1716.

Wherefore Ordered that the Said

Sume of Ten pounds be Chargd to the Estate of

Thomas Gargen, and as Soon as that Estate is

Sold and the money gott in then the Said Rich:d

Beal and Anthony his Brother have Creditt

given them in the Stores, or paid Some other way

and that the Said Estate be made Debtor for all

Charges on this Acc:ount.

Edward Byfeld

Island S:t Helena At a Consultation